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From  the  collection  of  the 


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San  Francisco,  California 
2007 


NEW  MEXICO 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


NEW  MEXICO 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Editors 
FRANK  D.  REEVE  PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

Associates 

PERCY  M.  BALDWIN  GEORGE  P.  HAMMOND 

FRANCE  V.  SCHOLES  THEODOSIUS  MEYER,  O.F.M. 

ARTHUR  J.  0.  ANDERSON 


VOLUME  XXIV 

1949 


PUBLISHED  QUARTERLY  BY  THE 

HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  NEW  MEXICO 

AND  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  NEW  MEXICO 


CONTENTS 

BER  1,  JANUARY,  1949 

Page 

0.  P.  McMains,  Champion  of  a  Lost  Cause    .    F.  Stanley       1 

Puritan  and  Apache: 

a  Diary  (concluded)     .     .     Frank  D.  Reeve,  editor     12 

Camels  in  the  Mines Dan  DeQuille     54 

Notes  and   Documents .     .     62 

Book  Reviews 77 

NUMBER  2,  APRIL,  1949 

Santa  Fe  Church  and  Convent  Sites  in  the  Seventeenth 

and  Eighteenth  Centuries  .  Fray  Angelico  Chavez       85 

War  and  Peace : 

Two  Arizona  Diaries    .     .    Frank  D.  Reeve,  editor      95 

Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publications 

(continued) Wilma  Loy  Shelton     130 

Notes  and  Documents 156 

Book  Reviews 166 

NUMBER  3,  JULY,  1949 

Spanish-American  Slave  Trade  in  the  Great  Basin, 

1800-1853 Leland  Hargrave  Creer    171 

New  Mexico  in  Transition 

(continued)     .    .     *     .    ".     Arnold  L.  Rodriguez     184 

Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publications 

(continued) Wilma  Loy  Shelton     223 

Notes  and  Documents 236 

Book  Reviews  .  .     255 


NUMBER  4,  OCTOBER,  1949 

Page 
A  Soldier's  Experience  in  New  Mexico     .     John  Ayers     259 

New  Mexico  in  Transition 

(concluded) Arnold  L.  Rodriguez     267 

Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publications 

(continued) Wilma  Loy  Shelton    300 

Notes  and  Documents  332 


^Mexico 


Historical  Review 


PUDUC 

Kansas 


Palace  of  the  Governors,  Santa  Fe 


January,  1949 


Editors 
FRANK  D.  REEVE  PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

Associates 

PERCY  M.  BALDWIN  GEORGE  P.  HAMMOND 

FRANCE  V.  SCHOLES  THEODOSIUS  MEYER,  O.F.M. 

ARTHUR  J.  0.  ANDERSON 

VOL.  XXIV  JANUARY,  1949  No.  1 


CONTENTS 

Page 

Champion  of  a  Lost  Cause                                                    F.  Stanley  1 

Puritan  and  Apache:  a  Diary  (concluded)      Frank  D.  Reeve,  editor  12 

Camels  in  the  Mines                                                          Dan  DeQuille  54 

Notes  and  Documents 62 

Book  Reviews 77 


THE  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  is  published  jointly  by  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  University  of  New  Mexico.  Subscription  to  the  quarterly  is 
$3.00  a  year  in  advance;  single  numbers,  except  those  which  have  become  scarce,  are 
$1.00  each. 

Business  communications  should  be  addressed  to  Mr.  P.  A.  F.  Walter,  State 
Museum,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. ;  manuscripts  and  editorial  correspondence  should  be 
addressed  to  Prof.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  University  of  New  Mexico,  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico 
UNIVERSITY  PRBSS,  ALBUQUERQUE,  N.  M. 


VOL.  XXIV  JANUARY,  1949  No.  1 

0.  P.  McMAINS,  CHAMPION  OF  A  LOST  CAUSE 
By  F.  STANLEY* 

OSCAR  PATRICK  MCMAINS  was  like  a  match;  his  oratory 
and  courage  lit  up  for  a  while,  and  then  all  ended  in 
smoke.  But  no  story  of  the  Maxwell  Land  Grant  can  be  told 
without  including  him.  His  coming  to  New  Mexico  was  an 
accident  in  the  first  place ;  once  here,  however,  he  was  caught 
in  the  vortex  of  moving  frontiers,  railroads,  outlaws,  squat- 
ters, homesteaders,  miners,  and  builders.  Monuments  have 
been  erected  to  men  who  did  less  than  he  did. 

Actually,  the  original  petitioners  for  the  tract  which 
later  became  the  Maxwell  Land  Grant  acted  as  though  they 
were  about  to  start  a  grand  scale  reform  school.  In  the  first 
letter  pertaining  to  the  Grant,  filed  in  Santa  Fe  on  January 
8,  1841,  Guadalupe  Miranda  and  Carlos  Beaubien  stressed 
the  most  elevating  motives  for  their  request. 

Idleness,  the  mother  of  vice  [their  petition  reads],  is  the  cause 
of  the  increase  of  crimes  which  are  daily  being  committed,  notwith- 
standing the  severity  of  the  laws  and  their  rigid  execution ;  the  towns 
are  overrun  with  thieves  and  murderers.  .  .  .  We  think  it  is  a  difficult 
task  to  reform  the  present  generation,  accustomed  to  idleness  and 
hardened  in  vice.  But  the  rising  one,  receiving  new  impressions,  will 
easily  be  guided  by  the  principles  of  purer  morality.  The  welfare  of 
the  nation  consists  in  the  possession  of  lands  which  produce  all  the 
necessaries  of  life  without  requiring  those  of  other  nations,  and  it 
cannot  be  denied  that  New  Mexico  possesses  this  great  advantage, 
and  only  requires  industrious  hands  to  make  it  a  happy  residence. 
This  is  the  age  of  progress  and  the  march  of  intellect,  and  they  are 
so  rapid  that  we  may  expect,  at  a  day  not  far  distant,  that  they  will 
reach  even  us.  Under  the  above  conviction  we  both  request  your  Excel- 
lency to  be  pleased  to  grant  to  us  a  tract  of  land  for  the  purpose  of 


Father  Stanley  Crocchiola,  Raton,  New  Mexico. 


2  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

improving  it,  without  any  injury  to  any  third  party,  and  raising  sugar 
beets,  which  we  believe  will  grow  well  and  produce  an  abundant  crop, 
and  in  time  to  establish  manufactories  of  cotton  and  wool,  and  raising 
stock  of  every  description.  .  .  . 

Thus  was  launched  the  enterprise  which  became  the 
Maxwell  Land  Grant. 

Miranda,  however,  felt  rather  less  confidence  in  the 
project  than  Beaubien.  Therefore,  in  1858,  he  sent  L.  Pablo 
Miranda  as  his  agent  to  sell  his  share  to  Lucien  B.  Maxwell, 
Beaubien's  son-in-law,  for  $2,475.  The  price  included  a  sum 
to  be  paid  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  a  sum 
to  be  paid  to  Charles  Beaubien.1  Maxwell  eventually  ac- 
quired all  the  property  for  what  today  would  buy  a  fully 
furnished  home  of  nine  rooms.2  Then  he  sold  out  (1870). 

The  recently  formed  Maxwell  Land  Grant  and  Railroad 
Company,  which  paid  him  $1,350,000,3  in  turn  gave  way  to 
foreign  interests.  These  sent  their  agents  to  northern  New 
Mexico  to  protect  their  interests,  especially  when  it  was 
found  out  that  the  land  was  rich  in  gold,  coal,  copper,  and 
other  minerals,  and  in  good  farming  land.  At  the  same  time, 
never  bothering  about  deeds  or  abstracts,  squatters  put  up 
their  homes  here  and  there,  and  raised  their  cattle. 

Communities  developed.  One  of  the  articles  of  incor- 
poration in  the  Grant  Company's  organization  called  for 
"laying  out  towns  and  villages,  and  to  erect  houses,  Manu- 
factories, plant  machinery  and  other  buildings  upon  any 
property  of  the  company."4  Cimarron,  Maxwell's  former 
home,  was  one  of  such  towns ;  it  was  the  county  seat  in  the 
early  days  of  the  Anti-Grant  agitation.5  Another  settlement, 
likewise  for  a  time  the  county  seat,  was  Elizabethtown. 


1.  See   Transfers   of   Title   in    Transcript   of   Title   of   the   Maxwell   Land   Grant 
(Rand  McNally  Co.,   Chicago,   1881.) 

2.  In   1864,   Frederick  Muller  and   Teodora  Muller  Beaubien   sold  their  share  for 
$500 ;  Joseph  Clouthier  and  Juana  Clouthier  sold  out  for  $3,500 ;  and  Vital  and  Eleanor 
Trujillo  sold  out  for  $3,000.    In  1867,  J.  G.  Abreu  and  Petra  Beaubien  Abreu  sold  their 
share  for  $3,500.  Pablo  Beaubien  sold  his  share  in  1870  for  the  same  consideration.  Aloys 
Scheurich  and  Teresina  Scheurich  Bent  had  sold  theirs  in  1866  for  $6,000 ;  Alexander 
Hicklin    and    Estefana    Hicklin    Bent    received   the    same    amount.     In    all    about   two 
million  acres  were  involved.     (O.  C.,  pp.   37  and  44.) 

8.     Ibid.,  p.  69. 

4.  Ibid.,  p.  67. 

5.  Colfax   County. 


0.   P.    MCMAINS  3 

To  this  section,  between  Elizabethtown  and  Cimarron, 
Rev.  T.  J.  Tolby  had  dedicated  his  life  as  a  circuit  rider  for 
the  Methodist  Church.  He  died  in  1875 — murdered.  To 
the  scene  of  the  crime  hurried  Oscar  Patrick  McMains,  a 
fellow-minister  of  the  Gospel.  He  put  aside  the  cloth  to  turn 
detective,  and  find  the  criminal.  But  two  weeks  later  (Octo- 
ber 1),  the  body  of  Cruz  Vega  was  found  hanging  to  a 
telegraph  pole.6  The  finger  pointed  to  McMains,  who  was 
brought  to  trial  for  murder  at  Taos.  The  case,  however,  was 
dismissed  by  Judge  Samuel  Parks;  under  the  evidence  re- 
ceived the  minister  could  not  be  properly  convicted.  This 
much  did  develop — that  Cruz  Vega,  on  being  hanged,  had 
protested  to  the  masked  men  about  him  (one  of  whom 
actually  was  McMains)  that  he  had  had  nothing  to  do  with 
Tolby's  death — that  perhaps  Manuel  Cardenas  might  know 
something  about  it.  Perhaps  it  is  significant  that  Cardenas 
was  shot  to  death  on  November  10,  1875. 

This  is  what  led  McMains  to  the  land  grant  question. 
While  investigating  the  death  of  his  confrere,  he  for  the  first 
time  fully  realized,  among  other  facts,  that  there  were  two 
types  of  settlers:  those  who  had  bought  their  property 
from  the  Grant  people,  and  those  who  had  made  themselves 
at  home  on  the  Grant.  Always  a  crusader,  and  himself  a 
squatter,  he  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Anti-Granters. 

He  proposed  to  act.  Feeling  that  the  vicinity  of  Cimar- 
ron was  too  Pro-Grant,  he  settled  near  Raton.  There  he 
established  a  printing  shop  in  order  to  issue  a  newspaper 
called  The  Comet,  which  he  designated  as  the  official  paper 
of  the  Anti-Granters.  Now  he  became  a  general  aligning 
forces  for  action.  And  Colfax  County  was  to  see  some 
action!  Too  busy  on  his  ranch  when  he  was  not  traveling 
to  and  from  Washington,  D.  C.,  he  passed  the  newspaper 
project  to  another  Anti-Granter — though  he  still  dictated  its 
policy.  His  successor  called  it  The  Raton  Guard.  Here  is  an 
example  of  McMain's  argument: 

The  survey  of  the  Beaubien  &  Miranda,  or  the  Maxwell  Land 
Grant,  a  vast  tract  of  country  lying  in  New  Mexico  and  Colorado 


6.     Cf.  W.  A.  Keleher:  Maxwell  Land  Grant   (Santa  Fe:  Rydal  Press,   1942),  pp. 
75-107. 


4  NEW   MEXICO    HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

which  was  patented  about  twenty  years  ago  without  adequate  examin- 
ation, and  in  spite  of  protests,  letters,  and  papers  from  this  country, 
showed  that  the  survey  erroneously  included  in  the  southwest  corner 
Elizabethtown,  and  Elizabethtown  Valley  which  is  rich  in  minerals. 
This  valley  is  V  shaped,  pointing  north  with  a  chain  of  mountains  on 
each  side.  These  papers  showed  that  the  boundary  line  there  described 
in  the  Grant  ran  on  the  east  side  of  the  valley  instead  of  the  west 
as  surveyed.  It  is  true  these  protests  were  not  formal  because  all  the 
lawyers  of  the  country  were  either  employed  or  intimidated  by  the 
Land  Grant  office.  It  was  customary  to  make  at  least,  the  basis  of  an 
investigation  but  the  survey  was  approved  and  the  patent  issued 
without  any  time  being  given  for  the  opposition  or  the  settlers  and 
miners  in  the  valley  to  take  legal  steps.  .  .  .  Life  in  the  Capital  of 
this  great  country,  with  its  many  examples  of  successful  villainy  is 
very  apt  eventually  to  root  out  the  belief  providentially  planted  in 
men's  breasts  that  the  square  thing  is  what  pays.7 

Later  (November  1882)  he  bought  back  the  paper,  this 
time  establishing  a  partnership  with  Adams.  Re-naming 
the  paper  The  Raton  Comet,  he  again  took  up  the  pen.  In 
his  first  issue  he  wrote : 

.  .  .  Greetings  to  our  friends;  defiance  to  our  foes.  Here  is  the 
Comet  again  with  the  same  old  motto:  Open  War  Against  Secret 
Fraud.  The  Fraud  is  a  towering,  majestic  two  million  acres  known  as 
the  Maxwell  Land  Grant.  It  has  fed  on  fraud;  fraud  will  kill  it.  Its 
demise,  however,  can  be  hastened  by  a  newspaper  as  well  as  legal 
treatment.  .  .  .8 

Meantime  he  gave  a  little  attention  to  his  ranch  south 
of  town,  between  Dillon  and  Raton.  He  sought  the  best  of 
stock  for  it  and  had  as  his  brand  the  letters  MAX.  He  had 
been  collecting  from  the  Anti-Granters  for  trips  to  Wash- 
ington to  induce  the  Land  Office  there  to  reverse  its  decision 
that  the  Grant  people  possessed  title  beyond  doubt.  Com- 
mented the  editor  of  the  Guard  before  McMains  repurchased 
it:  "McMains  has  purchased  a  fine  brood  mare  from  Frank 
VanHaren  last  Monday  at  seventy-five  dollars  cash.  If  the 
'Agitator'  keeps  on  buying  horses  the  next  Land  Grant  sale 
at  his  ranch  will  be  large."9 


7.  The  Raton  Guard,  Nov.  25,   1881. 

8.  The  Raton  Comet,  July  14,   1882. 

9.  The  Raton  Guard,  June  16,  1882.    The  editor  here  refers  to  an  incident  which 
took  place  in   March,   1882.     Five  men   rode  in   while  McMains   was   attending   Court 
Sessions   at   Cimarron,   and  took   all  his   stock   as    rent   for   the   Maxwell   Land   Grar.t 


0.   P.    MCMAINS 


Public  Library 
Kansas  City 

5 


But  most  of  his  time  went  to  organizing  the  movement. 
Everywhere  there  was  an  amalgamation  of  forces.  Every 
stranger  was  approached.  McMains  gained  more  and  more 
popularity  among  Anti-Land  Granters.  From  as  far  away 
as  Nebraska  S.  D.  Stout  wrote  : 

The  Maxwell  Land  Grant  is  a  huge  swindle.  I  have  seen  this  Ring 
[the  name  given  a  politics  and  land  faction  in  Santa  Fe,  Springer, 
Taos,  Raton,  and  other  places  at  the  time]  remove  the  court  to  Taos 
and  then  send  the  sheriff  a  regiment  of  Negroes  [soldiers  stationed 
at  Fort  Union]  to  arrest  the  best  citizens  of  Colfax  County.10 

So  powerful  was  McMains'  influence  that  the  editor 
of  The  Raton  Guard  found  himself  writing  (March  26, 
1882)  : 

The  Maxwell  Land  Grant  from  the  day  of  its  fraudulent  existence 
has  been  noted  for  taking  every  little,  mean,  dirty  advantage  that  it 
has  in  its  power.  And  as  the  last,  low  fling  at  the  settlers,  just  on 
the  eve  of  the  trial  of  the  case  in  the  United  States  Court  of  Colorado, 
and  just  a  few  days  before  the  bill  in  equity  could  be  filed,  they  served 
their  ejectment  notices  on  the  settlers  in  the  northern  end  of  the  town 
[the  northern  end  of  Raton  at  the  time  was  known  as  Boggstown;  it 
was  upon  Boggs  and  the  settlers  near  him  that  the  notices  were 
served]  and  upon  0.  P.  McMains  at  his  place  near  town.  So  long  as 
the  bill  of  equity  has  not  been  actually  filed  and  official  notice  of  suit 
thus  actually  given,  this  obnoxious  company  still  has  in  its  power 
to  molest  the  settlers.  The  case  will  come  up  in  Cimarron  next  week, 
but  if  at  that  time  the  bill  has  been  filed,  or  an  order  received  from 
the  attorney-general  Brewster  to  stay  proceedings  as  he  ordered  the 
suit,  we  think  the  court  will  continue  the  cases.  McMains  not  being 
at  home  when  the  officers  of  the  law  arrived  he  was  not  dispossessed, 
but  they  levied  on  his  hay  and  his  goods  and  they  say  they  will  put 
him  out  when  he  returns.  The  settlers  need  feel  no  alarm  for  the  days 
of  the  Maxwell  Land  Grant  are  numbered. 

because  McMains  was  a  squatter.  In  April  he  made  a  speech  in  Cimarron  which  was 
so  vitriolic  that  the  Grant  people  decided  to  oust  him  once  and  for  all.  They  adver- 
tised that,  on  April  19,  1882,  all  of  McMains'  effects  would  be  auctioned  off  as  a  pay- 
ment of  the  property  he  called  his  but  for  which  he  had  no  deed.  Two  hundred 
of  his  followers  collected  at  the  auction  with  Winchesters.  The  sale  was  started  by 
Sheriff  Wallace  and  Deputy  Bowman.  Began  Wallace:  "Who  will  bid  on  the  mare 
next  to  the  fence?"  Silence.  Only  hostile  looks  and  gleaming  Winchesters.  The 
Sheriff,  seeing  he  could  do  nothing,  then  produced  a  form  and  read  the  reasons  why 
McMains  had  to  be  ejected,  commenting  further  that  he  was  only  doing  his  duty.  The 
spokesman  for  the  Anti-Granters  told  him  to  get  going.  Next  time  they  wouldn't  be 
so  kind.  They  would  march  on  Cimarron,  the  county  seat,  and  kill  every  Pro-Granter 
there.  The  ranch  was  saved.  —  Cf.  The  Raton  Guard,  April  21,  1882. 
10.  The  Raton  Guard,  March  21,  1882. 


6  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Feeling  became  more  tense  and  more  bitter.  Tavern 
brawls  ended  as  partisan  fights.  Everyone  was  either  pro 
or  con ;  there  was  no  middle  ground.  George  F.  Canis,  pub- 
lisher of  the  Raton  paper,  The  New  Mexico  Press  and  News, 
had  espoused  the  Land  Grant's  side,  so  that  to  McMains  he 
became  the  official  spokesman  of  the  opposition.  Other 
papers  throughout  the  Territory  took  up  the  cry  either  for 
or  against.  Raton  became  a  terribly  bad  place  to  live  in, 
according  to  their  lights,  where 

life  and  property  is  considered  of  no  importance  by  the  bloodthirsty 
inhabitants  of  this  burg.  This  impression  has  gone  abroad  through  the 
disjointed,  garbled,  maliciously  false  statements  found  in  several  news- 
papers. .  .  .  George  F.  Canis,  editor  of  the  New  Mexico  Press  and 
News  is  blamed  mostly.  He  published  a  supplement  of  seven  columns 
to  his  paper  on  October  30,  1882,  wherein  he  charged  Rev.  0.  P. 
McMains  with  murder.  .  .  .  Mr.  McMains  has  had  to  suffer  martyr- 
dom on  more  occasions  than  one,  by  this  exposure  of  corruption  and 
fraud  by  which  the  people  of  Colfax  County  were  threatened  to  be 
engulfed.  .  .  . 

When  Parson  Tolby,  several  years  ago,  was  waylaid  and  shot  in 
the  back  while  performing  his  duties,  Mr.  McMains  nobly  came  to  the 
rescue  and  was  instrumental  in  tracing  the  murderer  of  his  brother 
minister.  This  was  an  act  on  his  part  that  placed  him  at  the  mercy 
of  the  terrible  bad  element  that  infested  this  country  at  the  time. 
When  McMains  went  to  Canis  asking  for  proof  of  his  statements 
Canis  said  he  didn't  have  them  whereupon  McMains  addressed  a  large 
gathering  telling  them  the  facts  that  led  to  the  killing  of  Parson  Tolby, 
and  of  the  arrest  of  Cruz  Vegas,  as  the  murderer.  When  he  finished, 
Canis  got  up  and  addressed  the  crowd  and  apologised  for  his  writing 
and  promised  to  write  a  retraction.  Everyone  knows  that  Canis  did 
not  do  this  of  his  own  self  but  with  instructions  he  dare  not  disobey. 
He  was  used  as  a  catspaw  to  pull  some  one  else's  chestnuts  out  of 
the  fire.  Instead  of  injuring  McMains  it  is  on  the  whole  the  very  best 
thing  that  could  be  thought  of  to  elect  him  as  a  representative  of  the 
people  of  this  county  to  the  legislature  at  Santa  Fe.11 

Canis  was  shortly  afterwards  appointed  postmaster  at  Dem- 
ing.  The  Anti-Granters'  cries  followed  him;  his  effigy  was 
burnt  by  the  settlers  there,12  as  McMains  promptly  informed 
the  people  of  Raton. 

The  Great  Agitator,  as  he  was  now  known,  then  had 


11.  The  Raton  Comet,  November  4,   1882. 

12.  March   11,   1883. 


0.  P.   MCMAINS  7 

himself  elected  to  the  legislature  the  better  to  study  the 
records  in  his  effort  to  disqualify  the  claims  of  the  Maxwell 
Land  Grant  people.  Whenever  a  flicker  of  hope  gleamed, 
he  promptly  sent  the  news  to  the  newspaper  in  Raton.  For 
instance:  "The  Maxwell  Land  Grant  Fraud  is  doomed  on 
unimpeachable  record  testimony.  The  patent  has  by  high 
judicial  authority  already  been  decided  to  have  been  ob- 
tained by  fraud  in  the  survey  and  this  fraud  in  the  survey 
renders  uncertain  the  boundaries  of  the  Maxwell  Land 
Grant  as  confirmed  by  Congressional  decree.  The  Grant 
is  entitled  to  just  eleven  square  leagues."13 

Up  and  down  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  Southwest 
went  McMains,  agitating  against  the  Grant:  Bloosburg, 
Raton,  Santa  Fe,  Deming,  Folsom,  Trinidad,  Denver,  Pueblo, 
Dallas,  Fort  Worth,  Springer,  Cimarron,  Elizabethtown, 
Baldy,  Fort  Union,  Watrous,  Tiptonville.  When  he  returned 
from  Denver,  a  large  crowd  met  him  at  the  Santa  Fe  station 
in  Raton  and  escorted  him  to  the  McPherson  &  McAuliffe 
Hall  to  hear  from  his  lips  once  again  the  story  of  the  cause 
to  which  he  was  dedicating  his  life.14 

Up  in  Trinidad,  The  Trinidad  News  took  up  the  cry : 

Nobody  acquainted  with  the  Maxwell  Land  Grant  pretends  to 
believe  that  it  even  approaches  the  limits  now  claimed  by  the  swindlers 
who  call  themselves  the  Maxwell  Land  Grant  Company.  All  the  facts 
go  to  show  that  the  claims  of  the  Grant  Co.  are  preposterous  and 
fraudulent.  It  is  worth  millions  of  dollars  and  these  thieving  rascals 
have  no  more  right  to  it  than  the  James  Brothers.  0.  P.  McMains, 
who  is  familiar  with  the  whole  history  of  the  outrage  from  its 
incipiency,  has  followed  them  like  a  sleuth  hound;  he  has  been  perse- 
cuted and  imprisoned  by  the  swindlers  but  never  faltered  in  his 
work,  meeting  with  little  encouragement,  poor  in  purse  and  armed 
only  with  the  spears  of  truth  and  justice,  he  has  battled  with  these 
money  grants.15 

However,  some  Anti-Grant  leaders  finally  began  to 
question  McMains.  When  C.  F.  Martin,  editor  of  The 
Springer  Stockman,  was  asked  if  he  was  for  or  against 
McMains,  he  answered: 


13.  The  Raton  Comet,  Nov.  10,   1882. 

14.  The  Raton  Comet,  March  13,  1883. 

15.  March  21,    1884. 


8  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

We  are  for  the  settlers  only,  first,  last,  and  for  all  time.  We  are 
opposed  to  McMains  because  it  is  McMains.  We  do  not  like  the  man; 
we  do  not  think  he  is  keeping  faith  with  the  people,  and  consequently 
not  the  proper  man  to  dictate  the  actions  of  so  many  intelligent  and 
honorable  people  as  there  are  in  Colfax  County.  We  oppose  him,  his 
personal  record  and  mode  of  action;  not  the  cause  he  pretends  to 
champion.  Secondly,  we  are  decidedly  anti-grant,  and  desire  the  people 
of  Colfax  County  to  understand  that  when  the  Stockman  can  be  of 
service,  to  them  or  their  cause,  we  want  a  reserved  seat  in  the  front 
row.16 

This  was  the  first  note  of  opposition  against  McMains. 
Everywhere  people  had  contributed  money  to  keep  McMains 
in  Santa  Fe  and  Washington,  D.  C.  All  they  got  were  words, 
promises,  prophecies — "0.  P.  McMains,  who  has  just  re- 
turned from  Washington,  says  that  the  whole  Grant  will 
soon  be  public  lands."17  People  became  tired  and  nervous. 
The  agitation  at  Springer,  in  which  Rogers,  Curry,  and  Jack 
Williams  lost  their  lives,  became  a  Grant  War.  Soldiers, 
sent  from  Fort  Marcy,  Fort  Union,  and  Springer,  placed  the 
Colfax  County  seat  under  martial  law.  Vigilantes  were  or- 
ganized in  Raton — most  of  them  Anti-Granters.  The  acting 
governor  of  the  Territory  was  tricked  into  recognizing  a 
militia  for  Raton,  and  Masterson  and  his  men,  through  with 
their  fight  for  the  railroad,  were  hired  to  do  a  little  fighting. 
Tired  of  hatred,  agitation,  mobs,  bloodshed,  however,  the 
Vigilantes  escorted  Masterson  and  his  henchmen  over  the 
Colorado  border  with  the  admonition  never  to  set  foot  into 
New  Mexico  again. 

McMains  was  to  be  handled  by  different  means.  He  was 
to  be  punished  by  ridicule.  The  very  newspaper  he  had  once 
founded  was  to  turn  against  him.  He  lost  out  among  his  own 
followers.  People  would  go  out  of  an  afternoon  to  hear 
him  harangue  against  the  Grant  just  as  they  would  go  to  see 
their  favorite  actor  or  pet  bear : 

McMains  has  indeed  pursued  a  strange  course  since  he  commenced 
this  fight.  He  has  been  the  agent  of  some  of  us  settlers;  he  has  drawn 
himself  up  to  his  full  height,  and  declared  that  he  was  born  and  cre- 
ated for  this  special  mission  of  unearthing  and  defeating  the  gigantic 


16.  The  Springer  Stockman,  July  4,   1884. 

17.  The  Taoa  Herald.  July  15.   1885. 


0.   P.    MCMAINS  9 

fraud  of  the  Maxwell  Land  Grant;  that  for  every  great  era  of  national 
reform  there  sprung  up  some  gladiator  to  fight  its  causes  in  the  arena. 
But,  settlers,  notwithstanding  all  the  enthusiasm  which  has  bubbled 
up  from  that  devoted  heart,  he  forgot  all  about  the  great  mission 
for  which  he  was  created  when  he  went  to  Frank  R.  Sherwin,  upon 
the  latter's  arrival  at  Cimarron,  and  while  struggling  for  the  mastery 
of  the  great  love  he  had  for  the  downtrodden  ignorant  settler  (in 
which  battle  he  claims  to  have  come  off  victorious),  then  and  there 
offered  to  bury  the  hatchet  and  think  no  more  of  wars — to  let  this 
immense  fraud,  which  he  has  raged  so  much  against,  to  go  unfought 
so  far  as  he  is  concerned,  if  the  Grant  Company  would  give  him 
title  to  the  ranch  and  meadow  for  which  the  settlers  are  willing  to 
fight  on.18 

Will  those  who  blindly  follow  this  fanatic,  to  the  neglect  of  their 
own  interests,  and  manly  independence,  never  tumble  on  the  fact  that 
he  pretends  to  be  supporting  himself  at  Washington  with  his  own 
money.19 

McMains  to  the  Settler  said,  "Ho. 
I  tell  you  that  the  land  must  go. 
Just  put  up  your  wealth 
I'll  go  east  for  my  health 
And  laugh  at  you,  sabe,  just  so.20 

"Judge  Hunt  finds  that  there  is  nothing  to  McMains 
but  wind,  so  he  squeezes  some  of  it  out,  and  then  leaves  him 
entirely  collapsed."21  "O.  P.  McMains  left  for  Washington 
on  Tuesday.  He  found  the  atmosphere  here  a  little  chilly; 
the  wind  blowing  in  the  wrong  way.  Everything  has  gone 
wrong,  and  everybody  is  dishonest  but  McMains.  He  secretly 
had  a  little  pamphlet  published  in  Trinidad.  He  couldn't 
risk  having  it  published  at  Raton."22  All  this  only  a  few 
months  after  the  glowing  columns  that  made  him  a  hero! 
What  a  come  down  from  this,  printed  only  the  year  before : 

The  Rink  was  crowded  almost  to  suffocation  last  Friday  night, 
the  event  being  the  reception  tendered  the  citizens  of  Raton  to  Gover- 
nor Ross  and  the  Honorable  O.  P.  McMains.  There  were  seats  for 
six  hundred,  but  many  had  to  stand.  The  estimated  attendance  was 
about  thirteen  hundred.  Land  grabbing  monopolies  were  brought  into 


18.  The  Raton  Range,  May  28,  1886. 

19.  Ibid.,  April  19,  1886. 

20.  Ibid.,  May  28,  1886. 

21.  The  Raton  Range,  April  30,  1886. 
Ibid.,  May  7,  1886. 

22.  Ibid.,  May  27,  1886. 


10  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

his  speech  by  O.  P.  McMains  who  said  "He  has  carried  on  the  great 
fight  against  land  thieves  and  corrupt  officials  almost  unaided  and 
alone."** 

For  a  while  his  influence,  though  on  the  wane,  was  still 
felt.  "Col.  Chas.  T.  Russell  has  been  notified  by  the  Terri- 
torial officials  to  hold  fifty  men  in  readiness  to  go  to  Colfax 
County  next  month  when  the  district  court  convenes.  Max- 
well Land  troubles  are  expected,"  said  The  Socorro  Chief- 
tain.24 "The  irrepressible  agitator,  0.  P.  McMains,"  The 
Raton  Range  said,  "last  year  issued  an  incendiary  public 
circular  declaring  that  the  only  way  that  the  settlers  could 
get  their  rights  was  by  raising  a  'rumpus.'  He  finally  pro- 
duced the  rumpus  and  says  it  was  the  Maxwell  Land 
people."25 

Finally,  however,  he  could  not  escape  the  fact  that  he 
availed  nothing  in  Raton.  He  tried  Texas.  For  a  long  time, 
he  knew,  Texas  had  claimed  a  boundary  that  included  the 
land  taken  in  by  the  Grant.  In  1842,  as  a  Republic,  she  even 
sent  an  expeditionary  force  to  take  over  the  disputed  land 
by  force  of  arms.26  Even  here  he  was  baffled ;  Texas  would 
not  deny  that  the  United  States  Land  Claims  Office  made  a 
mistake  in  conceding  that  the  Maxwell  Land  Grant  was 
within  its  rights  in  retaining  every  acre  purchased  of  Lucien 
Maxwell.  It  was  now  an  obsession.  He  sold  the  few  effects 
he  had  at  Raton  and  moved  to  Stonewall,  Colorado.  There, 
too,  he  was  soon  in  hot  water. 

"0.  P.  McMains  and  S.  D.  Bell  and  Anderson  Duling 
were  arrested  in  Trinidad  yesterday,"  The  Raton  Range  re- 
ported, "as  the  result  of  a  riot  at  Stonewall  last  August,  on 
charges  of  manslaughter  growing  out  of  the  death  of  Squire 
Russell,  a  deputy-sheriff,  amongst  others  who  were  sent  to 
Stonewall  to  bring  peace.  They  were  anti-grant  rioters  and 
were  let  out  on  bail  of  five  hundred  dollars  each,  which  they' 
paid."27  "McMains  is  at  last  reaping  some  of  the  fruit  for 


23.  Ibid.,  July  10,  1885. 

24.  August   5,    1888. 

25.  August   14,   1888. 

26.  For   a  good   account   of   this   expedition,   see   Kendall's   Santa   Fe   Expedition 
(N.  Y. :  Harpers,  1844). 

27.  Feb.  22,  1889. 


0.  P.   MCMAINS  11 

himself  which  he  has  prepared  for  others.  On  Wednesday, 
he  was  lying  in  the  Trinidad  jail  with  ten  indictments  over 
him,  calling  for  $19,000  in  bond.  Eight  separate  indictments 
were  found  against  him  for  assault  with  intent  to  murder 
John  Sells,  Ed  Brown,  John  Hannon,  William  C.  Hunn,  John 
Pembroke."28 

One  newspaper  mourned  his  ruin — The  Clayton  Enter- 
prise :  ''The  Raton  Range,  and  a  few  other  papers  of  like  ilk, 
seem  to  rejoice  in  the  fact  that  the  alien  land-grabbers  put 
poor  McMains  in  jail  for  defending  the  settlers  in  their 
rights.  We  don't  see  any  occasion  for  rejoicing  over  the 
defeat  of  McMains  and  the  defeat  of  justice  by  a  set  of 
unscrupulous  men  and  a  big  pocket  book.  But  what  is  the 
use  of  talking,  such  is  only  the  illustration  of  human  nature 
and  of  the  way  people  are  built.  So  long  as  there  are  some 
people  who  believe  that  might  makes  right  and  that  the  big 
fish  are  made  to  eat  the  little  fish  just  so  long  will  Darwin's 
theory  of  human  evolution  hold  good.  They  are  built  that 
way  and  can't  help  it."29 

After  this  the  records  are  silent.  Whether  McMains, 
because  of  his  poverty,  languished  in  prison,  or  whether  he 
returned  to  Stonewall  a  disillusioned,  broken  old  man,  has 
not  been  told.  He  just  drops  from  sight.  He  probably  died 
in  the  90's.  No  one  who  has  been  questioned,  no  courthouse 
files,  no  newspapers  have  yielded  the  information.  However 
he  may  have  lived  or  died,  may  the  poor  fellow  rest  in  peace. 


28.  The  Raton  Range,  March  28,  1889. 

29.  The  Clayton  Enterprise,  April  25,  1891. 


PURITAN  AND  APACHE :  A  DIARY 
Edited  by  FRANK  D.  REEVE 

(concluded) 

Our  gallant  and  imaginative  Colonel,  was  this  morning 
highly  excited,  upon  observing  on  a  distant  hill  some  moving 
objects  which  he  insisted  were  Indians.  It  was  indeed  a 
cheering  sound  and  for  a  few  moments,  raised  our  monoton- 
ous thoughts,  to  to  a  fearfully  dizzy  height,  at  least  until  the 
more  rational,  and  keener  sighted  of  our  party,  could  pro- 
nounce our  Indian  friends  to  be  a  few  straggling  antelope. 
So  our  thoughts  were  compelled  again  to  return  to  the  calm- 
ness of  the  still  waters ;  and  our  imaginations  to  fancy  foes, 
in  the  ten  thousand  palmetto  stalks,  waving  far  and  near. 
We  marched  to-day  about  14  miles  in  the  direction  of  the 
Burroe  [Burro]  Mountains,  and  camped  for  the  night  in  a 
beautiful  cannon,  enclosed  by  two  spurs  from  them — 
We  approached  this  lovely  spot  by  a  narrow  winding  pass, 
and  near  the  entrance  of  it  found  several  Indian  lodges,  with 
the  very  recent  remains  of  one  wigwam.  They  had  not  been 
deserted  more  than  a  week,  at  the  very  longest  time,  and 
their  very  sight,  together  with  the  thought  that  we  were  now 
approaching  the  homes  of  our  dusky  foe,  was,  (to  me,)  quite 
novel,  and  not  unpleasantly  exciting.  Steen  and  myself 
pitched  our  beds  in  a  thick  shaded  copse  enclosed  on  all  sides 
by  fragrant  thorny  bushes,  all  in  blossom  and  more  resemb- 
ling a  planted  garden  of  flowers  than  a  wild  uncultivated 
region  which  had  never  before  seen  the  hated  'pale  face'. 
Our  camp  was  called  by  the  guides  "The  Senegal"  [Cienega, 
a  marsh]  which  translated  is  Lake.  It  was  one  of  the  most 
delightful  spots,  that  I  had  seen  in  New  Mexico. 

May  the  12th  1857 

Opened  upon  us  with  the  agreeable  information  that  we  were 
to  lay  in  camp,  news  that  could  by  no  means  be  unpleasant, 
to  one  naturally  as  indolent,  and  particularly,  as  sleepy  as 
I  happened  to  be  on  the  day  in  question : — and  immediately 

12 


Kansas  City,  ivm. 


PURITAN   AND   APACHE  13 

upon  the  receipt  of  it  I  determined  to  return  to  the  habita- 
tion of  Mr.  Morphia  [morphine]  himself,  (not  Morpheus) 
where  I  sojourned  until  S1/^  A.M.  when  like  Peter30  I  arose, 
but  unlike  him,  did  eat  of  some  manner  of  four  footed  beast, 
and  I  think  that  I  was  not  quite  so  much  troubled  with  it  as 
he  was —  Passed  the  day  in  lolling  about,  strolling  around 
the  vicinity  of  our  camp,  sleeping,  reading,  etc.  not  f  orgeting 
to  jot  down  a  few  lines,  in  this  self  same  journal  of  mine — 
Reccollect  nothing  worthy  of  note,  unless  indeed  the  getting 
very  drunk,  of  Lieut.  Edson,  by  which  he  created  a  great  deal 
of  disturbance,  can  be  called  so. 

May  15th—31 

Marched  at  7  A.M.  in  the  direction  of  the  highest  point  of  the 
Burroe  Mountains,  which  our  column  had  been  ordered  by 
Col.  Bonneville  to  scout;  Lieut  Jackson  was  detailed  yester- 
day to  start  at  7  A.M.  this  morning,  with  his  detachment, 
and  that  of  Lieut.  Cooke,  numbering  together  about  80  men. 
They  were  to  march  to  the  west  of  these  mountains,  passing 
as  near  the  summits  as  possible,  while  the  remaining  portion 
of  the  column  passed  to  the  Eastward  of  them. —  We,  also, 
by  our  assumed  direction,  were  gradually  approaching  the 
highest  points  of  the  Mountains,  passing  in  our  course  over 
a  continuous  succession  of  wave  like  summits  or  ridges, 
which  seemed  from  their  formation,  to  have  been  rolled, 
while  in  a  liquid  state,  like  the  waves  of  the  ocean,  high,  one 
above  the  other,  by  some  mighty  power,  constantly  increas- 
ing, until  the  energy  of  the  colossal  force  had  exhausted 
itself  with  a  last  gigantic  effort,  and  they  had  remained  from 
that  hour,  congealed  and  transfixed  forever  in  their  dizzy 
heights,  eternal  monuments  of  the  vast  creative  will  of  Jeho- 
vah !  But  are  these  more  than  mere  curls  of  vapour,  which 
rose  from  the  great  cauldron  of  creation,  when  its  mighty 
elements  were  seperated?  For  the  planets  and  stars  are  but 
the  lamps,  which  have  flown  from  the  potters  wheel,  of  the 
Great  Worker: —  the  shred  coils  which  in  the  working 


30.  And  I  heard  a  voice  saying  unto  me,  Arise,  Peter;  slay  and  eat.    Acts  11:7. 

31.  At  this   point  Lazelle  has   probably  misarranged  his   Journal.     The  reader   is 
invited  to  skip  to  page  17,  under  date  of  May  13,  and  then  read  in  order  the  entries 
under  May  14  and  15. 


14  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

sprang  from  His  mighty  lathe; — the  sparks  which  darted 
from  His  awef ul  anvil,  when  the  Solar  System  lay  incandes- 
cent thereon!  But  Even  this,  shows  the  greatness  of  His 
work,  and  have  been  rolled  into  forms  of  Symetry  and  order, 
as  well  as  all  other  bodies  which  we  can  discover  in  the  Uni- 
verse, which  have  been  called  into  existence  as  multitudes  of 
worlds ; —  or  into  masses  of  light  and  splendour,  by  the  vast 
whirl  which  the  original  creative  energy  imparted  to  the 
luminous  element  of  which  they  were  formed. 
These  rolling  mountainous  ridges,  contain  embosemed 
between  them,  the  most  lovely  valleys,  through  the  middle 
of  which,  in  almost  all  cases,  may  be  found  a  limpid  stream 
of  the  purest  water,  which  dashes  and  sports  along,  and 
seems  to  invite  one,  in  its  childish  playf  ullness,  to  come  and 
pass  an  hour  with  it,  in  harmless  gambols,  undisturbed  by 
follies  of  a  corrupt  world 

These  valleys  are  filled  with  the  most  luxuriant  growth 
of  pines,  live  oaks,  ceders,  and  an  undergrowth  of  very 
beautiful  wild  rose  bushes,  which  have  put  forth  their  hands 
and  try  to  detain  the  passerby  at  every  step ;  and  tempting 
him  with  the  delicious  fragrance  of  their  nectar  cups,  and 
mingling  their  delightful  odors  with  those  of  the  thousand 
and  one  varieties  of  flowers,  which  fill  the  cool  air  with  their 
welcome  perfume ; —  seem  to  beg  one  to  consider  if  this  is 
not  one  of  the  most  fitting  spots  for  reflection,  and  calm 
communion  with  Nature,  in  all  her  loveliest  limits — 
But  I  imagine  that  my  reason,  has  vacated  my  brain 
to  my  fancy,  and  that,  perhaps  I  have  been  writing,  not  as  I 
now  think,  but  as  I  felt,  when  I  passed  over  this  spot  to-day 
— such  wild  and  pleasant  retreats  are  they. 

The  mountain  tops  and  sides  are  covered  with  timber, 
and  we  marched  through,  around,  over,  and  amongst  it 
until  after  about  ten  miles  of  wandering  we  camped  in  a 
very  pretty  spot.  I  was  "Officer  of  the  Day"  to-day,  and  in 
visiting  the  various  pickets  of  sentinels  at  night,  as  it  was 
quite  dark,  I  got  lost  and  straying  far  away  from  camp  spent 
nearly  half  the  sleeping  hours  of  the  night  in  finding  my 
way  back.  The  pickets  had,  by  the  direction  of  the  Com- 
manding Officer,  been  placed  nearly  half  a  mile  distant  from 


PURITAN  AND  APACHE  15 

the  body  of  the  encampment,  to  prevent  to[o]  near  an  ap- 
proach of  Indians,  who  might  attempt  to  steal  our  animals, 
and  it  was  in  passing  around  the  camp  to  visit  them,  that 
I  mistook  my  course  and  passed  these  few  hours  in  strolling 
speculations — so  pleasantly. 

May  the  14th 

Started  at  7  A  M — Day  like  yesterdy — cool  and  pleasant. 
Our  course  was  still  North  West  in  the  direction  of  a  pass 
in  the  mountains  called  the  "Cannon  of  Magnas  Colorado,"32 
this  being  the  name  of  one  of  the  principle  and  most  notorious 
chiefs  of  the  whole  Apache  nation. 

These  mountains  are  favourite  resorts  of  of  Indians  be- 
ing filled  with  remains  of  their  habitations,  and  every  where 
betraying  evidences  of  their  recent  presence; — but  this 
cannon  is  particularly,  one  of  their  most  frequented  haunts — 

After  traveling  several  hours  through  a  country,  in 
appearance  very  like  that  of  yesterday,  we  came  upon  the 
trail  left  by  the  wagons  in  their  route  to  the  "Gila  River 
Depot."33  We  had  pursued  this  but  a  short  distance  when 
we  came  in  sight  of  some  of  them  returning  to  Fort  Thorn 
for  more  provisions  for  our  Indian  depot.  They  proved  to  be 
those  of  Mr.  McGoffin  and  presently  I  saw  "Sam,"  Monsie[u]r 
Capalards,  and  "Valdez,"3*  "who  are  well  known  to  those 
who  know  them."  By  the  time  we  had  come  up  with  them 
their  wagons  were  encamped  in  a  nice  shady  place,  and  it 
was  so  pleasant  that  the  Doctor  and  myself  determined  to 


32.  The  Mimbreno  chief  was  "called  Mangas  Colorado  (Red  Sleeves),  from  a  fash- 
ion he  had  adopted  of  wearing  his  arms  painted  with  the  blood  of  his  victims."    Mrs. 
F.  E.  Victor,  "On  the  Mexican  Border,"  Overland  Monthly,  VI,  464    (May,  1871).    See 
also  John  C.  Cremony,  "Some  Savages,"  Ibid.,  XIII,  202    (March,  1872)  ;  Cozzens,  The 
Marvellous  Country,  p.  118f. 

33.  This  was  the  main  supply  base  for  the  expedition.    It  was  located  on  the  east 
bank  of  the  Gila  river  about  fifteen  miles  from   the  Mogollon   mountains,   in   a  valley 
about  forty  miles  long  and  twenty-five  miles  wide.    The  Mogollon   mountains  were  to 
the  north,  the  San  Vicente  to  the  east,  the  Burro  and  Almoque  to  the  south,  and  the 
Patos  and  San  Francisco  to  the  west.    Bonneville  to  James  Collins,  Santa  Fe,  September 
22,  1857.    Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  Annual  Report,  November  30,  1857.    35  cong., 
1  sess.,  sen.  ex.  doc.  11,  p.  583  (919). 

34.  "Gabriel    Valdez,    brother   James"    brother-in-law   arrived    this    morning    with 
brothers  J's,  &  W's  wagons."    Down  the  Santa  Fe  Trail  and  Into  Mexico:  The  Diary 
of  Susan  Shelby  Magoffin  1846-1847.    Edited  by  Stella  M.   Drumm,  p.   146    (Yale  Uni- 
versity Press,   1926). 

I  am  unable  to  identify  the  Capalards. 


16  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

remain  with  them  an  hour  or  so,  letting  the  troops  pass  on 
without  us —  We  were  very  hospitably  entertained  by  them, 
the  Doctor  representing  the  drinking  portion  of  the  "Staff," 
while  I  confined  myself  to  the  eating  and  smoking  part  of 
the  entertainment.  Now  as  "Pills"  had  to  drink  with  three, 
and  against  them,  the  result  was  that  the  moment  for  start- 
ing, found  him  "excessively  tight,"  and  very  garrulous.  And 
the  finale  was,  that  as  we  had  remained  so  long  that  we  were 
unable  even  by  the  most  rapid  riding  to  overtake  the  column. 
— At  least  so  we  thought,  never  dreaming  in  our  hurry  and 
anxiety,  that  the  command  had  left  the  wagon  trail,  for 
one  leading  in  another  direction,  far  behind  us —  Nor  was 
it  until  alarm  took  the  place  of  other  feelings,  that  we  were 
led  to  examine  our  position,  and  the  wagon  trail  which  we 
had  been  so  long  following.  On  doing  this  we  discovered 
that  all  of  the  tracks  "headed"  in  the  opposite  direction 
from  that  in  which  we  were  traveling,  and  we  then  found 
to  our  dismay,  that  we  had  lost  "The  trail" — 

It  was  agreeable  to  think  that  we  were  seperated  from 
the  column, — totally  ignorant  of  the  country,  and  at  the 
least  ten  or  twelve  miles  from  any  but  Indians  in  the  heart 
of  their  country.  We  immediately  rode  back  until  we  came 
to  a  point  of  the  road  where  the  tracks  were  so  confused 
and  indistinct  that  it  was  impossible  for  us  to  tell  which 
way  was  the  right  one. 

The  doctor  swore  that  he  would  go  no  farther: — that 
this  must  have  been  the  road  taken  by  the  troops ;  that  it  led 
somewhere  etc  etc — I  persuaded  him  to  wait  for  me  to  go 
back  alone  a  mile  or  so  to  examine  farther.  After  riding 
some  distance,  and  making  a  very  careful  inspection  of  the 
path,  I  came  upon  a  trail  which  I  was  convinced  had  been 
very  recently  made.  This  was  followed  for  a  long  distance, 
but  as  it  led  away  over  the  mountains,  to  the  South  of  our 
proper  direction,  I  was  compelled  to  give  it  up  as  one  belong- 
ing to  our  red  brothers,  and  finaly  returned  and  reported 
my  ill  luck.  We  now  went  to  work  in  deep  earnest  to,  find 
ourselves,  each  taking  a  side  of  the  route  to  look  for  side 
trails,  and  after  traveling  several  miles,  we  discerned  faint 
marks  of  horse  shoes  on  the  hard  flinty  soil,  which  upon 


PURITAN   AND  APACHE  17 

tracing  them  a  while  opened  or  rather  led  to  softer  ground 
where  were  unmistakable  signs  of  our  column  having  passed 
over  it.  We  followed  it  rapidly  and  towards  night  came  in 
sight  of  our  camp,  where  we  finaly  arrived  without  further 
accident,  except  that  we  were  very  tired,  a  little  discouraged, 
and  somewhat  hungry  and  unhappy — 

Late  to  night  there  arrived  an  express  from  Lieut.  Jackson, 
describing  his  position  and  requesting  further  orders.  He 
was  directed  to  march  on  "St  Lucia  Springs"35  and  join  us 
there  the  next  day.  It  was  quite  cold  at  night  freezing  water 
to  the  depth  of  one  half  of  an  inch — 

We  saw  to  night  many  signal  fires  on  the  mountains,  of 
the  Indians,  warning  each  other  of  our  position  and  ap- 
proach, and  it  was  curious  to  observe  the  ingenious  methods 
which  they  have  of  exchanging  signals,  by  varying  the 
intensity,  colour,  and  position  of  the  light —  Our  column 
had  traveled  to  day  about  twenty  five  miles — 

May  13th 

Found  us  at  an  early  hour  pursuing  our  winding  way  in 
the  direction  of  the  "St  Lucia  Springs."  We  were  joined 
at  about  11  A.  M.  by  Lieuts  Jackson  and  Cooke  who  reported 
that  they  had  seen  no  Indians,  but  many  very  recent  signs. 
This  was  as  we  expected  and  of  course  illustrated  virtualy 
the  proverb,  "Blessed  are  they  who  expect  nothing,  for 
they  shall  not  be  disappointed."36  (Of  course,  no  one,  I  hope, 
will  charge  me  with  levity  or  want  of  proper  respect,  for 
the  greatest  of  books,  for  I  mean  nothing — ) 
We  saw  nothing  during  our  march  to  day  of  more  than  usual 
interest  with  the  exception  of  the  burning  mountains  and 
hills,  which  were  on  fire  on  every  side  of  us.  Upon  arriving 
at  the  springs,  we  found  the  grass  completely  burned  off  for 
miles  around  us,  and  the  hills  and  prarie  in  our  vicinity  still 
smoking.  Not  a  living  thing  was  in  sight,  either  animal,  or 
vegetable,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  wolves  and  ravens, 


35.  Santa  Lucia  Springs  was  the  site  of  a  proposed  Apache  reservation  as  pro- 
moted by  Michael  Steck.    Frank  D.  Reeve,  "Federal  Indian  Policy  in  New  Mexico  1858- 
1880,"  NMHR,  XIII,  282  (April,  1938). 

36.  "Blessed  is  he  who  expects  nothing,  for  he  shall  never  be  disappointed."  Alex- 
ander Pope's  letter  to  Gay,  October  6,  1727.    Pope  calls  this  the  eighth  beatitude.    Roscoe's 
edition  of  Pope,  X,  184,  taken  from  John  Bartlett,  Familiar  Quotations. 


18  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

which  had  been  disturbed  in  their  feast  from  a  carcass  which 
lay  near  the  water.  The  former  sat  upon  a  hill,  barking  and 
howling  at  us,  but  a  very  short  distance  off,  while  the  latter 
sluggishly  flapped  their  wings  and  slowly  flew  away  as 
though  gorged  with  their  disgusting  feast.  Every  where  to 
the  extent  of  vision  was  a  scene  of  the  bleakest  desolation,  as 
though  the  world  had  been  burned  and  we  had  been  doomed 
to  view  its  barrenness —  It  was  of  course  soon  decided  not 
to  encamp  here,  and  we  resumed  our  march  toward  the  Gila. 
After  a  few  miles  a  sudden  bend  of  the  trail,  brought  us  to 
a  cannon,  whose  high  and  rocky  sides  had  prevented  the 
fire  from  reaching  its  valley,  containing  plenty  of  water  and 
a  grassy,  sheltered  position  for  our  animals,  and  it  was 
resolved  to  remain  here — 

About  "twilight"  I  ascended  a  high  hill,  to  get  a  better 
view  of  the  burning  mountains,  and  prarie,  the  fire  of  which 
was  rapidly  extending  its  destruction  toward  the  river,  and 
the  "Depot."  It  had  unquestionably  been  lighted  by  the 
Indians,  and  seemed  a  part  of  their  admirable  tactics. 
As  soon  as  it  became  dark,  I  had  spread  before  me  one 
of  the  grandest  sights  of  the  Earth: — for  a  space  of  at 
least  one  hundred  miles  in  diameter,  and  whose  limit  was 
burning  mountains,  was  one  gorgeous  arena  of  leaping 
flames.  And  as  the  wind  occasionally  caught  them  and 
distortingly  threw  them  into  a  thousand  fanciful  shapes, 
sportingly  lifting  the  sparks  and  sheets  of  flame  high  in 
the  air,  it  lighted  up,  most  brilliantly,  but  with  a  heated  and 
lurid  glare,  for  miles  around  the  sky  and  blackened  earth. 
Sometimes  subsideing — with  the  wind — its  vehemnance,  it 
would  die  away  gradualy,  and  become  fainter  and  fainter — 
dull  and  smoky  and  then  evenly  arrange  itself  in  long  lines, 
would  gravely  assume  the  character  of  the  illuminated 
streets  of  a  great  city,  and  in  the  picture — or  pantomime 
of  Nature — you  almost  heard  the  busy  hum,  never  ceasing — 
the  mocking,  monotonous  indistinct  sounds  of  its  selfish, 
eager,  moving  thousands —  Then  rapidly  flushing  and  run- 
ning like  lightning  over  vast  portions  of  the  almost  naked 
prarie,  it  would  greedily,  swallow  up  its  robe  of  grass,  which 
would  itself  become  violent  and  furious —  Or  dancing  up 


PURITAN  AND  APACHE  19 

the  sides  of  mountains  of  thousands  of  feet  in  height,  and 
plunging  down  its  ravines,  it  would  scatter  to  far  off  regions 
the  light  growth  of  verdure  which  they  had  so  many  years 
been  accumulating. 

As  I  looked  absorbed,  upon  this  wild,  and  almost  un- 
earthly spectacle,  I  could  hardly,  but  fancy  myself  a  Nero, 
gazing  upon  the  vast  conflagration  of  the  mighty  empires 
wonderful  capital,  myself  a  part  of  its  wide  destruction. 
In  the  moans  of  the  wind,  I  imagined  that  I  could  hear, 
the  dying  groans  of  its  thousands  of  victims,  and  the  shrieks 
of  the  frantic  in  the  fierce  crackling  of  the  burning  space — 

I  remained,  I  hardly  know  how  long  enraptured  and 
overwhelmed  by  the  grand  spectacle,  but  it  was  not  until 
a  late  hour  that  I  retired  to  muse  and  speculate — 

May  16th 

While  taking  breakfast  this  morning,  we  heard  in  a  tree 
near  us,  a  bird  singing  so  much  like  a  canary,  that  for  a 
moment,  I  was  quite  surprised  and  startled —  We  com- 
menced an  immediate  and  careful  search  for  our  tiny  fair 
visitor,  Steen  remarking  that  one  of  Mrs.  Brice's  birds  had 
certainly  escaped,  and  I  thought  so  too,  if  it  were  possible. 
It  proved  to  be  a  small  "red  bird"  Which  soon  became  fright- 
ened, leaving  us  to  our  thoughts  and  wishes  for  music — 
Started  early,  in  the  direction  of  the  "Gila  river  Depot," 
stopping  but  once  during  our  march,  and  then  for  the  pur- 
pose of  extinguishing  a  fire,  which  was  rapidly  coursing  its 
way  toward  the  river,  and  down  the  cannon  which  we  were 
traveling. 

Col.  Miles  and  myself,  with  a  portion  of  the  advanced 
guard,  pushed  on  rapidly,  and  soon  arrived  in  sight  of  the 
Depot  encampment.  I  must  confess,  that  I  was  exceedingly 
disappointed,  when  I  compared  the  picture  which  fancy  had 
sketched  in  my  imagination,  with  the  one  actualy  before 
me,  of  the  river  Gila,  its  depot  and  the  surrounding  scenery 
—  The  river  is  a  small,  rapid  stream,  of  clear  cold  water: 
from  the  appearance  of  its  banks  and  their  vicinity,  it  is 
subject  to  sudden  and  very  rapid  rises,  overflowing  its  whole 
valley  in  places :  The  water,  rushing  down  from  its  confine- 


20  NEW    MEXICO    HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ment  in  the  mountain  heights,  on  the  approach  of  warm 
weather,  sweeps  every  thing  before  it.  The  force  so  suddenly 
acquired  soon  leaves  it  however,  depositing  in  the  valley 
and  on  the  river's  bank,  a  vast  amount  of  detritus  of  both 
vegetable  and  mineral  composition,  but  more  particularly 
the  former,  and  to  such  an  extent  as  to  have  formed  a  soil  of 
alluvium,  of  great  depth,  very  rich  and  arable.  It  rises  in 
the  Mogillon  [Mogollon]  mountains  from  springs,  which  are 
distant,  in  a  direct  line  about  thirty  miles:  its  course  is 
however,  very  tortuous,  flowing  South,  then  North  East, 
around  the  wide  prarie  bluff  of  about  twenty  miles  in 
diameter,  upon  which  the  Depot  is  situated, — then  South 
and  South  East  to  its  mouth.  It  is  at  this  place,  about  twenty 
feet  wide,  and  from  two  to  five  in  depth.  It[s]  bottom  is 
gravelly,  composed  principally  of  (  )  gramuck,  clay- 

slate,  pyroxene,  and  quartz  pebbles.  But  the  quantity  of 
silicious  sands  is  not  sufficient  to  promise  a  very  rich  harvest 
to  the  gold  hunter:  nor  to  warrant  the  circulation  of  ru- 
mours, as  have  been  reported  abroad  of  their  richness. 
Sandstone  is  met  with  in  great  abundance  always  containing 
an  unusual  proportion  of  iron.  Sulpheret  of  copper  is  also 
frequently  met  with,  and  this,  together  with  the  mica  slate, 
which  is  here  of  a  peculiar  yellow  tinge,  as  they  lie  in  the 
clear  water,  or  are  otherwise  exposed  to  light,  under  equally 
favourable  circumstances,  in  disintegrated  particles,  sparkle 
brilliantly,  and  have  undoubtedly  led  many  ignorant  persons, 
to  suppose  what  they  saw,  to  be  gold : — but  the  simple  appli- 
cation of  a  knife  blade  soon  decides  the  question. 

All  of  these  sands  are  the  result  of  its  washings,  as  the 
rocks  in  this  section  of  the  country  are  igneous  and  conglom- 
erate in  their  origin,  or  primitive  in  their  structure.  The 
valley  of  the  river  is  very  narrow  and  has  but  a  scant  growth 
of  trees,  principally  of  a  rank  spongy  nature,  as  the  cotton- 
wood  :  but  it  is  filled,  to  such  a  degree  as  to  form  almost  an 
impenetrable  thicket,  with  most  a  luxuriant  growth  of 
weeds,  and  shrubery,  and  fern  like  plants  of  such  magnitude 
indeed  as  to  forcibly  remind  one  of  the  carboniferous  forma- 
tion, and  its  era —  The  whole  vast  range  of  country,  which 
we  have  passed  over,  up  to  this  point  is,  out  of  the  river 


PURITAN   AND  APACHE  21 

bottoms,  and  their  immediate  basins,  identical  in  character 
with  that  here,  which  borders  the  Gila  valley.  Indeed  the 
whole  of  New  Mexico,  so  far  as  I  can  judge  from  personal 
observation  is  one  vast  spread  of  barran  waste,  and  desola- 
tion. Not  in  the  Almighty's  hand,  but  that  of  Man.  With 
its  wide,  and  wonderfully  extended  table  lands,  reaching, 
beyond  the  limits  of  vision,  even  from  the  most  elevated 
points,  bare  and  totally  destitute  of  vegetation,  in  any  form, 
with  the  solitary  exception  of  its  hundred  varieties  of  cactus, 
and  its  monotonous  and  wearying  stretch  of  "mesquite 
roots"  and  creasoat  [creosote]  plants;  with  its  distorted 
and  frequent  ranges  of  mountains,  broken  up  into  rugged 
rocky,  detached  peaks,  ridges,  and  "aroyas"  [arroyos];  and 
its  hard  stoney,  rock  or  sand  soil,  destitute  of  alluvial  forma- 
tions except  in  its  river's  narrow  valleys;  all  indicate,  but 
too  plainly,  that  it  has  not  yet  undergone  sufficient  geological 
changes  to  render  it  a  fit  dwelling  place,  for  the  require- 
ments of  the  civilized  and  enlightened  portion  of  mankind, 
whose  wants  are  as  numerous  as  the  sands  of  its  deserts. 
Every,  and  each,  geological,  minerological,  and  vegetable 
production,  which  it  at  present  contains,  with  but  few  excep- 
tions, mark  it,  as  but  suitable  for  the  savage's  range,  or 
the  fitting  place  of  residence  for  the  dirty,  wretched  blan- 
keted thieves,  —  that  conglomeration  of  the  vilest  collection, 
of  the  most  miserable,  portion  of  all  the  lowest,  most  de- 
graded, and  ignorant  races  of  mankind,  who  have  here  had 
the  hardihood  to  assume  the  name  of  one  of  the  nations  of 
the  earth,  and  call  themselves  a  people — Mexicans. 

And  I  am  by  no  means  alone  in  my  views  of  its  habita- 
bility,  or  suitableness  for  it.  The  same  opinion  has  been 
advanced  by  one  whose  antecedants  in  the  scientific  world, 
if  not  his  present  position,  (Professor  Heindrick)37  would 
be  sufficient  proof  of  the  correctness  of  the  opinion. 

The  plan  of  Secretary  Walker,38  with  regard  to  this 


37.  My  colleague,  Professor  Lincoln  La  Paz,  suggests  that  this  person  may  have 
been  Oswald  J.  Heinrich    (1827-1886),  a  geologist  who  wrote  on  coal  and  salt  mines  in 
Virginia  and  Canada. 

38.  Maybe  the  Robert  J.  Walker  who  was  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  Folk's  cab- 
inet.   He  was  an  ardent  expansionist,  wanting  a  larger  slice  of  Mexico  after  the  War, 
and  visualizing  great  economic   possibilities   in  the  area.    However,   Lazelle's   comment 
is  not  clear  and  I  do  not  have  Walker's  actual  plan  at  hand  to  check  the  matter  further. 


22  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

country,  was  looked  upon  as  extremely  extravagant,  if  not 
chimerical,  but  those  who  so  hastily  opposed  the  suggestion, 
or  proposition  advanced  by  him,  might  be  disposed  to  be 
more  guarded  in  their  opposition,  were  they  eye  witnesses  of 
its  worthlessness  as  a  country — 

The  "Depot"  is  as  before  mentioned,  situated  upon  a  very 
level  plateau  of  the  broad  prarie  bluff;  is  contiguous  to 
water,  wood,  etc  with  excellent  grazing  in  its  immediate 
vicinity,  which  the  Indians  have  not  as  yet  succeeded  in 
touching  by  their  extensive  incendiary  acts,  oweing  to  the 
great  vigilance  of  the  officers  of  the  camp  who  have  several 
times  been  compelled  to  go  out  in  large  parties  to  extinguish 
the  burning  grass. 

The  encampment  is  well  arranged,  and  contains  the  usual 
large  and  commodious  storehouses,  the  hospital,  workshops 
and  quarters  for  troops  which  are  sreneraly  established.  We 
encamped  within  one  and  a  half  miles  of  it,  and  in  the  after- 
noon were  visited  by  most  of  its  officers,  and  beyond  this 
I  do  not  now  particularly  remember  any  startling  events: 
so  that  I  may  not  make  a  fool  of  myself  by  saying  too  much, 
(which  would  be  much  worse  than  had  I  not  written  at  all,) 
I  will  open  upon 

May  the  17th 

"Struck  our  tents"  at  8  A.  M.  to  cross  the  river,  to  another 
spot,  better  situated,  and  possessing  more  advantages,  and 
conveniances.  I  was  directed  to  lay  out  and  name  the  camp, 
which  was  done,  and  posterity  will  doubtless  be  grateful  to 
me  for  its  name — so  original — "Union" —  Visited  the  post 
this  morning,  and  saw  Colonel  Bonneville,  Maj  Simonson 
and  the  other  officers  stationed  there — 

Received  from  there  a  package  from  home  which  I  had 
before  leaving  Fort  Bliss  given  particular  directions  should 
be  kept  until  I  returned,  as  it  was  for  "Somebodie"  there — 
Some  poor  unfortunate  however,  deeming  that  he,  or  they, 
would  do  me  a  favour  by  forwarding  it,  received  instead  of 
thanks,  anything  but  that,  for  their  trouble,  and  kindness : — 
certainly  the  basest  ingratitude  on  my  part.  "Twas  ever 


PURITAN   AND  APACHE  23 

thus  from  childhood's  earliest  hour,"39 — And  the  pleasure 
of  being  happily  disappointed,  I  have  but  very  few  times 
experianced. 

But  I  believe  that  what  Carlysle  [Carlyle]  says  is  ter- 
ribly true,  that,  "The  eye  sees,  always  what  it  brings  with 
it  to  see"40  That  I  am  fitfully  moody  I  know,  or  in  other 
words  rosy  with  hope,  then  green  with  melancholy,  and 
prone  to  attribute  disappointment  to  ill  luck  rather  than 
natural  causes. 

This  morning,  Lieut.  Whipple,  and  Lieut.  Steen,  re- 
ceived instructions  to  be  prepared  to  start  at  Sunset,  on 
detached  service,  to  be  followed  by  Capt.  Clairborne  with 
fifty  mounted  men  to-morrow  morning.  Their  instructions 
state  that  they  are  to  march  to  a  certain  cannon  in  the 
mountains,  which  is  about  twenty  miles  distant,  and  care- 
fully guard  it  until  joined  by  Capt.  Clairborne  in  the  morn- 
ing, when  both  commands,  under  the  orders  of  Capt.  Clair- 
borne, are  to  explore  the  cannon  in  search  of  a  supposed 
Indian  encampment,  containing  it  is  thought  about  forty  In- 
dians, parties  from  which  (it  is  thought,)  have  committed 
nightly  depredations  upon  the  property  at  the  Depot 
encampment. 

Col.  Bonneville  has  been  informed  by  his  guides  that 
a  severe  battle  will,  most  probably,  be  the  inevitable  result 
of  sending  this  party  out: — that  the  guides  have  seen  the 
encampment ; — that  large  numbers  of  Indians  are  constantly 
there  etc.  etc.  All  of  which  but  few  believe,  the  general 
character  of  our  guides  being  too  well  known  to  warrant 
much  faith  in  their  statements. 

However  on  the  strength  even  of  the  supposition  of 


39.  "Oh  !  ever  thus,  from  childhood's  hour, 

I've  seen  my  fondest  hopes  decay." 

Thomas  Moore,  The  Fire-Worshippers,  I,  line  279. 
"  'Twas  ever  thus  from  childhood's  hour ! 
My  fondest  hopes  would  not  decay : 
I  never  loved  a  tree  or  flower 
Which  was  the  first  to  fade  away !" 
Charles  Stuart  Calverly,  Disaster. 
Both  quotations  are  from  The  Oxford  Dictionary  of  Quotations  (Oxford,  1941). 

40.  I  do  not  have  the  reference  direct  to  Carlyle,  but  the  Oxford  Dictionary  of 
English  Proverbs  gives  the  following :  "The  eye  sees  in  all  things  that  which  it  brought 
with  it  the  power  to  see,"  1906  OWE  Russell  Soc.,  Silh.  xivi. 


24  NEW    MEXICO    HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

its  truth,  and  under  the  influence  of  its  excitement,  I  got 
everything  in  readiness,  and  volunteered  my  services  to  Col. 
Miles,  requesting  him  to  allow  me  to  accompany  the  party 
detailed  for  the  service.  In  this  I  was  very  curtly  (I  thought) 
refused,  and  it  was  given  as  a  reason  that  I  could  not  be 
spared!  I  almost  determined  to  see  him  in  a  very  far  off 
place,  of  quite  high  temperature,  before  I  would  offer  myself 
again,  unsolicited,  or  ordered :  out  of  my  proper  line  of  duties 
as  Adjutant  of  the  column,  either  to  write  a  line,  or  make 
a  map.  They  have  now  gone,  and  I  have  only  to  regret, 
that  I  have  not  a  little,  foreknowledge  of  events —  But  its 
quite  late,  and  perhaps  that  I  have  complained  enough  for 
one  day,  so  I  will  wait  until  tomorrow — 

May  the  18th 

It  is  just  four  weeks  this  morning,  since  I  left  Fort  Bliss, 
with  some  of  its  associations,  and  scenes,  never  to  be  forgot- 
ten, and  as  clear  to  me  as  life  itself. 

I  have  neither  seen  an  Indian,  nor  heard  of  one  having 
been  seen,  by  any  one,  else,  since  starting:  with  the  excep- 
tion of  one  whom  our  valiant  commander, — Col  Bonneville — 
thinks  that  he  saw,  from  the  window  of  his  ambulance, 
while  he  was  coming  out  here  from  Fort  Thorn. — However 
as  this  old  gentleman  is  known  to  be  very  crafty,  and  want- 
ing in  what  the  Mexicans  style  "bravo,"  it  is  suspected 
that  the  chieftain  said  this  as  an  alarm,  to  place  others  on 
their  guard  against  similar  surprises — 
Capt.  Clairborne  left  us  at  an  early  hour  this  morning,  for 
the  mountains.  And  I  left  my  bed  soon  after,  for  a  cooler 
place:  for  one  is  compelled  to  be  an  early  riser,  here,  the 
sun  is  so  very  hot  in  the  morning — 

Col  Loring's  advanced  guard  of  the  "Northern  Column" 
consisting  of  a  company  of  Spies  and  guides,  composed  of 
rangers,  woodsmen,  and  Navajo  Indians,41  arrived  last 
night,  and  report  that  Col.  Loring's  Column  is  one  days 
march  from  the  Depot,  having  marched  across  the  country 


41.  The  Navaho  Indians  in  the  northern  column  were  recruited  from  a  band  of 
peaceful  Navahos  who  had  long:  lived  near  Mt.  Taylor,  west  of  Albuquerque.  They 
were  sometimes  referred  to  as  the  Christian  Indians,  and  as  Sandoval's  band.  The 
Navaho  chiefs  farther  west  refused  to  campaign  against  the  Apache. 


PURITAN   AND  APACHE  25 

from  Santa  Fe  and  the  posts  in  its  vicinity,  where  the  troops 
were  collected,  in  about  twenty  days. 

His  column  has  shared  the  same  fate  as  our  own,  having 
seen  no  Indians,  and  with  the  exception  of  the  severe  sick- 
ness of  Lieut  Tracy,42  have  met  with  nothing  unpleasant — 

Our  friend  Col.  Bonneville  is,  greatly  disgusted,  and 
labouring  under  considerable  excitement: — says  that  he 
does  not  care  a  damn,  whether  the  Indians  burn  down  the 
Depot  or  not!  And  I  am  sorry  to  say,  that  he  is  far  from 
being  alone  in  his  opinions,  so  long  as  he  has  command.  I 
think  that  possibly  he  might  be  able  to  borrow  a  little  of 
the  feeling,  which  he  is  so  free  in  expressing;  so  universal 
is  the  dislike  for  him. 

None  of  us  expect  to  see  Indians  unless  they  wish  to  be 
seen.  And  all  are  of  the  opinion,  (with  few  exceptions)  that 
they  have  abandoned  this  section  of  the  country,  for  moun- 
tains far  to  the  west,  and  South  of  us ;  and  that  some  tribes 
have  gone  over  the  boundary  to  seek  a  shelter  in  Mexico. 

Except,  of  course,  a  few  lightfooted,  thieving  bucks, 
who  still  roam  about  the  mountains  in  parties  of  two  or 
three.  Col.  Miles  freely  declares,  that  he  expects  soon  to  be 
ordered  to  take,  as  he  says — 'the  back  track/  home,  and  his 
wishes,  are  evidently,  no  less  intense,  that  [than  ?]  his  opinion 
I  must  freely  admit,  that  for  one,  I  should  be  glad  to  see 
him  gone,  as  he  has  proved  himself  an  incubas,  instead  of 
an  aid,  and  recreant  to  the  first  duties  of  an  officer.  It  is 
not  my  desire,  to  march  over  a  hot  dusty  country  for  gran- 
deur, even  if  I  occupy  a  favourable  position,  while  so  doing : 
— as  I  might  do,  if  he  continues  in  command — 
But  to  what  point  we  proceed,  or  whither  our  direction, 
"Quien  Sabe"  [who  knows] — for  the  present,  we  remain  in 
camp.  Not  that,  how  long  we  are  gone,  is  a  matter  of  the 
utmost  indifferance  to  me;  but  it  is  the  feeling  which  all 
have,  so  dissatisfied  are  we  with,  the  want  of  energy,  care, 
and  activity,  in  executing,  and  the  utter  deficiency  in  prepar- 
ing, and  planning,  a  campaign  of  so  much  importance. — 


42.     There  is  no  Tracy  listed  in  Heitman  who  can  be  described  without  doubt  as 
this  officer. 


26  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

As  is  shown  in  the  most  glareing  colors  and  with  in- 
creasing distinctness  daily. — 

However,  notwithstanding  this,  we  are  in  fine  spirits  and 
always  ready,  at  the  service  of  'good  Mr.  Indian/ 

May  19th 

At  an  early  hour  this  morning  I  visited  "Fort  Floyd"  as  "Old 
Bonne's,"  (Col.  Bonneville's)  stronghold  is  designated,  for 
the  purpose  of  submitting,  the  'report'  of  our  Column's  oper- 
ations, during  the  last  twenty  days ;  and  also  for  the  purpose 
of  obtaining  provisions  for  it:  for  I  am  now  the  acting 
Commissary  and  Quartermaster,  during  the  absence  of  Lieut 
Steen  the  one  appointed  first. 

I  saw  at  the  depot  for  the  first  time  in  my  life, — where 
they  were  not  on  exhibition, — a  real,  live,  wild  Indian ; — a 
"Navajoe."  I  walked  about  him,  examined,  and  inspected 
him,  with  as  much  curiosity  as  a  country  boy  would  an  ele- 
phant, 'which  he  has  only  "hearn  tell  of,"  but  never  before 
seen — 

He  was  one  of  a  party  of  fifty  friendly  "Navajoes,"  who 
are  under  the  control  of  Lieut.  Bonneau43  and  attached  to 
the  command,  or  Column  of  Col.  Loring.  I  long  to  see  them 
all  together. 

Passed  a  portion  of  the  day,  in  copying  and  arranging 
"reports"  of  various  kinds ;  and  among  them,  a  compliment- 
ary one,  of  Col.  Mile's,  in  which,  "every  body"  is  distin- 
guished for  doing  nothing — 

Read  and  slept,  the  remainder  of  the  day,  and  now 
propose  to  do  the  latter  again. 

May  the  20th 

Visited  the  camp  at  the  Depot  this  morning  with  the  re- 
port of  Col.  Miles,  which  was  by  me  submitted  in  due  form 
to  that  great  captain,  Bonneville,  whose  name  this  great 
Expedition,  will  by  its  deeds,  undoubtedly  hand  down  to  an 
admiring  and  grateful  posterity.  I  met  at  the  quarters  of 
this  distinguished  warrior,  Col.  Loring  and  his  staff.  Found 


48.  Richard  Vanderhorst  Bonneau,  born  in  South  Carolina,  graduate  of  the  United 
States  Military  Academy;  Bvt.  2nd  Lt.,  3rd  Infantry,  July  1,  1852.  2nd  Lt,  March  8. 
1855.  He  held  the  rank  of  Major  in  the  Confederate  Army  and  died  January  28,  1899. 


Public  Library 

PURITAN   AND  APACHE 


GJty, 

27 


them  pleasant  and  agreeable  gentlemen.  The  morning  was 
passed,  by  me  principally,  in  listening  to  the  egotistical 
monopoly  of  conversation,  by  Bonneville,  and  refusing  to 
accept  of  his  repeated  and  pressing  invitations,  to  drink; 
and  I  afterwards  felt  infinately  more  grateful,  to  Heaven 
for  having  granted  me  the  courage  to  refuse,  than  I  could 
have  had  for  spending  a  life  time  with  princes  —  (Thank 
God  for  N  -  's  influence!)44  "May  the  Lord  preserve 
our  memories  green"  !  !  shall  always  be  my  prayer. 

I  had  this  morning  an  opportunity  of  observing,  and 
examining  the  parties  of  "Navajoe"  and  "Pueblo,"  Indians, 
who  together  with  the  company  of  "Guides  and  Spies,"  are 
with  the  Column  of  Col.  Lor  ing. 

The  latter,  are  the  most  desperately  degraded,  and 
rough  looking,  abandoned  set  of  men,  that  I  have  ever  seen 
together  ;  and  are,  apparantly  perfectly  suited  for  the  vilest 
work.  They  are,  generaly  speaking,  the  most  hardy  Mexi- 
cans, and  the  lowest  desperado  Americans,  that  New  Mexico 
can  produce.  And  their  real  object  in  serving  in  this  cam- 
paign is,  unquestionably,  plunder.45 

The  Indians  are,  generaly,  —  and  I  include  those  of  both 
nations,  small  in  their  persons,  diminutive  in  stature,  with 
slender,  and  almost  attenuated  limbs.  Their  features  are  of 
the  most  repulsive  nature  :  they  have  low  foreheads,  narrow 
and  retreating,  heavily  marked  brows,  and  small  sharp, 
quick  eyes;  their  noses  are  flat  or  much  depressed,  with 
wide  nostrils  like  the  negro  ;  they  have  yawning  seprulchal 
[sepulchral]  mouths,  with  hideous  projecting  jaws 

They  are  very  long  armed,  narrow  chested  and  bow 
legged,  with  unusualy  small  feet. 

Their  intellectual  developements  are  of  the  lowest  and 
most  limited,  and  perhaps  of  the  meanest,  character  possi- 
ble; as  they  are  constantly  exhibiting  the  most  cowardly 
ferocity,  and  lowest  cunning  at  every  favourable  opportun- 
ity. They  are  extremely  filthy  in  their  persons,  and  dress; 
the  latter  consisting  of  rags,  —  perhaps  cast  off  soldier's 


44.  Maybe  the  girl  he  left  behind  in  El  Paso.    See  note  1  and  58. 

45.  Civilian  expeditions  against  Indians  for  plunder  and  captives  was  a  not  un- 
common practice  in  the  mid-nineteenth  century  in   New  Mexico. 


28  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

clothing — with  possibly  a  dirty  garment  or  so,  of  buckskin : 
or  a  blanket,  of  some  coarse  material,  and  breech  clout  serves 
to  cover  their  nakedness. 

They  are  armed,  mostly,  with  bows  and  Spears,  but 
their  appearance,  even  in  war  costume,  and  painted,  should 
I  suppose,  be,  by  no  means,  calculated  to  strike  terror,  to 
the  soul  of  a  coward. 

Altogether,  I  was  intensely  disgusted  and  disappointed, 
in  this  first  view,  of  Indian  character,  as  it  is;  for  I  think 
that  their  appearance,  is  little  calculated  to  inspire  much 
of  the  poetry  of  Indian  romance,  dreamed,  rather  than 
thought  of,  by  the  author  of  "Hiawatha."  And  from  my  own 
experiance,  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  that  when  the  fancy  is 
given  full  scope,  it  lends  to  the  imagination  a  softer  picture 
of  Nature's  sons,  than  the  reality  of  a  closer  acquaintance 
warrants. 

I  had  just  completed  several  letters  when  I  received, 
late  in  the  evening,  directions  from  Colonel  Miles  to  publish, 
to  the  various  officers  of  his  command  an  order  for  our 
march,  at  day-light  in  the  morning. 

This  order  came  originaly  from  the  depot,  and  is,  I 
presume  the  offspring  of  some  brilliant  reverie,  of  that 
acute,  grey-headed  child,  "Bonne" — 

May  21st 

As  I  supposed : — we  started  at  reveille  this  morning,  in  hot 
search  of  a  sheep  trail!!!  Which  Sheep  trail  is  said  to  be 
somewhere  in  the  vicinity,  or  leading  out  of,  the  "San 
Jacinto"  mountains46 —  It  was  made  by  some  sheep,  it  is 
conjectured,  which  were  stolen  from  a  town  called  Secoro, 
[Socorro]  and  distant  from  here  about  two  hundred  miles. 

These  sheep  were  stolen  about  six  weeks  ago,  and  the 
"trail"  which  our  column  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  men ! ! ! ! 
are  ordered  to  search  for  is  reported  by  the  guides  to  be  two 
weeks  old ! !  The  sheep  were  run  off,  by  not  more  than  half 


46.  Judging  from  the  description  of  the  route  of  travel,  the  San  Jacinto  mountains 
lie  between  Bear  Creek  and  Mangas  Creek ;  to  the  north,  and  roughly  parallel  to  their 
line  of  march,  is  the  Black  Range  of  today  or  the  Mogollon  of  their  day.  The  San 
Jacinto  mountains  of  Lazelle's  Journal  are  apparently  the  San  Vicente  on  old  maps 
and  as  mentioned  by  Bonneville,  note  33. 


PURITAN   AND  APACHE  29 

a  dozen  Indians  ;  and  all  of  the  Indians  in  this  section  of  the 
country,  it  is  well  known  do  not  together  number  more  than 
three  hundred  fighting  men,  which  are  considered  about 
equal  to  one  half  that  number,  in  strength,  of  good  soldiers  — 

This  is  so  notorious,  that  this  act  is  considered,  to  speak 
of  it  in  the  mildest  terms,  as  a  supreme  military  blunder,  and 
quite  enough  to  rid  one,  of  great  reliance  upon  our  leader,  or 
chief  commander,  for  success.  But  it  is,  we  all  feel,  our  duty 
to  obey,  and  not  to  question. 

But  one  can  hardly  prevent  it  with  a  pen  in  his  hand, 
and  no  witness  save  the  silent  paper.  Beyond  this,  I  am 
resolved  to  be  quiet. 


It  would  seem  that  Col.  Bonneville,  overcome  tfMPfc9£--'' 
founded  by  his  own  thoughts  in  his  endeavors  to  satisfy  the 
desires  of  the  Colonels,  commanding  the  two  Columns,  in 
forming  some  plan  of  a  campaign,  has,  to  save  himself,  taken 
refuge  in  the  wretched  subterfuge,  which  this  sheep  trail  has 
offered  him,  as  a  chance  for  success  —  He  has  ordered  both 
columns  in  pursuit:  —  nearly  eight  hundred  men  —  to  do  the 
work  of  fifty.  —  He  has  caught  at  the  straws  of  circum- 
stances, floating  upon  the  surface  of  events,  to  redeem  a  flag- 
ing  reputation,  ignominiously  won  in  Mexico  ;  or  a  notoriety, 
unenviable,  which  he  obtained  in  an  endeavor  at  personal 
agrandizement,  when  sent  to  fight  the  battles  of  his  country, 
among  the  Indians  of  the  western  frontier,  years  ago. 

It  is  to  be  regreted,  as  a  fault,  and  a  serious  one  too,  of 
our  service,  that  age  up  to  a  certain  grade,  and  age  alone, 
gives  rank  :  and  rank  of  course,  is  power. 

Thus  a  head  in  its  dotage,  may  be  a  fatal  clog  to  a  great 
enterprize.  It  is  indeed  disheartening,  too,  that  those  actively 
engaged,  and  who  are  anxious  to  finish,  —  as  could  well  be 
done,  —  in  a  few  weeks  a  campaign,  which,  under  the  con- 
trol of  such  a  man,  would  prove  interminable,  even  with  the 
armies  of  Xerxes. 

We  have  marched  to-day  only  about  8  eight  miles  —  We 
started  with  twenty  days  provisions,  and  we  all  feel  that  the 
slow  movements  of  our  long  column  of  heavily  laden  pack 
mules,  are  illy  calculated  for  the  object  to  be  obtained. 
"Everybody"  is  in  a  bad  mood,  and  very  unsociable.  And 


30  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

feeling  sensibly  the  truth  of  anothers,  opinion  of  association 
of  ideas,  I  think  that  I  had  better  put  away  this  "index 
error,"  of  myself,  for  some  future  moments'  employ. 

Friday  May  22nd 

Marched  at  day-light  this  morning,  without  having  been 
joined  by  Lieuts'  Whipple,  and  Steen,  who  it  will  be  remem- 
bered, were  sent  out  some  days  ago  with  two  day's  provisions. 
They  were  expected  to  return  on  the  night  previous  to  our 
departure ;  and  orders  were  left  for  them  to  join  us,  imme- 
diately on  their  arrival,  with  their  detachments.  I  am 
interested  slightly,  somewhat  personally,  in  their  comeing  on 
soon :  as  Steen  is  my  mess  mate,  and  happens  to  have  with 
him  the  greater  part  of  my  cooking  utensils,  and  preserved 
meats ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  twenty  days  provisions  for  us 
both,  which  I  left  for  him  to  bring  up,  having  with  him,  a 
mule  for  that  purpose — Should  he  not  join  us,  I  fear  that 
bacon  and  bread  will  be  my  fare  for  the  next  two  weeks — 

Yesterday  at  about  two  P.M.  a  portion  of  Col.  Loring's 
command  passed  through  our  camp  on  its  way  to  the  depot, 
and  I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  an  old  friend  and  class- 
mate, Lieut.  Smeed,47  of  the  Artillery  who  is  in  charge  of  a 
detachment  of  the  same  corps,  from  Fort  Stanton — N. 
Mexico. 

Col  Miles  sent  by  this  opportunity,  a  special  message,  to 
Lieuts  Whipple  and  Steen  to  join  us  immediately. 
Although  the  message  was  sent,  they  have  not  yet  joined  us ; 
and  I  am  still  alone  in  my  mess,  subsisting  upon  coffee,  bread 
and  fried  bacon,  expecting  every  day  to  have  an  attack  of  the 
scurvy. 

We  have  marched  about  twenty  two  miles  to-day  and  I 
am  very  tired,  and  feel  little  like  sitting  up  to  write  this  rec- 
ord of  nonsense :  had  I  not  commenced  I  believe  it  would  be 


47.  John  Radcliff  Smead,  graduate  of  the  United  States  Military  Academy.  Com- 
missioned 2nd  Lt.,  2nd  Artillery,  July  1,  1854.  Advanced  to  1st  Lt.,  March  8,  1857.  Killed 
at  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  August  30,  1862. 

Abner  Smead,  graduate  of  the  United  States  Military  Academy ;  Bvt.  2nd  Lt.,  4th 
Artillery.  July  1,  1854.  2nd  Lt.,  1st  Artillery,  November  4,  1854.  He  served  in  the 
Confederate  army  during  the  Civil  War. 

The  "Smeed"  referred  to  by  Lazelle  was  probably  Abner  Smead  because  companies 
P  and  I,  1st  Artillery,  were  stationed  in  West  Texas  in  1856.  Secretary  of  War,  op.  eft., 
pp.  52ff. 


PURITAN  AND  APACHE  31 

as  well.  For  who  will  ever  feel  any  interest  in  its,  stupid, 
egotistical  pages,  but  myself?  and  I  very  little,  should  I  ever 
peruse  them  again: —  I  can  say  and  feel  with  Goethe,48 
"Happy  is  he  who  early  discovers  the  gulf  that  lies  between 
his  aspirations  and  his  powers." 

Some  too,  in  reading,  might  form  the  opinion,  that  "With  his 
every  word,  a  reputation  dies,"49  so  personal  and  uncharit- 
able, have  I  been. But  I  will  be  more  generous — 

(Though  hear  what  follows.)  I  must  if,  however,  I  continue 
as  a  scribe,  note  down  what  has  been  to  me  one  of  the  most 
painful  acts  of  my  life. 

This  was  the  placing  in  arrest,  by  Colonel  Miles  order, 
of  Lieut  Edson.  This,  for  being  drunk,  while  "Officer  of  the 
Day,"  and  so  publicly  did  he  exhibit  it  that  Col.  Miles  noticed 
his  condition  at  a  distance  of  a  hundred  yards —  The  aggra- 
vated nature  of  the  offence  and  the  fact,  that  this  is  one  of  a 
number  of  times  that  he  has  been  found  intoxicated,  while 
actualy  on  duty,  during  the  scout,  will,  I  should  but  think, 
be  quite  sufficient  to  dismiss  him.  I  most  sincerely  hope  not, 
for  he  is  a  noble  fellow,  and  I  will  do  all  in  my  power  to  save 
him. 
May  God  forbid,  that  I  should  ever  again  drink  to  excess ! 

Thank  Heaven  for  the  influence,  of  one  dear,  true,  and 
esteemed  friend,  the  dearest  on  earth,  who  has  thus  far 
restrained  and  saved  me.  Never  have  I,  before  yesterday,  felt 
so  powerfully  the  strength  of  my  promise,  and  the  power  of 
temptation,  as  when  urged  by  Smeed  to  join  him  in  a  social 
drink.  The  day  was  warm,  I  was  tired,  dusty,  and  thirsty : 
the  mixture  was  cool  and  stimulating.  I  had  not  seen  a  boon 
companion  with  whom  I  had  had  many  a  night's  frolic,  when 
a  Cadet,  for  years.  What  temptation  could  be  stronger? 

But  I  cared  for  another,  and  for  my  promise,  more  than 


48.  I  cannot  locate  this  quotation. 

49.  "Hither  the  Heroes  and  the  Nymphs  resort, 

To  taste  awhile  the  pleasures  of  a  court ; 
In  various  talk  th'  instructive  hours  they  past, 
Who  gave  the  ball,  or  paid  the  visit  last ; 
One  speaks  the  glory  of  the  British  Queen, 
And  one  describes  a  charming  Indian  screen  ; 
A  third  interprets  motions,  looks,  and  eyes  ; 
At  every  word  a  reputation  dies." 

Alexander  Pope,  The  Rape  of  The  Lock,  canto  III,  line  9. 


32  NEW    MEXICO    HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

all  this,  and  I  felt  in  my  reply,  that  I  had  sufficient  force  left, 
of  moral  courage,  to  refuse  for  life.  But  it  is  late,  and  I  will, 
with  Mr.  Macawber,50  wait  until  tomorrow  for  "something 
to  turn  up"  before  I  write  more — 

Saturday  May  the  23rd 

It  has  come,  as  most  looked  for,  and  definite  periods  of  time, 
will,  not  differing  in  that  respect,  from  the  'Ides  of  March/ 
materialy —  This  day  however,  though  not  quite  as  fatal  to 
me  as  that  to  Ceasar  [Caesar]  yet,  it  has  been  fruitless  in  the 
accomplishment  of  any  object.  I  speak  of  course,  with  ref- 
erence to  the  Expedition,  for  at  present,  I  have  devoted  my 
whole  mind  to  it.  (?) 

I  think  that  we  slightly  resemble,  the  king  of  France, 
who  with  twice  ten  thousand  men,  marched  up  a  hill,  and 
then — marched  down  again 

This  is  the  end  of  the  3rd  day,  and  as  yet  no  one  has  the 
remotest  idea  of  the  position  or  locality  of  "Old  Bonne's" 
Sheep  trail,  of  which  "some  say"  that  we  are  in  quest. 
We  have,  today,  traveled  sixteen  miles  from  the  "San  Jacinto 
springs,"518  our  last  place  of  encampment,  to  The  Copper 
Mines,  so  termed.  The  country  passed  through  has  indeed, 
been  beautiful.  It  is  included  between  the  San  Jacinto  Moun- 
tains, and  the  great  Mogillon  [Mogollon]  range  consisting  of 
a  space  of  open  land,  or  rather  tract  of  country,  of  about 
twenty  five  miles  in  width  and  seventy  five  long  of  a  surface, 
generally  undulating ;  gently  rising  into  hills,  and  sometimes 
almost  mountains,  then  almost  imperceptibly,  sinking  into 
valleys,  which  are  in  their  turn  so  extended,  as  to  appear, 
while  the  eye  ranges  over  them,  like  broad  grassy  plains, 


50.     ".  .  .  Mr.  Micawber  is  a  man  of  great  talent,  Master  Copperfield." 

*         »         * 

"Of  great  talent,"  repeated  Mrs.  Micawber.  "My  family  are  of  opinion  that,  with 
a  little  interest,  something  might  be  done  for  a  man  of  his  ability  in  the  Custom 
House.  The  influence  of  my  family  being  local,  it  is  their  wish  that  Mr.  Micawber 
should  go  down  to  Plymouth.  They  think  it  indispensable  that  he  should  be  upon  the 
spot." 

"That  he  may  be  ready?"  I  suggested. 

"Exactly,"  returned  Mrs.  Micawber.  "That  he  may  be  ready,  in  case  of  anything 
turning  up."  Charles  Dickens,  David  Copperfield,  p.  179f  (New  Century  Library). 

51a.  The  San  Jacinto  spring  is  probably  the  well-known  San  Vicente  spring  where 
present-day  Silver  City  is  located. 


PURITAN   AND   APACHE  33 

green  and  inviting.  Clear  lovely  streams,  of  cold  and  pure, 
mountain  water,  dance  merrily  along,  following  the  wind- 
ings and  turning  of  wooded  glades,  which  are  filled  with  an 
abundance  of  game  inviting  the  hunter  to  the  sport;  while 
the  air  is  swelling  with  sounds  of  animal  life  of  many 
varieties  of  the  feathered  world. 

It  is  indeed  a  fitting  home  for  the  Indian,  and  seems  cre- 
ated for  his  special  necessities, — could  we  imagine  such  an 
event  probable: — the  most  luxuriant  growth  of  the  forests 
of  mountain  cypress,  pines,  live  oak,  walnut  and  birch  trees, 
furnishes  his  shelter,  and  concealment  from  his  enemies,  as 
well  as  a  home  for  this  abundance  of  game  which  would  sup- 
ply him  with  food. 

A  view  of  such  a  scene,  is  really  refreshing,  and  recalled 
to  my  mind  many  ascociations  of  pleasant  and  delightful 
days,  in  old  New  England's  hills,  and  beside  the  still  waters 
of  her  green  pastures — 

I  have  said  that  we  were  now  encamped  at  the  "Copper 
Mines."  A  few  hours  since  I  returned  from  a  visit  to  all  of 
its  principle  shafts,  which  were  sunk  here  years  ago  by  a 
company  of  miners,  but  have  now,  long  been  abandoned,  on 
account  of  the  troubles  experienced  from  Indians. 

I  made  also,  a  thorough  examination  of  the  furnaces, 
and  what  remains  of  the  houses  and  Soldier's  quarters,51  all 
of  which  seem  to  have  been  long  ago  abandoned  and  are  now 
rapidly  going  to  decay — 

Were  these  mines  in  the  "States,"  it  is  evident  from  the  rich- 
ness and  abundance  of  the  ore  which  is  everywhere  visible 
on  the  surface,  that  from  them,  an  inexhaustible  supply  of 
copper  and  iron  might  be  produced,  which  would  be  sufficient 
for  the  civilized  world.  I  found  many  and  very  rich  speci- 
mens of  native  copper,  sulpherets  of  copper  and  iron,  spathic, 
and  brown  iron  ores,  "cinnabar"  or  sulpheret  of  mercury, 
black  lead,  and  sulpherets  of  silver;  while  the  black  sand 
which  in  California,  is  so  productive  of  gold,  fills  the  beds  of 
all  the  streams  and  ravines.  And  indeed  the  whole  mass  of 


51.  For  a  description  of  the  Copper  Mines  as  Lazelle  saw  them,  read  John  Rus- 
sell Bartlett,  Personal  Narrative.  .  .  ,  I,  227ff. 

The  history  of  this  famous  mine  is  told  in  John  M.  Sully,  "The  Story  of  the 
Santa  Rita  Copper  Mine,"  Old  Santa  Fe,  III,  133-149  (1916). 


34  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

these  immense  mountains,  seem  to  be  nothing  but  super- 
incumbent, and  superposed  layers  of  sulphate  of  copper,  cov- 
ered by  a  thin  crust  of  alluvium,  which  supports  a  thrifty 
vegetation  of  trees  and  shrubbery,  while  all  serve  to  conceal 
the  rich  masses  of  mineral  wealth  beneath —  In  spite  of 
this,  however,  the  rich  veins  frequently  "crop  out,"  and 
almost  make  one  wish  that  he  had  a  pick  and  shovel — (with 
somebody  else  to  use  them)  the  whole  time —  The  buildings 
seem  to  have  been  arranged  for  mutual  military  defence,  but 
with  the  single  exception  of  one  large  triangular  one  of  very 
thick  adobe  walls,  and  sides,  with  bastion  angles,  of  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  in  length,  are  now  entirely  in 
ruins.  After  fulfilling  my  intention  of  planting  a  pecan  nut, 
in  a  favourable  place,  (as  I  had  formerly  done  on  the  Gila 
river : — in  the  Mogillon  mountains,  and  at  Lake  Gosman,52) 
some  sent  me  from  Fort  Bliss,  by  "some  bodie,"  and  gather- 
ing some  very  lovely,  and  to  me  new  varieties  of  flowers,  I 

returned  to  Camp,  much  fatigued,  but  somewhat  wiser. 

possibly. 

Sunday  May  24th 

This  has  always  been  one  of  my  unlucky  days,  but  I  trust  that 
this,  perchance  is  an  exception :  and  thus  far  it  has  been ; 
still,  something  may  yet  "turn  up"  to  annoy  and  trouble  me. 
"But  sufficient  for  the  day  is  the  evil  thereof."53 

The  weather  has  been  beautiful,  and  our  march  has  been 
through  an  interesting  and  lovely  country,  if  possible,  more 
charming  than  that  of  yesterday.  Our  Camp,  is,  at  present, 
on  the  "Membres"  river,  about  fifteen  miles  above  what  was 
formerly  old  Fort  Webster,54  and  a  little  more  than  that  dis- 
tance, from  what  was  formerly  our  old  depot :  our  camp  of 
yesterday  is  twenty  miles  distant. 

Nothing  of  interest  has  occured  to  day,  if  I  except  the 


52.  Probably  Lake  Guzman  in  Mexico,  on  the  road  to  Janos.  The  journal  does  not 
indicate  that  the  expedition  reached  that  far  south,  but  Lazelle  could  have  taken  a 
side  trip  to  the  Lake. 

63.  Take  therefore  no  thought  for  the  morrow:  for  the  morrow  shall  take  thought 
for  the  things  of  itself.  Sufficient  unto  the  day  is  the  evil  thereof.  Matthew  6  :34. 

54.  "Fort  Webster  was  situated  about  eight  miles  east-northeast  of  the  Santa 
Rita  Copper  Mines.  ...  It  was  abandoned  in  1853,  and  the  troops  removed  to  Fort 
Thorn."  Bender,  op.  eft.,  p.  267. 


c  Library 

PURITAN  AND  APACHE  saS  <  35 

item,  that  the  arrest  of  Lieut.  Edson  was  to  day  'extended' 
to  the  usual  limits  of  Camp :  poor  d — 1  when  first  arrested  he 
was  literally  confined  to  the  limits  of  his  blankets !  while  in 
camp,  for  he  had  no  tent.  I  have  at  last  been  able  to  reduce 
this  semibarbarous  mode  of  life,  to  something  of  a  system  at 
least  with  myself :  and  from  my  having  succeeded  so  well  in 
this,  I  am  compelled  to  believe  that  all  things,  in  the  moral, 
physical  and  intellectual,  as  well  as  the  material  world,  may 
be  placed  in  orders,  classified  and  systematized. 

My  daily  life  is  this —  I  rise  at  an  early  hour,  attend 
"reveille," — eat  a  bad  breakfast  of  bacon,  bread  and  coffee, 
and  then  march  for  the  day —  On  arriving  into  camp,  I  first 
seek  a  bath,  if  possible : —  then  I  have  a  dinner,  quite  as  des- 
titute of  complication  or  display,  as  breakfast —  Viz.  bacon, 
bread,  with  sometimes,  when  I  can  get  it,  a  dish  of  antiscor- 
butics, in  the  shape  of  a  green  plant  which  goes  by  the 
refreshing  name  of  "Lamb's  quarter." 

After  eating,  of  course  I  am  compelled  to  sleep,  even  if 
we  are  on  the  moment  of  serious  events. 

I  read  daily  twenty  pages :  then  follows  "Guard  mount- 
ing," which  I,  as  Adjutant  have  to  attend,  and  afterwards, — 
if  we  are  so  fortunate,  as  to  arrive  in  camp,  from  our  march 
of  the  day,  in  season  for  such  a  civilized  luxury — Supper, 
which,  when  it  occurs,  is  a  modification  of  the  other  two  daily 
meals: — coffee; — then  this  delightful  journal; — then  my 
cold  bed,  for  the  nights  are  very  severe.  I  am  very  illy  pro- 
vided with  provisions :  both  they,  and  my  cooking  utensils, 
being  with  Lieut.  Steen,  who  has  I  fear,  shared  the  same  fate 
as  the  Sheep  trail,  for  which  we  have  been  looking,  as  neither 
of  them  have  been  recently  heard  of. 

To  day,  I  was  told  by  my  cook,  upon  asking  him  if  he 
could  get  nothing  for  dinner  but  fried  bacon,  "If  the  Lieut, 
wishes  I  will  boil  him  some!"  This  is  indeed,  my  variety, 
and  upon  receiving  this  answer,  I  immediately  "subsided," 
but  I  could  not  but  think  of  the  famous  fable  of  the  rice  and 
mustard. 

Mem.  P.  S.  etc.  — The  'Membres'  is  a  delightful  stream, 
of  the  purest  water,  and  its  sands  in  the  bottom  sparkle  bril- 


36  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

liantly  from  the  great  quantity  of  sulpheret  of  copper,  which 
the  poor  soldiers  take  for  gold. 

"Good  night"  (Lazelle),  "and  pleasant  dreams"  to 
you — 

Monday  May  25th 

I  am  heartily  sick  of  this  cursed  cavalry  company,  of  Edsons, 
and  the  command  of  it,  is,  to  me,  not  only  annoying,  but 
exceedingly  embarrassing :  and  more  especially  should  it  be 
so,  when  the  delicacy  of  my  position  in  it  is  considered. 

He  as  the  legitimate  commander,  being  compelled  to 
march  in  rear  of  it,  without  a  word  of  authority,  while  I, 
much  his  junior  in  rank,  and  belonging  to  another  and  totally 
different  arm  of  the  service,  give  orders  to  it  and  for  its  gov- 
ernment in  his  immediate  presence,  and  which  he,  himself 
is  obliged  to  obey. 

I  would  not  have  the  continuous  command  of  a  regiment 
under  such  circumstances.  Beside  all  this,  it  doubles  my 
daily  duties,  which  are,  already,  quite  enough  to  say  nothing 
of  the  continuous,  'side  scouting,'  so  to  term  it,  which  is  at 
present  the  peculiar  duty  of  cavalry. 

Heaven  only  knows  how  long  it  is  to  continue —  Perhaps 
during  the  Scout —  I  have  indeed  quite  a  novel  occurence  to 
relate,  as  having  occured  to  relieve  the  monotony  of  our  long 
march  of  twenty  two  miles  to-day.  My  detachment  of  cav- 
alry, or,  rather  that  of  Edson's  which  I  command,  composed 
the  rearguard :  and  after  riding  very  complacently  and  com- 
fortably along,  for  about  one  and  a  half  hours,  I  saw  coming 
at  a  full  gallop,  towards  me  from  the  head  of  the  column  (as 
James  says,)  "a  solitary  horseman."  I  thought  to  myself 
that  he  rode  "like  unto  Jehu  the  son  of  Nimshi :  for  he  rode 
furiously."55 

When  near  enough  to  be  heard  he  yelled  out  almost 
frantically,  "The  Indians  are  right  ahead  of  the  column  Sir!" 
This  was  indeed  thrilling  news,  and  threw  my  naturally 
excitable  nerves  into  such  a  state  of  commotion,  that  I  might 
fairly  assert  that  my  brains  soon  began  to  boil. 


65.  And  the  watchman  told,  saying,  He  came  even  unto  them,  and  cometh  not 
again :  and  the  driving  is  like  the  driving  of  Jehu  the  son  of  Nim-shi ;  for  he  driveth 
furiously.  II  Kings  9:20 


PURITAN  AND  APACHE  37 

But  before  they  were  completely  cooked,  I  sent  back  a 
non-commissioned  officer  and  a  few  men  to  bring  up  a  dis- 
abled mule  lagging  behind,  I  closed  the  company  up  upon 
the  others,  at  a  hard  gallop,  and  pushing  on  the  pack  train 
in  this  manner  to  the  rearmost  Infantry  Company, — I  wiped 
from  my  brow  the  drops  of  horrible  perspiration,  and  draw- 
ing my  sabre,  prepared  to  shed  (for  my  country?)  a  few 
drops  of  maiden  blood — 

I  tried  to  be  cool,  and  perhaps  outwardly  was  so.  At 
least  so  I  thought;  I  "formed  twos"  with  the  company,  and 
cursed  the  men  for  not  doing  it  properly  to  satisfy  myself 
that  I  was  deliberate ;  but  as  it  was  on  the  approach  of  my 
first  battle  (as  I  supposed)  it  was  vanity,  and  in  fact,  "no 
go." 

I  had  so  fixed  the  belief  in  my  mind,  that  should  the 
Indians  permit  themselves  to  be  seen,  it  would  be  in  large 
numbers,  and  prepared  to  dispute  our  progress,  that  I  was 
now  satisfied  of  our  proximity  to  a  severe  fight. 

All  was  excitement  and  confusion,  so  far  as  I  could  see, 
up  the  column; — skirmishers  out: — the  commander  gallop- 
ing about  and  bawling  for  a  bugler ; — men  running ; — and 
"Greasers"  shouting  in  Spanish  to  the  d — ed  mules  which  I 
had  to  stay  with,  and  protect.  Directly  all  was  hushed.  As 
silent  as  the  grave  at  the  head  of  the  column,  and  this  quiet 
feeling  of  mortifying  disgust,  gradually  extended  down 
through  it  to  myself :  as  each  in  succession  learned,  that  the 
cause  of  our  alarm  was  a  party  of  friendly  "Navajos," 
belonging  to  Colonel  Loring's  advance  guard. 

And  still  worse  than  this. — This  small  band  of  fifteen 
Indians,  had,  in  company  with  a  few  of  the  Guides  of  his  col- 
umn, on  the  day  previous,  met  and  defeated,  the  whole  party 
of  the  famous  Sheep  thieves,  which  "old  Bonneville"  had  in 
his  wisdom,  sent  two  columns  of  eight  hundred  men  against ! 
All  of  the  party  with  two  exceptions  were  either  killed  or 
taken  prisoners,  we  were  told,  and  Col.  Loring  had,  they  said, 
gotten  nearly  all  of  the  Sheep — about  four  hundred. 

I  went  into  their  Camp,  and  remained  as  long  as  the 
short  halt  and  slow  marching  of  the  rear  guard  would  allow 
and  at  the  same  time  permit  me  to  overtake  it.  I  found  them 


38  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

as  all  Indians  are,  "Hiawatha"  not  excepted,  dirty,  lazy  and 
disgusting,  and  when  seen  as  they  really  are,  utterly  divested 
of  any  romance  in  their  character —  I  will  not  mention  that 
the  country  has  been  beautifully  monotonous  to-day;  (that 
traveled  over)  that  we  are  encamped  in  a  canon,  the  position 
of  which  is  utterly  unknown  to  our  intelligent  guides ;  and 
that  we  are  still  in  quest  of  the  other  half  of  the  Sheep  trail, 
which  Col.  Loring's  Column  is  not  supposed  to  have  found. 

Tuesday  May  26th 

We  continued  our  march  this  morning  up  the  unknown  canon, 
upon  a  broad  path,  or  trail,  which  has  been  much  used  by 
Indians :  after  pursuing  it  for  two  hours  we  discovered  that 
it  divided,  one  portion  leading  to  the  right  and  the  other  to 
the  left,  of  our  direction.  These  paths  seemed  the  horns  of  a 
dilemna :  but  like  a  true  philosopher,  when  two  evils  are  pre- 
sented for  his  choice,  our  brilliant  commander  took  neither 
of  the  aforesaid  horns,  notwithstanding  that  one  of  them, 
was  that  over  which,  a  portion  of  the  Sheep  seemed  to  have 
been  driven  but  about  one  week  previously — :  and  that  on 
it  an  Indian  camp  (abandoned)  was  discovered. 

However  I  suppose  that  he  thought,  that  one  bird  in  the 
bush,  was  worth  two  in  the  hand,  when  he  came  to  this 
conclusion. 

So  we  followed  up  the  Canon  along  a  pretty  Stream  of  water 
which  flowed  in  our  direction,  and  which  we  were  obliged  to 
continually  cross,  and  recross  in  order  to  advance  at  all.  At 
last,  at  a  distance  of  about  four  miles  from  the  diverting 
paths,  we  came  to  a  dead  stop,  as  it  was  impossible,  to  travel 
further. 

In  advancing  through  the  canon,  we  had  observed  it 
narrowing,  and  the  sides  becoming  more  abrupt,  and  precipi- 
tious,  until  at  this  point  they  completely  enclosed  us,  leaving 
barely  room  for  the  little  stream  to  crowd  its  way  through 
the  rocky  walls  which  rose  to  a  great  height. 
While  the  Guides  groped  along,  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  the 
pass,  if  such  existed,  I  ascended  one  of  the  very  high  moun- 
tains near  us,  which  gave  a  view  of  a  wide  range  of  country ; 
and  a  bleak  prospect  it  was,  indeed.  As  far  as  the  limit  of 


Library 
sas  Gity, 

PURITAN   AND  APACHE  39 

vision,  arose  one  continuous  succession,  of  apparantly  impas- 
sible mountains,  with  bare,  blackened,  and  smoking  sides; 
while  the  canon  of  the  little  stream  beneath  me  pursued  its 
tortuous  way  for  miles  between  them,  an  almost  endless 
chasm. 

No  grass  was  anywhere  visible,  with  the  exception  of  occas- 
ional spots  of  it  where  it  appeared  upon  the  mountain  tops, 
which  had  not  been  reached  by  this  universal  fire.  I  saw  the 
lazy  guides  far  below  me,  sitting  upon  the  rocks,  by  the 
water's  edge,  concealed  from  the  view  of  all  else,  and  staring 
vacantly  around.  I  watched  them  for  some  time  and  with 
interest,  carefully  concealing  myself  from  their  view.  There 
they  sat,  indifferent  to  everything,  seemingly  bent  upon  con- 
suming a  proper  portion  of  time,  and  then  returning  to 
report,  upon  the  feasability  of  the  pass. 
I  completed  my  examination  of  the  country,  and  got  down 
the  mountain  just  in  season  to  hear  them  report  to  Colonel 
Miles  that  the  pass  was  very  practicable ! 

They  made  this  statement  as  a  random  guess,  for  not 
one  of  the  rascals  had  examined  the  ravine  for  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  mile,  and  they  were  all  totally  ignorant  of  the 
country.  After  listening  with  the  most  commendable 
patience  until  they  were  all  through,  I  told  them  that  they 
were  a  "nucleus  of  liars" ;  and  then  informed  our  Buonaparte 
of  their  proceedings.  He  immediately  "countermarched" 
and  after  traveling  about  two  miles  he  despatched  me  with 
six  men,  to  find,  if  possible,  a  camp,  with  water  and  grass : 
a  matter  of  no  small  difficulty,  as  the  country  has  within  a 
week  been  completely  burned  over  with  the  exception  of  some 
obscure  spots,  and  many  parts  of  it  are  still  smoking.  As  it 
happened,  I  had,  this  morning  while  the  column  was  in 
motion,  left  it,  and  the  canon  in  which  we  were  wandering, 
to  pursue  a  narrow  ravine,  leading  off  at  right  angles  to  our 
direction,  and  had  in  a  half  hour's  gallop  stumbled  upon  a 
fine  plat  of  unburned  ground,  high  up  in  the  mountains, 
where  they  had  extended  into  a  sort  of  table  land.  To  this 
point  I  pushed  forward  and  was  fortunate  enough  to  dis- 
cover near  it  a  small  but  clear  stream,  of  pure  water.  I 
immediately  sent  back  word  to  this  effect,  and  in  a  few  hours 


40  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  our  whole  column,  in  a  com- 
fortable camp,  and  all,  seemingly  contented  and  enjoying 
themselves.  I  was  rewarded  by  "some  body,"  who  named  the 
stream  "Lazelle's  Creek,"  of  which  fact,  I  trust  that  poster- 
ity, and  future  historians  will  please  make  a  note56 —  We 
have  been  about  twelve  miles  to-day. 

May  27th 

We  started  this  morning  at  an  early  hour,  little  dreaming  of 
the  terrible  journey  before  us. 

The  commanding  officer  had  resolved,  rather  than 
retrace  his  steps  farther,  to  pursue  the  "Sheep  Trail"  from 
its  point  of  division  mentioned  yesterday,  to  its  termination, 
if  necessary,  let  it  lead  where  it  would,  even  at  the  risk  of  the 
animals  perishing. 

And  the  only  thing  to  be  regreted,  is,  that  he  has  not  done 
this  before.  The  morning  was  a  fine  one  and  the  whole  com- 
mand was  in  excellent  spirits:  some  of  the  men  too  much 
so ;  as  at  every  short  halt,  caused  by  a  search  for  the  trail,  as 
it  became  obscure,  under  the  smoking  and  blackened  wood, 
they  could  be  heard  deridingly  imitating  the  bleating  of 
Sheep ;  and  one  of  them  was  seen  to  draw  his  butcher  knife 
and  sing  out  "Bring  on  your  mutton !"  Of  course  this  was 
soon  stopped  and  we  ploded  along  more  quietly — 
This  attempt  at  discipline  was  however  quite  unnecessary, 
as  the  steep  rocks,  high  rugged  mountains,  and  deep,  rough, 
and  narrow  canons,  over  and  through  which,  our  route  lay, 
soon  took  from  us  all  thought  except  of  the  fatigue.  The  heat 
soon  became  intense  and  the  air  as  still,  and  deadly  oppres- 
sive as  that  of  a  burning  desert.  Although  we  frequently 
crossed  valleys,  and  gorges  of  such  profound  depth,  that  it 
seemed  even  the  vertical  rays  of  a  noon-day's  sun  could 
scarcely  penetrate  them,  yet  our  general  course,  during  the 
first  part  of  the  day  was — (that  tradition,  and  his  political 
opponents,  say,  that  General  Pierce  gave  the  small  infant,) 
a-scent.57 


56.     I'm  afraid  that  future  historians  failed  to  "make  a  note." 
67.     Probably  a  reference  ,to  Franklin  Pierce  who  served  as  a  Brigadier  General 
under  Scott  in  the  War  with  Mexico  and  later  became  President  of  the  United  States. 


PURITAN  AND  APACHE  41 

The  great  altitude  and  the  reflection  of  heat  from  the 
barren  rocks,  soon  affected  my  eyes  to  such  a  degree  that  I 
found  it  almost  impossible  to  keep  them  open  and  the  suffer- 
ing from  them,  was  only  partially  relieved  for  the  day  by  one 
of  the  officers  having  forced  upon  me  a  pair  of  eye  shades 
which  he  took  from  his  own  eyes  and  obliged  me  to  use. 

Our  slow  and  painful  progress  continued,  sometimes 
upon  what  seemed  to  be  faint  traces  of  a  quite  old  Indian 
trail,  and  at  other  times  this  was  entirely  lost  sight  of,  and 
we  clambered  as  best  we  could  up  the  continuous  ascent  over 
rocks,  rubbish,  and  trunks  of  half  burnt  trees,  and  blackened 
heaps  of  cinders,  which  nearly  suffocated  with  their  dust — 

Sometimes  passing  for  miles  over  and  between  immense 
masses  of  huge  boulders,  which  had  detached  themselves 
from  the  heights,  and  now,  feebly  lay,  attempting,  appar- 
antly,  like  the  mountains  above  us,  to  debar  our  further 
progress.  And  in  following  the  sinuous,  serpentine  course 
we  frequently  ascended  and  descended  the  sides  of  moun- 
tains by  steep,  zig-zag  paths,  so  narrow,  and  upon  such 
treacherous  soil  that  it  seemed  but  bravado,  to  follow  them. 
Late  in  the  afternoon,  after  climbing  a  very  high  mountain, 
we  saw  from  its  summit,  a  broad  plain  spread  before  us,  a 
portion  of  which  had  not  been  burned.  It  was  certainly  a 
very  gratifying  sight,  as  we  felt  that  our  days  march  was 
drawing  to  a  close. 

After  arriving  within  a  few  miles  of  it  our  guides  said 
that  they  recognized  the  country,  and  that  over  the  next 
mountain,  in  the  valley  beyond,  we  should  find  water,  and 
probably  grass  which  was  not  burned.  I  could  not  say  that 
I  was  sorry,  at  this  piece  of  news,  as  I  had  no  canteen,  had 
neglected  to  fill  my  "boata"  [bote,  a  jar]  with  water  in  the 
morning,  and  had  had  none  during  the  day,  except  a  little 
from  the  rocks  which  I  was  fortunate  enough  to  discover. 

At  about  6V2  P.M.  we  finally  came  to  a  deep  canon  con- 
taining fine  water  and  grass,  after  having  been  on  the  march 
eleven  hours,  and  traveled  at  least  twenty  six  miles  over  such 
a  country  as  I  never  wish  to  see  again,  either  for  the  sake  of 
romance,  or  curiosity,  as  I  dislike  to  think  Nature  so 
uncomely,  and  improvident.  Now  as  I  am  too  much  fatigued 


42  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  write  this  journal  "to-night,"  I  shall  put  it  off  until  "to- 
morrow" which  is, 

Thursday,  and  May  28th 

Upon  an  examination  of  our  animals  after  arriving  in  Camp 
last  night,  we  found  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  proceed 
to-day.  Many  of  the  mules'  backs  are  almost  literally  skined, 
and  in  some  few  places  stripped  of  their  flesh,  while  others, 
have  immense  bleeding  bruises  and  raw  places  upon  their 
sides,  three,  four,  and  five  inches  in  diameter.  But  few  of 
them  are  sound,  and  able  to  go  on :  our  horses  are  completely 
jaded  out,  and  one  extra  horse  of  mine,  I  this  morning  ascer- 
tained, was  left  behind  yesterday,  as  he  became  exhausted, 
and  unable  to  go  on.  And  the  stupid  fellow  whom  I  had 
allowed  to  ride  him,  left  with  him  a  fine  saddle,  bridle,  etc. 
We  ourselves  are,  some  of  us  in  sad  plights,  with  great 
fatigue,  bad  food  and  terribly  sun  burnt  faces: —  to  say 
nothing  of  the  fact  that  we  have,  all  of  us,  abandoned  even 
hope  itself,  as  regards  present  prospects  of  success. 

After  a  careful  inspection  of  my  face  in  a  glass,  two,  by 
one  and  a  half  inches,  this  morning,  I  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  my  appearance  was  not  so  "gross"  as  I  have  been  con- 
sidered by  Mrs  L 58  The  nights  continue  cold  and 

uncomfortable  it  being  impossible  for  me  to  be  warm  in  any 
way  that  I  can  arrange  my  scanty  bedding:  water  freezes 
every  night  to  the  depth  of  more  than  a  fourth  of  an  inch. 

I  have  amused  myself  to-day  by  reading,  hunting,  and  in 
the  difficult  matter  of  endeavoring  to  ascertain  from  our 
guides,  something  relative  to  our  position. —  They  "reccon" 
(but  "quien  sabe")  that  we  are  in  the  Mogillon  Mountains. 
To  the  South  of  us,  and  distant  about  fifteen  miles,  is  the 
South  Eastern  portion  of  the  "San  Jacinto"  mountains.  To 
the  North  West,  and  running,  South  East,  East,  and  South, 
distant  about  ten  miles  to  the  nearest  point,  is  the  great  ridge, 
or  comb,  of  the  Mogillon  Mountains,  about,  eight  miles  broad, 
and  one  hundred  and  twenty  long. 
A  portion  of  high  spurs  of  mountains  running  from  this,  was 


58.     See  notes  1  and  44. 


Public  Library 

PURITAN   AND   APACHE  -sas  City, 


crossed  by  us  yesterday,  and  to-day  we  have  been  encamped 
in  a  narrow  gorge  to  the  South  East  of  them 

Our  guides  to  day,  while  exploring  the  country,  found 
a  "fresh  trail"  of  fifteen  Indians  leading  in  the  direction  of 
the  "Chikicouwa"  [Chiricahua]  Mountains,59  and  I  suppose 
that  a  detachment  will  be  sent  to  pursue  it  at  least  as  far  as 
the  "San  Jacinto"  Mountains  about  forty  miles.  I  wish  I 
could  go,  for  I  am  sick  of  this  "Mutton  track."  However  we 
will  "Boast  not  of  the  morrow,"  for  we  have  all  seen  that 
"Sufficient  for  the  day,  is  the  evil  thereof." 

May  29th 

At  6!/2  we  were  on  the  march,  all  following  the  monotonous 
sheep  track  —  After  traveling  a  few  miles,  we  came  to  a 
point  where  Col.  Loring's  Column  first  struck  the  trail  ;  we 
having  thus  followed  it,  from  the  place  of  his  fight,  to  the 
point  where  his  pursuit  commenced.  But  not  over  the  same 
route  however.  From  this  we  concluded  that  the  route  taken 
by  us  on  Wednesday,  was  the  trail  first  made  by  the  Sheep, 
when  the  Indians  crossed  the  mountains  with  them  above 
Fort  Craig;  that  their  intention  was,  to  take  them  to  the 
"Burro"  Mountains,  but  finding  this  route  a  dangerous  one 
to  their  own  welfare,  when  they  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
"Depot,"  they  turned  and  sought  safety  by  recrossing  the 
"Mogillon"  Mountains,  to  the  "Membres"  river,  near  which, 
a  large  portion  of  the  party,  were  overtaken  and  stripped  of 
their  plunder  as  before  stated. 

Upon  arriving  at  this  point  of  the  trail,  this  morning,  a  cav- 
alry company  was  despatched  to  follow  it,  and  ascertain  if 
this  great  "Sheep  trail"  divided:  if  not,  we  concluded  that 
Col.  Loring  had  overtaken  and  recovered  them  all  :  if  it  did, 
divide,  it  was  our  intention  to  follow  that  portion  of  it  which 
he  had  not.  And  until  the  return  of  this  company  thus  des- 
patched, we  encamped  at  the  first  water  which  we  found,  a 
small  spring,  a  few  miles  from  the  San  "Jacinto"  river. 
At  3  P.M.,  this  detachment  returned,  with  the  information, 
that  the  'Stock'  had  not  been  seperated  by  the  Indians  in 


59.     Chiricahua    mountains    are    located    in    southeastern    Arizona,    ranging    from 
north  to  south,  slightly  east  of  south. 


44  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

their  flight,  so  I  presume  that  we  will  soon  start  for  the 
Depot  on  the  Gila  river,  which  it  is  conjectured,  is  about 
twenty  five  miles  distant.  If  we  do,  with  the  grace  of  Heaven, 
I  will  not  write  the  words,  "Sheep,"  or  "Mutton,"  again  in 
this  journal : —  for  should  it  be  read  by  another,  I  fancy  that 
they  would  think  me  a  little  deranged  upon  the  subject. 
While  hunting  this  morning,  in  crossing  a  canon,  about  two 
miles  from  camp,  I  killed  a  large  rattle  snake,  nearly  five 
feet  long,  which  I  had  been  near  stepping  on  before  observ- 
ing it.  The  day  has  been  very  hot,  and  oppressive  and  the 
little  'boundless  contiguity  of  shade,'  here  affords  but  little 
protection  from  the  sun's  scorching  rays — 

Saturday  May  30th 

Passing  down  this  beautiful  stream  at  so  early  an  hour  this 
morning,  that  had  we  any  ordinary  climate,  such  as  we  have 
generally  seen  given  to  man  for  his  purposes,  dew  would 
have  been  upon  the  grass,  we  entered  a  narrow  gorge,  or 
canon,  in  the  centre  of  which  ran  the  brook.  Here  for  a  dis- 
tance of  four  or  five  miles,  was  the  most  enchanting  sight 
that  I  have  ever  beheld:  it  indeed  beggars  all  description 
from  a  fancy  and  pen  like  mine.  It  was  one  of  Nature's  most 
exclusive  views,  of  wondrous  beauty,  of  which  she  is  so 
jealously  frugal.  Occasionally,  they  are  seen  in  the  wildest 
and  most  lavish  landscapes:  but  perhaps  more  frequently 
upon  the  resistless  moving  element  of  the  great  ocean 

"When  grandeur,  strength  and  beauty,  are 

combined ; 

"Where  sublimest  powers  of  mighty,  boundless  creation, 
have  together  rolled 

"In  their  huge  strength,  such  aweful  works,  as  now 
transfix  the  soul!"60 

On  either  side,  there  rose  to  a  dizzy  height  of  several 
hundred  feet,  huge  walls  of  solid  sandstone,  which  by  the 
frequent  and  terrible  rains,  had  been  washed  into  the  most 
fantastic  forms  conceivable: —  sometimes  were  seen,  vast 
detached  portions,  standing  far  out  from  all  else,  which 


60.     These  lines  may  be  an  original  composition  by  Lazelle.    I  cannot  identify  them 
otherwise. 


Public  Library 
PURITAN  AND  APACHE    'r;ansas  City/4Mo. 

under  the  influence  of  frost  and  water,  had  been  again  split, 
and  broken  into  spires,  or  solid  masses,  resembling  the  ruins 
of  ancient  temples  of  mysterious  age,  which  only  wanted  the 
mythical  "ivy  green,"  entwining  around  their  crumbling 
columns,  to  complete  a  picture,  not  drawn  from  fancy,  of 
monuments  of  bygone  splendor,  and  to  associate  them  with 
all  that  is  wonderful  of  Egyptian  greatness,  or  mournful  of 
Rome's  departed  beauty.  Other  parts  again,  seemed  to  have 
assembled  themselves  into  the  most  grotesque  groups  of 
gigantic  statuary.  Some  of  these  figures  were  elegant  and 
graceful  girls,  and  youths ;  others  bold  warriors  and  decrepid 
old  men:  while  occasionally  could  be  seen  the  hideous  and 
mocking  forms,  of  demons  and  imps  who  seemed  to  grin 
horribly  at  the  living,  thus  passing  through  their  silent 
tombs.  Every  thing  seemed  to  want  but  the  element  Life,  to 
rescue  from  eternal  oblivion  a  long  forgotten  city. 
The  valley  which  in  some  places  was  several  miles  in  width, 
was  filled  with  the  most  luxuriant  vegetation  which  rivalled 
the  magnificient  lavishness  of  Eastern  gardens,  or  the  wild 
and  gorgeous  beauty  of  Brazillian  forests.  The  whole  scene 
is  beyond  my  description  and  almost  without  a  comparison. 
Upon  ascending,  by  a  narrow  winding  path,  a  hill,  which 
completely  overlooked  the  valley,  there  was  presented  a  pic- 
ture of  most  enchanting  loveliness :  the  whole  like  what  one 
might  imagine  to  be  resurrection  of  some  splendid  capital  of 
long  gone  centuries  with  its  ruined  temples,  its  massive 
domes,  its  towering  columns  and  spires,  and  its  vast  amphi- 
theatres, all  mouldering  vestiges  of  a  luxurious  era — 

x  But  why  should  I  be  dull,  just  because  the 

weather  is?  So  passing  over  this  I  will  only  speak,  of  the 
remainder  of  our  uninteresting  route  to  the  Depot,  over 
burning  plains  and  tedious  hills  and  mountains.  Upon  arriv- 
ing at  about  one  P.M.  in  sight  of  the  Gila  river,  we  followed 
its  sinuosities  in  its  tortuous  coarse  down,  and  finaly 
encamped,  within  two  miles  of  the  fatherly  protection  of  the 
master  spirit  of  our  movements,  who  about  this  hour  was 
wrapped  in  a  blanket  and  comfortably  asleep,  as  was  proven 
by  a  visit  paid  immediately  to  the  Depot  by  Colonel  Miles, 
the  Doctor,  and  myself. 


46  NEW    MEXICO    HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

I  was  soon  sent  back  to  Camp  by  him,  with  instructions 
to  have  it  broken  up  and  removed  to  our  old  camping  spot 
"Camp  Union,"  which  is  across  the  river,  and  about  a  mile 
below  the  Depot.  It  was  almost  night  ere  this  was  accom- 
plished. But  for  my  labour  of  to-day,  I  have  in  pleasant 
anticipation,  the  prospect  of  sound  slumbers,  and  an  undis- 
turbed "moral  element — " 

Sunday  May  31st 

Visited  the  Depot  to-day  and  called  upon  the  officers  gener- 
ally:—  found  them  not  differing  materially  from  human 
nature,  and  the  human  species.  In  a  short  time  after  my 
arrival  the  advanced  guard  of  Colonel  Loring  came  in,  and 
finally  the  whole  of  his  column,  bringing  with  them,  about 
four  hundred  of  the  recovered  sheep,  and  nine  Indian  prison- 
ers, all  women  and  children  who  did  differ  from  any  thing 
human  that  I  had  ever  before  seen. 

There  were  five  women,  and  four  children.  The  oldest 
of  the  women  was  about  seventy,  and  the  most  hideous, 
deformed,  and  wretchedly  filthy  object,  that  Nature  could 
exhibit.  The  next  in  age,  was  the  former  wife,  or  squaw,  of 
"Chucaro  Negra,"61  who  was  one  of  the  most  noted  and 
desperate  of  the  Apache  chiefs,  and  who  was  killed  in  the 
fight  when  the  sheep  were  captured.  The  other  three  women 
were  ugly,  course,  filthy  and  fat.  The  children  were,  with 
one  exception,  of  the  same  type :  this  was  a  very  pretty  boy, 
of  about  five  years  of  age,  with  an  intelligent  face,  and 
bright  sparkling  eyes,  who  interested  me  so  much,  that  I 
should  like  to  get  him,  and  as  "Miss  Betsy  Trotwood,"62  did 
to  little  "Davy"  "wash  him,"  and  bring  him  with  me  to  the 
"States"  as  a  servant. 


61.  Cuchillo  Negra  was  killed  in  the  fight  with  the  northern  column  under  Col. 
Loring  in  the  canon  de  los  Muertos  Carneros.    Ogle,  op.  eft.,  p.  346.    Ogle  gives  the  date 
of  July   for  the  battle  which   does   not  agree  with   other  accounts.     See  introduction, 
note  10. 

62.  "What  shall  you   do   with  him,"   said   Mr.    Dick   feebly,   scratching   his   head. 
"Oh  !  do  with  him  ?" 

"Yes,"  said  my  aunt,  with  a  grave  look,  and  her  forefinger  held  up.  "Come!  I 
want  some  very  sound  advice." 

"Why,  if  I  was  you,"  said  Mr.  Dick,  considering,  and  looking  vacantly  at  me,  "I 
shoul-"  The  contemplation  of  me  seemed  to  inspire  him  with  a  sudden  idea,  and  he 
added  briskly,  "I  should  wash  him."  Charles  Dickens,  David  Copperfield,  p.  203  (New 
Century  Library) 


PURITAN   AND  APACHE  47 

It  is  now  quite  evident,  that,  had  it  not  been  for  the 
Indians,  who,  were  attached  to  the  command  of  Colonel 
Loring,  and  who  were  scattered  far  ahead  of  his  column, 
about  twenty  five  miles,  the  sheep  would  not  have  [been] 
captured — 

These  Indians,  upon  having  spied  out  the  thieves  in  a 
canon,  as  they  were  quietly  enjoying  themselves,  silently  left 
them,  and  returned  with  the  information  to  Colonel  Loring, 
who  immediately  sent  on  with  them,  his  Company  of  "Guides 
and  Spies."  (who  are  an  enlisted  band  of  Mexicans,  and  des- 
perate Americans)  These  fellows,  eager  for  the  fight  and 
still  more  desirous  of  the  plunder,  pushed  on  so  rapidly  as 
to  have  jaded  their  horses  completely  out,  by  the  time  that 
they  had  reached  the  Indian  camp:  in  consequence  of  this, 
eight  of  the  party  were  able  to  escape,  taking  with  them 
about  three  hundred  sheep. 

Nearly  that  number  were  picked  up  on  their  trail,  by  the 
troops  who  pursued,  which  had  straggled  out,  and  all  of 
them  that  could  be  killed  by  the  Indians  in  their  flight  had 
been.  Thus  is  our  most  valliant  commander  partially  satis- 
fied. But  I  fear  that  his  blood  thirsty  soul  will  never  be 
quite  contented,  until  he  feasts  his  greedy  eyes  upon  the 
scalps  of  all  beings,  who  are  unfortunate  enough  to  have 
in  their  veins  Indian  blood.  Oh !  what  an  ambitious  and  ter- 
rible man ! 

June  1st 

Lieutenants  Whipple  and  Steen  have  not  yet  arrived. 
They  have  been  absent  in  the  "Moguillon  Mountains"  nearly 
thirteen  days.  Capt  Ewell,63  with  his  three  Companies  of 
Dragoons,  has  not  as  yet  come  in  to  the  Depot,  and  has  not 
been  heard  from.  His  arrival  is  quite  problematical,  as  it 
was  optional  with  him  whether  to  come  in  here  or  not. 
Major  Sheppard  will,  it  is  said,  temporarily  relieve  Lieut. 
Davis,  who  is  on  duty  with  the  permanent  party  at  the 


63.  Richard  Stoddert  Ewell,  born  in  Virginia,  graduate  of  the  United  States  Mili- 
tary Academy,  commissioned  Bvt.  2nd  Lt.,  1  Dragoons,  July,  1840.  He  served  in  the 
War  with  Mexico,  received  the  rank  of  Captain  on  August  4,  1849,  and  was  a  Lt.  Gen- 
eral in  the  Confederate  army.  He  died  January  25,  1872. 

Ewell  received  special  mention  for  significant  service  in  the  fight  with  the  Apaches 
which  took  place  during  this  campaign.  Secretary  of  War,  op.  tit.,  p.  56. 


48  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Depot,  for  him  to  take  the  recovered  sheep  in  to  Fort  Thorn, 
whence  he  will  return  here. 

It  is  now  the  general  opinion  that  there  is  to  be  at  this 
point  a  permanent  Post,  and  it  is  by  many  of  the  officers, 
considered  desirable  to  be  stationed  here — May  the  fates 
not  disappoint  them,  to  favour  me,  say  I ! 

Tuesday,  June  2nd 

I  remained  in  Camp  all  day  yesterday,  lazily  lolling  about, 
like  a  gorged  anaconda;  occasionally  stupidly  musing  "On 
the  beauties  of  June,"  Which,  Heaven  knows,  are  "very 
scarce,  and  hard  to  get"  here. 

But  to  day,  I  have  been  quite  busy; — preparing  official 
reports,  "Field  Returns,"  and  mail  matter —  Besides,  we 
moved  Camp  to-day,  to  a  point  one  mile  below,  on  the  river. 
And  the  bother  of  packing  and  unpacking,  with  other 
accessary  tro[u]bles  usual  in  such  removals,  have  really 
made  me  feel  quite  active. 

The  present  orders  are,  for  our  Column  to  remain  here 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  Depot,  until  the  10th  Inst.  when  all 
of  the  troops,  start  with  thirty  days  rations  per  man,  for 
the  "Coyotero"  country,64  which  is  supposed  to  be  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  distant.  After  that  we  shall, 
most  probably,  make  a  finishing  scout  of  the  "Chiricowa 
Mountains,"  on  our  way  to  Fort  Thorn  home.  At  least,  this 
is  the  general  supposition.  Every  person  is  tired  of  it.  For 
it  has  ceased  to  be  a  novelty.  Among  others,  our  worthy 
friend  and  chieftain,  Bonneville,  begins  to  betray  signs  of 
weariness  and  disgust.  He  is  intensely  disappointed  that 
the  Indians  have  left  this  section  of  the  country;  (which 
they  have  evidently  done  as  far  as  the  "Rio  Grande.")  and 
that  "Mangus  Colorado,"  the  head  chief  of  the  Apache  tribe, 
has  sued  for  peace,  through  the  Indian  agent  at  Fort  Thorn, 
as  he  says,  that  he  cannot  fight. 

He  has  also  been  informed  by  our  Indian  prisoners, 
that  this  chieftain,  with  his  own,  and  the  other  principle 
bands  of  the  Apache  Nation,  are  at  a  Mexican  town  called 


64.     For  a  description  of  the  Coyotero,  who  lived  west  of  the  Gila  river,  see  Ogle, 
op.  eft. 


, 

PURITAN  AND  APACHE  49 

"Hanes,"  which  is  situated  just  over  the  boundary  line,  in 
Mexican  territory.  There  they  are  receiving  support  and 
shelter,  he  is  informed,  from  the  Mexican  population.  All 
this,  is  certainly  well  calculated  to  discourage,  dishearten, 
and  to  destroy  the  ambition  of  a  feeble  minded  old  man,  who 
has  staked  his  present,  and  his  hope  of  a  future  reputation 
upon  the  success  of  this  Expedition. 

On  the  return  of  Lieutenants  Whipple  and  Steen,  with 
their  commands  recruited,  by  the  10th  Inst : — both  columns, 
— Col's  Loring's,  and  Mile's,  will,  with  Col.  Bonneville  at 
the  head,  start  for  the  Coyotero  Country !  Hurrah !  for  that 
is  the  order. —  We  have  now  a  chance  of  success. 

Wednesday — June  3rd — 

Thursday,  Friday  and  Saturday,  June  the  6th,  and  if  for 
the  last  few  days  I  have  not  been  outstripping  the  "seven 
sleepers"65  it  is  still  1857.  If  any  thing,  can,  more  than 
another,  intensify,  and  render  still  more  disagreeably  un- 
pleasant, the  affairs  and  ascociations  of  this  expedition,  it 
is  lieing  idle  and  unoccupied  in  Camp,  as  we  have  done  for 
the  past  week,  and  are  likely  to  do  for  some  days,  yet.  It  is 
unnecessarily  prolonging  a  season  of  labour,  to  an  unusual 
and  useless  length.  And  that  too,  to  be  passed  in  irritating 
and  chaffing  inactivity.  The  cause  of  our  detention  here  at 
this  time  is  this.  By  a  most  culpable  but  characteristic  over- 
sight, Col.  Bonneville  has  neglected  to  place  at  the  Depot,  or, 
to  make  any  provision  for  having  them  placed  there,  either 
pack  mules  for  transportation,  or  horses,  for  the  cavalry. 

As  the  former,  are  our  only  means  of  conveying  our 
transportation,  the  consequence  is,  that  at  the  end  of  every 
scout  which  is  made,  although  it  may  not  be  for  a  longer 
time  than  fifteen  days,  the  troops  are  obliged  to  remain 
inactive,  for  perhaps  nearly  an  equal  period,  for  injured, 
or  partially  unservicable  animals  to  recruit.  And  as  almost 


65.  "In  early  Christian  legend,  seven  noble  youths  of  Ephesus,  in  the  time  of  the 
Decian  persecution,  who,  having  fled  to  a  cavern  and  being  pursued  and  walled  in,  fell 
into  a  sleep  from  which  they  were  not  awakened  until  after  nearly  200  years  in  the 
reign  of  the  Emperor  Theodosius  II  (A.  D.  408-450).  A  similar  story  is  told  in  the 
Koran,  the  dog  Al  Rakin  being  said  to  have  guarded  the  sleepers."  Webster's  New 
International  Dictionary,  2nd  ed.,  unabridged.  The  legend  is  discussed  at  length  in 
Edward  Gibbon,  History  of  Rome,  V,  359ff  ( New  York,  Fred  de  Fau  &  Company,  1907 ) . 


50  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

all  of  them  become  more  or  less  so,  even  in  a  scout  of  that 
length,  of  course  all  operations  are  temporarily  suspended. 
The  various  companies  of  Cavalry,  have  become  crippled, 
and  almost  useless,  (except  as  Infantry)  by  having  lost  and 
injured,  by  long  marches,  many  of  their  horses.  In  one 
company  alone,  of  Col.  Loring's  Column,  no  less  than  six 
gave  out,  and  were  obliged  to  be  shot,  in  a  single  days  march, 
while  the  troops  were  in  the  mountains. 
As  in  these  pages,  I  have  said  much  to  the  prejudice  of 
Col.  Bonnevill,  it  may  not  be  irrelevant,  that  I  should  state 
some  of  my  causes  of  complaint.  But  I  do  this  critically 
and  without  personal  feeling.  It  is  true  I  am  questioning  the 
actions  of  an  officer  much  my  superior  in  rank,  but  let  it 
be  remembered,  that  while  all  may  correctly  criticize,  but 
few  could  properly  execute. 

In  a  campaign  of  this  nature,  if  one  has  had  the  hardi- 
hood to  risk  their  reputation  upon  planning  and  successfully 
executing  it ;  there  are  three  important  points  to  be  gained, 
and  which  must  never  be  lost  sight  of,  for  one  instant,  viz. 
Despatch  in  organization  and  arrangements. —  Secresy. — 
And  Celerity  of  movement —  And  the  questions  How,  and 
by  what  means  should  these  ends  be  attained,  so  as  best 
to  gain  the  greatest  success,  are  collateral  considerations, 
a  proper  attention  to  which,  with  the  necessary  force  of 
armament  cannot  cause  a  failure,  even  should  it  not  secure 
the  complete  attainment  of  the  object  sought. 

Proceeding  first  to  secresy —  So  inflated  did  this  man 
seem  with  the  idea  of  this  expedition,  while  Department 
Commander,  which  may  or  may  not  have  originated  with 
his  fancy,  that  like  the  frog  in  the  fable,66  he  soon  burst 
from  the  overcharge,  scattering  the  brilliant  conception 
over  the  territory  in  the  shape  of  a  proclamation,  beginning 
with  the  celebrated  words,  in  worthy  imitation,  to  a  certain 
degree,  of  a  nobler  document.  "It  becomes  necessary  to 
chastise  the  Indians."  Thus  heralding  the  intended  cam- 
paign months  before  it  commenced.  It  became  notorious; 


66.  The  frog  in  the  fable  in  describing:  the  huge  size  of  the  ox  that  had  trampled 
on  them,  concluded :  "  'Indeed,  mother,  but  it  was  ;  and  if  you  were  to  burst  yourself, 
you  would  never  reach  half  its  size.'  Provoked  at  such  a  disparagement  of  her  powers, 
the  old  Frog  made  one  more  trial,  and  burst  herself  indeed."  Aesop's  Fables,  no.  29. 


PURITAN   AND  APACHE  51 

was  the  common  talk  of  the  common  people,  and  even  in 
the  mouths  of  "babes  and  sucklings."  The  various  tribes 
of  Indians  against  whom  it  stated  that  the  expedition  was 
to  be  directed,  were  perfectly  informed  of  it,  and  the  results 
of  our  marches  over  their  country  has  fully  demonstrated, 
that  they  took  such  advantage  of  it  as  Nature,  and  an  inti- 
mate knowledge  of  their  mountain  homes  seemed  to  dictate, 
as  fully  bear  witness  the  whole  country  blackened  by  fire 
and  deserted  by  whole  tribes,  leaving  but  a  few  light-footed 
warriors  to  provide  for  their  decrepid  old  men  and  women, 
in  their  almost  inaccessable  mountains. 

The  great  length  of  time,  a  period  of  several  months, 
elapsing  between  the  publication,  of  this  public  opportunity 
of  escape,  thus  afforded  the  tribes  against  whom  the  enter- 
prise was  directed,  and  the  beginning  of  its  execution, 
betrays  a  want  of  Despatch,  which  must  be  greatly  culpable. 
All  of  the  operations  in  concentrating  troops  and  supplies, 
but  more  particularly  the  latter,  were  slow,  cumbrous  and 
bungling.  And  this  military  chief  seemed  to  lose  sight  en- 
tirely of  future  movements  of  troops,  in  the  indulgence  of  a 
gastronomical  propensity  to  collect  an  immense  abundance 
of  provisions.  This  was  excessive.  And  months  were  occu- 
pied in  concentrating  at  the  Gila  river  Depot,  long  before 
they  were  needed,  the  most  enormous  supplies  of  stores  en- 
tirely to  the  exclusion  of  pack-animals,  for  their  transporta- 
tion, for  the  troops  who  were  to  go  into  the  field.  And,  for 
this  same  reason  too,  the  want  of  animals  for  transportation, 
was  a  great  failure  made  by  neglecting  entirely,  attention 
to  the  rapidity  of  movements  of  troops,  which  is  so  import- 
ant an  element  of  success  in  field  service,  of  this  nature, 
where  operations  are  those  of  pursuit.  Our  cavalry  was,  at 
times  completely  broken  up  by  the  losses  of  animals  which 
it  sustained.  And  there  were  none  to  replace  them.  Small 
parties  of  Indians,  (and  they  are  never  large)  well  mounted 
as  they  were,  could  not  be  pursued  successfully  for  this 
reason.  In  fact  we  were  reduced  by  two  weeks  active,  and 
actual  service,  to  a  poor  pitiful  set,  of  straggling  wretches, 
ineffective  and  useless,  unless  the  Indians  had  attemped 
to  attack  us,  which  of  course  was  not  very  probable.  And 


52  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

even  after  such  a  period  of  fifteen  days  labour,  our  return 
to  active  operations  was  a  question  of  time,  depending 
entirely  upon  the  state  of  health  of  our  pack-animals,  the 
condition  of  their  backs  etc.,  as  there  were  none  to  replace, 
the  unserviceable  animals. 

Thus  as  we  were  tr[a]iling  over  a  portion  of  country,  by 
tedious  marches  and  slowly  moving  columns,  the  Indians  (if 
there  were  any,)  stepped  aside,  allowed  us  to  pass  quietly 
and  then  did  as  they  pleased,  as  before. 
It  must  be  that  in  scouting  over  a  country  of  the  nature 
of  this,  possessing  so  many  facilities  for  the  security  of 
the  Indian,  and  presenting  so  many  natural  obstacles  to 
its  examination  by  his  enemies,  that  delays  of  the  duration 
of  ours  either  for  recruiting,  or  other  purposes  would  be 
necessarily  destructive.  It  is  like  bailing  a  sinking  ship 
without  stopping  its  leaks.  With  Goethe  we  may  say, 
"Happy  is  he,  who  early  discovers  the  gulf  that  lies  between 
his  aspirations,  and  his  powers."  It  is  true  that  the  expedi- 
tion has  been  partially  successful. —  A  number  of  stolen 
Sheep  have  been  recovered,  and  possibly  a  moral  effect  has 
been  created:  but  more  probable  that  contempt,  has,  ere 
this,  taken  its  place  in  the  minds  of  Indians. 
Our  chieftain  (?)  is  now  at  a  full  stop,  but  his  pause  is 
the  blindness  of  ignorance,  and  not  the  quiet  deliberation 
of  wisdom. 

And  if  eventually,  we  are  successful  in  this  new  terri- 
tory where  our  coming  has  not  been  heralded,  it  will  be 
the  success  of  chance,  not  of  intention  and  design. 

Indeed,  it  seems  that  investigations  of  this  problem, 
as  far  as  developed,  may  be  thus  stated.  (By  the  permission 
of  "Bartletts'  analytical  Mechanicks") — 

Let  F  =  the  force  =  $500000.00  and  800  men 

Let  P  =  the  path  passed  over  by  the  point  of  application  of  the  force  = 

1200  miles 
Let  Q  =  the  quantity  of  effective  work  performed  =  the  recovery  of  500 

Sheep  and  10  Indians 

And  we  thus  have  the  equation  Q  =  F  xP.        or 
500  Sheep  and  10  Indians  =  800  men  moving  1200  miles  at  the  expense 

of  $500000. 
To  discuss  this  equation.  Q=  F  X  P.  It  is  evident  that  Q  is  dependant 


PURITAN  AND  APACHE  53 

for  its  value  upon  F,  and  P;  now  assuming  F,  as  a  constant  quan- 
tity, and  the  value  of  P,  the  path,  as  limited,  it  is  evident  that  Q 
will,  (if  time  be  considered,)  be  dependant  upon  the  rapidity  of 
motion,  of  the  force  F. 

Let  D  =  the  whole  distance  which  has  been,  or  is  to  be,  marched  over. 

Let  T  =  the  whole  time,  occupied  in  the  field  by  the  troops. 

Let  M  =  the  whole  number  of  miles  traveled  per  day — 

And  we  have  the  equation.  D  =  TxMorT  =  D/M.  Now  in  this  last 
equation  assuming  D.  as  a  constant  quantity  T.  will  depend  for  its 
value  upon  M,  alone,  and  as  we  decrease  M.  T.  will  increase:  or 
making,  in  the  equation,  T  =  D/M,  M  =  0  we  have  T  = 
D/O  =  0-0.  and  Q,  as  a  result,  is  0.  Now  this  must  have  been 
Bonneville's  discussion.  He  considered  that  as  the  time  was  infi- 
nite, it  made  no  differance  how  slowly  we  moved,  or  what  was  the 
value  of  M.  But  enough  of  this. 

Sunday  June  7th  and  8th  9th  and  10th  etc.  until  the 
morning  of  what  it  now  is,  June  the  13th  we  were  occupied 
in  preparing  for  the  great  Scout  of  thirty  days  to  the 
"Coyotero  Country."  Nothing  worth  noting  has  transpired 
with  me,  and  now  we  start.  Even  while  I  write  some  of  the 
troops  are  in  motion.  To  day  I  shall  commence  my  journal 
in  rhyme,  so  "adios"  to  plain  statements. 

END  OF  PART  FIRST 


CAMELS  IN  THE  MINES 
By  DAN  DEQUILLE  l 

THUS  far  the  camel  has  never  proved  a  success  in  any 
mining  region  on  the  Pacific  Coast.  One  would  suppose 
that  the  animal  could  be  employed  to  advantage  in  many  of 
the  desert  sections  lying  westward  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
but  such  seems  not  to  be  the  case.  Camels  can  only  be  used 
in  level  and  sandy  regions  for  transportation  purposes.  In 
the  mountains  they  soon  become  footsore.  Owing  to  the 
peculiar  formation  of  their  feet  they  cannot  withstand  the 
sharp  rocks  of  the  mountain  roads,  and  it  is  in  the  mountains 
that  the  work  of  the  mines  lies.  For  packing  ore  over  the 
rocky  trails  of  mining  regions  one  good  mule  is  worth  half 
a  dozen  camels. 

The  only  use  to  which  camels  can  be  put  in  the  Pacific 
Coast  country  is  in  packing  salt,  soda,  borax  and  similar 
mineral  products  of  the  desert  regions  to  the  railroad  lines. 
They  have  been  tried  in  Nevada  in  transporting  salt  from 
the  desert  marshes  to  the  reduction  works  of  the  Comstock, 
but  were  found  unprofitable.  The  camel  may  be  fast  enough 
for  an  Arab,  but  he  is  too  slow  for  an  American.  Wherever 
a  camel  can  travel  in  comfort  one  may  go  with  a  wagon.  In 
the  business  of  salt  transportation  in  Nevada,  trains  of 
wagons  and  big  mule  teams  soon  ran  the  camels  off  the  track. 

Originally  twelve  camels  were  brought  to  Nevada.  It 
was  before  there  was  a  railroad  anywhere  in  the  Great  Basin 
region.  The  animals  appeared  to  be  as  much  at  home  here 
as  in  their  habitat  in  the  Old  World.  They  found  here  the 
artemesia  and  many  of  the  same  bitter  and  prickly  shrubs 
that  are  native  to  the  desert  regions  of  Asia.  When  the  oc- 
cupation of  the  camels  as  packers  of  salt  was  gone  they 


1.  Dan  DeQuille  was  a  resident  of  Virginia  City.  Nevada,  and  author  of  Hiatorv 
of  the  Big  Bonanza  (Hartford,  1876). 

This  article  is  a  reprint  from  The  Mining  Industry  and  Tradesman,  vol.  XI,  No. 
16  (October,  6,  1892).  The  copy  was  submitted  for  publication  by  Agnes  Wright 
Spring,  Denver,  Colo. 

The  basic  story  of  the  importation  of  camels  for  service  in  the  Southwest  can  be 
found  in  Lewis  Burt  Lesley,  ed..  Uncle  Sam's  Camels,  Harvard  University  Press, 
Cambridge,  1929. 

54 


public  Library 

CAMELS  IN   THE   MINES-  55 

were  sold  to  some  Mexicans  who  used  them  for  a  time  in 
packing  wood  down  out  of  the  mountains.  The  Mexicans 
took  them  up  rocky  trails  into  the  rugged  hills  and  used  them 
the  same  as  they  use  a  mule — unmercifully.  They  soon  killed 
three  of  the  poor  animals  and  would  have  killed  the  remain- 
der had  not  a  Frenchman  who  owned  a  big  ranch  on  the 
Carson  river  taken  pity  on  the  poor  abused  creatures  and 
bought  the  whole  of  them.  This  Frenchman  had  been  in 
Algeria  with  the  French  army,  where  he  had  acquired  an 
affection  for  the  camel — probably  owed  the  animal  a  debt 
of  gratitude  for  saving  his  life  on  some  occasion.  He  had  no 
use  for  the  beasts  and  therefore  turned  them  out  to  roam 
the  desert  plains  at  their  "own  sweet  will"  and  enjoy  them- 
selves. 

The  animals  soon  waxed  fat  and  increased  and  multi- 
plied. In  a  few  years  the  herd  numbered  thirty-six,  old  and 
young.  The  Frenchman  then  sold  the  whole  lot  to  be  taken 
down  to  Arizona  to  be  used  in  packing  ore  down  off  a  big 
mountain  range.  It  was  said  there  was  a  good  smooth  trail, 
but  the  animals  found  all  the  rocks  and  soon  became  foot- 
sore and  useless,  when  all  were  turned  adrift  to  shift  for 
themselves.  They  wandered  away  until  they  reached  a  region 
on  the  borders  of  the  Gila.  There  they  found  a  climate  and 
pasturage  suited  to  their  habits  and  taste,  and  there  they 
have  been  running  wild  for  many  years.  It  is  said  they  have 
broken  up  into  several  herds  as  they  multiplied,  and  these 
herds  are  scattered  in  various  directions.  Of  late  it  is  re- 
ported that  the  cattlemen  have  been  shooting  the  animals  for 
some  reason;  perhaps  because  they  frighten  and  stampede 
their  horses.  No  one  knows  how  many  camels  are  now  run- 
ning at  large  in  the  wilds  of  the  Gila  country,  but  there  must 
be  a  great  number.  One  is  occasionally  caught.  Three  years 
ago  one  was  caught  near  Gila  Bend  that  measured  over  nine 
feet  in  height.  It  was  supposed  to  have  strayed  from  one 
of  the  herds  roaming  that  region. 

The  Dutchman  Who  Killed  A  Camel 

When  the  camels  were  first  taken  down  to  Arizona  to 
be  used  in  packing  ore  one  of  them  was  shot  and  killed  by  a 


56  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

German  miner.  The  man  who  did  the  deed  suffered  about 
as  much  distress  of  mind  as  did  the  sailor  who  killed  the  al- 
batross. The  German  was  working  for  a  mining  company 
at  a  place  about  three  miles  from  where  were  located  the 
men  who  were  trying  to  use  the  "ships  of  the  desert"  as 
"prairie  schooners"  in  carrying  ore  down  from  the  moun- 
tains. The  man  did  not  know  there  was  such  an  animal  as  a 
camel  on  the  American  continent — probably  in  all  his  life 
had  never  seen  a  camel. 

The  German  had  a  "jager"  which  he  had  brought  from 
the  old  country.  With  this  rifle  he  had  brought  down  many 
a  chamois  in  his  native  land.  Every  Sunday  he  was  out  with 
his  tremendous  old  "jager."  He  brought  home  no  game,  but 
always  came  in  loaded  to  the  muzzle  with  stories  of  the  bear, 
deer,  mountain  lions  and  other  animals  he  had  seen  and  des- 
perately wounded. 

One  Sunday  Hans  came  tearing  into  camp  about  ten 
times  as  wild-eyed  as  usual.  "Poys,"  cried  he  as  soon  as 
he  could  get  his  breath  —  "poys,  I  haf  shooted  a  hel-ak." 
(elk.) 

"A  what?"  asked  one  of  the  men. 

"A  hel-  ak —  a  hel-ick!"  cried  Hans — "Mine  Gott,  es 
war  de  biggerest,  moas'  grosseren  hel  ak  das  in  all  Arizona 
ge-was !" 

"He  means  to  say  that  he  has  shot  a  monstrous  big  elk," 
explained  some  one. 

"Yaw,  a  hel-  ak,"  said  Hans — "So  wahr  mir  Gott  helfe, 
es  ist  biggeresten  hel-  ak  das  in  all  dese  mountains  sail 
wohnen !" 

"Big  horns  like  this?"  queried  an  old  miner,  drawing 
his  neck  down  into  his  chest  and  spreading  his  arms  abroad. 

"No  horn  at  all,"  said  Hans — "She  was  a  frau  hel-ak, 
she  vas  der  grandmother  of  all  der  hel-aks  in  the  vorldt !" 

As  Hans  was  able  to  show  blood  on  his  knife,  gun  and 
hands,  the  men  concluded  that  he  had  at  last  really  killed  a 
beast  of  some  kind.  Horses  were  caught  up  and  two  men 
sent  with  Hans  to  bring  in  the  meat — of  which  he  said  there 
was  "more  as  a  vagon-load." 


CAMELS  IN   THE   MINES  57 

Hans  insisted  upon  all  hands  taking  guns,  as  he  said 
he  had  seen  a  large  drove  of  the  elk  just  across  a  little  valley 
from  where  he  had  downed  his  victim.  As  the  men  rode 
along  with  him  across  the  country,  Hans  honestly  owned 
that  he  had  never  before  seen  an  elk.  He  had  heard  so  much 
said  about  the  elk,  however,  that  he  thought  he  knew  the 
build  of  the  animal. 

Probably  Hans  dashed  up  to  the  spot  where  lay  stretched 
the  dead  camel.  Dismounting  he  threw  his  beloved  "jager" 
across  his  game,  then  as  the  others  came  up  he  laid  a  finger 
on  his  lips  and  pointed  in  the  direction  of  a  range  of  low 
hills.  He  wanted  no  noise  made  for  he  was  in  just  the  right 
humor  to  creep  over  the  hills  and  slaughter  the  whole  herd. 

In  his  anxiety  to  make  sure  of  his  game,  Hans  had 
nearly  sawed  off  the  head  of  the  poor  camel.  When  his  com- 
panions came  up  they  were  for  some  moments  at  a  loss  as  to 
just  what  kind  of  huge  creature  Hans  had  stretched  upon 
the  plain. 

Presently  one  of  the  men  who  was  a  Comstocker  cried 
out: 

"By  the  holy  poker,  he  has  killed  one  of  the  camels  that 
belong  over  at  the  other  camp !  Here  is  a  nice  mess !  I  have 
no  doubt  the  animal  is  worth  all  of  a  thousand  dollars." 

"Gott  in  himmel,  wort  a  tousand  dollar !"  cried  Hans — 
"Ah  mein  lieber !  Ah,  Gott,  if  we  could  only  kill  dem  all  it 
is  more  as  twenty  tousand  dollar  in  our  pocket !" 

It  was  long  before  Hans  could  be  made  to  understand 
that  the  "boot  was  on  the  other  foot" — that  the  owner  of 
the  camel  would  demand  $1000  for  it. 

"Ach  der  teuf el !"  cried  Hans.  "Potz  wetter !  Das  kam- 
eel !  das  kameel !  Is  it  den  one  kameel  I  have  killed?" 

"Yes,  a  camel,"  said  one  of  the  men,  "and  the  men  who 
own  the  camel  will  be  after  you." 

"Donner  wetter !"  cried  Hans. 

As  the  men  with  Hans  did  not  wish  to  be  caught  near 
the  dead  camel  all  hands  beat  a  hasty  retreat  for  home. 

When  they  got  back  to  the  mine  and  told  of  Hans'  latest 
exploit  with  his  old  "jager"  the  whole  camp  was  in  a  roar. 

For  three  or  four  days  Hans  endured  being  pointed  out 


58  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  all  comers  as  "the  man  who  shot  the  camel,"  then  he  came 
up  missing,  and  his  old  "jager"  with  him. 

At  meals,  and  on  all  occasions  when  Hans  appeared 
among  the  employes  of  the  mining  company,  the  killing  of 
the  camel  was  made  the  topic  of  conversation.  The  atrocity 
of  the  act  would  be  enlarged  upon,  and  the  value  of  the  slain 
beast  gravely  discussed.  Several  had  held  that  for  show 
purposes — for  use  in  a  menagerie — the  animal  was  worth 
$1500,  and  the  lowest  estimate  was  $800,  which  was  for  his 
use  as  a  pack  animal.  This  talk  did  not  serve  to  give  Hans 
an  appetite — it  was  poor  sauce  to  his  victuals.  Then  the 
men  always  went  through  the  ceremony  of  placing  some  one 
on  guard  as  a  picket,  that  the  owner  of  the  camel  might  not 
come  and  catch  them  all  in  a  bunch  at  meal-time. 

All  this  so  worked  upon  the  mind  of  poor  Hans  that  one 
night  he  "folded  his  tent"  and  in  imitation  of  the  Arab,  "si- 
lently stole  away." 

Five  months  later  the  Comstocker — a  millwright  named 
Tom  Alchorn — went  to  a  camp  about  a  hundred  miles  away, 
in  another  part  of  Arizona,  to  work  upon  a  set  of  hoisting 
works.  At  the  first  meal,  when  all  hands  about  the  mine 
were  seen  together,  Tom  recognized  among  them  Hans,  his 
former  fellow-workman. 

"Well,  by  the  holy  poker !"  cried  Tom — "here  is  Hans ! 
Here  is  the  man  that  shot  the  camel !" 

Tom  Alchorn  was  then,  of  course,  called  upon  for  the 
story  of  the  killing  of  the  camel  and  before  it  was  half  fin- 
ished Hans  had  slipped  away  from  the  table.  That  night 
the  poor  fellow  disappeared  from  the  mine.  The  after  history 
of  Hans  was  unknown  to  my  friend  Alchorn,  but  it  is  prob- 
able that  he  is  still  occasionally  recognized  by  some  one  in 
some  camp  of  Arizona  or  New  Mexico  as  "the  man  who  killed 
the  camel." 

The  Result  of  an  Attempt  to  Shear  a  Camel 

With  the  herd  of  camels  when  it  was  owned  by  the 
Frenchman  on  the  Carson  river  was  a  huge  old  bull  camel 
that  was  known  as  "old  Heenan."  He  was  a  giant  and  the 
patriarch  of  the  herd.  He  had  hair  on  parts  of  his  body  that 


CAMELS   IN   THE   MINES  59 

was  from  a  foot  to  eighteen  inches  in  length.  The  animals 
ranged  down  the  valley  of  the  Carson  nearly  to  old  Fort 
Churchill.  At  Sam  Buckland's  ranch,  a  mile  above  the  fort, 
several  Mexican  vaqueros  were  employed.  These  men  had 
often  seen  the  big  camel  and  had  looked  with  covetous  eyes 
upon  the  long  silken  hair  that  hung  from  his  huge  frame. 
They  thought  this  hair  might  be  spun  into  beautiful  riatas 
and  braided  into  many  handsome  forms  of  reins  and  orna- 
ments for  bridles. 

One  fine  spring  morning  two  of  the  Mexicans — Antonio 
and  Gedonio — equipped  themselves  with  a  pair  of  sheep- 
shears  and  a  lasso  and  set  out  to  catch  and  shear  "Old 
Heenan." 

Usually  the  "ferocity"  of  a  camel  is  on  a  par  with  that 
of  a  sheep,  despite  all  hissing,  showing  of  teeth  and  venom- 
ous looks.  There  is  one  season  of  the  year,  however,  when 
the  old  bulls  are  really  very  vicious.  The  Mexicans  had  sal- 
lied forth  in  the  midst  of  this  season,  but  were  unaware  of 
the  fact. 

Old  Heenan  was  found  guarding  his  harem  on  a  grease- 
wood  plain  near  the  river.  The  Mexicans  were  mounted 
upon  mustangs  and  dared  not  go  near  the  herd  on  horseback. 
The  sight  and  smell  of  a  camel  sets  all  ordinary  horses  wild ; 
for  some  reason  terrifies  and  stampedes  them.  Gedonio  dis- 
mounted and  taking  with  him  the  lasso,  left  Antonio  to  hold 
the  two  horses  and  the  shears. 

Gedonio  found  the  big  camel  easy  to  approach.  The  old 
fellow  stood  stock  still,  dreamily  chewing  his  cud  with  half 
closed  eyes.  The  lasso  swished  through  the  air  and  in  a 
moment  was  about  Old  Heenan's  neck.  Then,  as  the  patriarch 
felt  the  rope  tighten  about  his  neck,  the  fun  began. 

Alongside  the  giant  beast  the  Mexican  looked  a  mere 
pigmy.  When  Old  Heenan  realized  that  the  small  two-legged 
creature  was  actually  trying  to  "gather  him  in"  his  little 
eyes  turned  green  with  rage.  Hissing  like  a  red-hot  loco- 
motive, he  charged  Gedonio. 

The  little  Mexican  held  to  the  rope  for  a  time,  thinking 
to  choke  the  camel  down,  but  found  the  animal  apparently 
able  to  subsist  as  long  without  "wind"  as  without  water.  Be- 


60  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

sides,  Heenan  made  for  him  so  rapidly  that  he  could  get  no 
square  pull  on  the  beast.  At  last  Gedonio  was  so  hard 
pressed  that  he  was  forced  to  drop  the  lasso  and  take  to  his 
heels. 

By  this  time  Heenan  was  thoroughly  enraged.  The 
Mexican  tried  to  dodge  the  irate  beast  among  the  bunches 
of  greasewood,  but  these  being  only  two  or  three  feet  high 
afforded  poor  cover.  He  then  struck  for  the  river,  intending 
to  climb  one  of  the  cottonwoods  on  the  bank  of  the  stream, 
but  Heenan  was  so  close  at  his  heels  that  there  was  no  time 
for  climbing  and  he  was  obliged  to  plunge  into  the  river. 

Not  being  able  to  swim  Gedonio  was  obliged  to  halt 
when  the  water  came  up  to  his  chin.  Heenan  charged  down 
to  the  water's  edge  and  there  stood  on  guard.  Though  the 
old  fellow  would  not  enter  the  water  he  made  the  Mexican 
very  unhappy  by  spitting  showers  of  acrid  saliva  into  his 
face  and  eyes. 

Meantime  Antonio,  who  had  witnessed  his  partner's  in- 
glorious retreat,  became  uneasy.  He  feared  he  was  either 
drowned  or  killed,  as  he  could  see  neither  man  or  camel  after 
they  plunged  down  the  bank  toward  the  river.  Leading  his 
mustangs  he  ventured  near  the  bank  of  the  river  and 
shouted:  "Gedonio!  Gedonio!" 

Gedonio  heard  and  begged  Antonio  to  come  to  his  relief, 
explaining  the  situation.  He  told  Antonio  to  tie  the  two 
mustangs  together  and  leave  them,  then  slip  down  the  bank, 
get  hold  of  the  trailing  end  of  the  lasso  and  tie  it  to  a  tree. 

All  went  well  until  Antonio  was  about  to  pass  the  end 
of  the  lasso  round  the  tree.  It  would  not  reach  by  a  foot  or 
two  and  he  hauled  upon  it.  That  attracted  the  attention  of 
Old  Heenan  and  he  went  for  Antonio  open-mouthed. 

Up  the  bank  went  Antonio  with  the  big  camel  at  his 
heels.  He  tried  to  reach  the  horse  to  mount  and  ride  off,  but 
at  the  sight  of  the  camel  the  mustangs  gave  a  snort  of  terror 
and  dashed  away. 

Heenan's  attention  being  attracted  to  the  horses  he  gave 
chase  to  them,  much  to  the  relief  of  Antonio  who  had  plunged 
headfirst  into  a  bunch  of  sagebrush  to  conceal  himself  from 
the  enemy. 


Library 
*  —  City.  W0 

CAMELS  IN   THE   MINES    '  61 

Presently  the  two  men  got  together  and  went  in  search 
of  their  horses.  Half  a  mile  up  the  river  they  found  both 
animals  drowned  in  a  deep  hole,  with  Old  Heenan  upon  the 
bank,  standing  guard  over  them.  It  was  only  after  infinite 
trouble  that  the  two  Mexicans  were  able  to  recover  their 
saddles  and  bridles,  and  as  they  sneaked  home  to  Buckland's 
that  evening  they  were  sadder  and  wiser  men.  They  "went 
for  wool  and  came  back  shorn" — even  their  shears  were  lost. 

The  pair  told  all  manner  of  lies  to  account  for  the  drown- 
ing of  their  horses,  but  as  it  happened  the  Frenchman  who 
owned  the  camels  had  climbed  a  tree  to  watch  the  Mexicans, 
not  knowing  what  they  were  after,  and  had  witnessed  the 
whole  affair.  When  the  true  story  reached  the  ranch  there 
were  a  thousand  jokes  among  the  men  about  the  fun  to  be 
had  in  performing  the  feat  of  "shearing  a  bull  camel  in  the 
rutting  season." 

Sam  Buckland,  himself,  was  the  boss  joker,  and  almost 
laughed  himself  sick  over  the  business.  The  two  Mexicans 
stood  the  joking  about  a  week,  then  disappeared  between 
two  days ;  two  of  Buckland's  best  and  fastest  horses  disap- 
pearing at  the  same  time.  Then  Sam's  merriment  was 
turned  to  wrath.  He  would  hear  no  more  of  the  jokes  in 
which  his  heart  had  formerly  delighted.  He  told  his  men 
that  there  had  already  been  "too  much  said  about  shearing 
camels." 


Notes  and  Documents 

On  February  14,  1847,  one  hundred  years  ago,  Richard 
Green  was  born  in  Boone,  Watage  County,  North  Carolina. 
August  28, 1848,  ninety-nine  years  ago,  Mary  Caroline  Lewis 
was  born  in  the  same  city. 

There  on  October  31,  1867,  eighty  years  ago,  Richard 
and  Mary  Caroline  were  married  in  her  old  home.  To  this 
union,  there  were  born  thirteen  children.  Seven  girls  and 
six  boys.  The  first  five  children,  Clay,  George,  Calvin,  Mae 
and  Christopher  were  born  in  Boone,  North  Carolina. 

Though  by  1873,  Father  Green  had  a  wife  and  five  chil- 
dren, the  call  of  the  Pioneer  West  was  in  his  blood.  North 
Carolina  roots  were  hard  to  pull,  but  his  desire  to  become 
a  farmer  caused  him  to  "Go  West."  The  journey  westward 
was  begun  in  1873,  though  the  family  traveled  no  further 
than  Jonesborough,  Tennessee,  where  they  remained  two 
years.  Nancy  the  sixth  child  and  second  girl  was  born  here 
on  December  27,  1874. 

To  them  Tennessee  was  still  "East,"  and  the  West  being 
their  destination,  they  proceeded  on  in  1875,  the  second  leg 
of  their  journey  to  take  them  to  Jacksboro,  Texas.  Here 
Father  Green  purchased  300  acres  of  farm  land,  built  a  home, 
and  knew  the  thrill  of  being  a  farmer,  having  had  great  suc- 
cess with  his  crops  and  cattle.  They  remained  here  for  ten 
years,  raising  five  more  children,  Roy,  Effie,  Ella,  Emma 
and  Kittie.  After  10  years  the  family  left  Texas  for  New 
Mexico.  On  April  10,  1884,  Mother  and  Father  Green  and 
eleven  children  started  out  on  the  journey  that  was  to  take 
them  more  than  two  months  to  complete.  Four  covered 
wagons,  three  of  which  were  horse  drawn,  and  one  by  oxen, 
along  with  65  head  of  cattle,  made  the  arduous  journey. 

The  family  arrived  in  San  Pedro,  New  Mexico,  without 
mishap,  and  here  Father  Green  and  the  three  older  boys, 
using  their  large  wagons,  obtained  a  contract  to  haul  ore 
from  the  mines  in  San  Pedro  to  Los  Cerrillos,  from  where 
it  was  loaded  on  to  railroad  cars  and  shipped  to  the  smelter 
in  Socorro,  New  Mexico.  This  proved  a  profitable  business, 

62 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  63 

but  the  lack  of  a  school  in  San  Pedro  made  the  family  decide 
to  move  to  Los  Cerrillos  and  establish  a  permanent  home. 
Here  in  1885  they  purchased  land  and  a  seven  roomed  house, 
this  later  proved  to  be  the  site  of  the  Palace  Hotel.  This 
home  was  the  birthplace  of  Richard,  the  last  son,  who  was 
born  in  1888. 

Accustomed  to  working  for  himself,  Father  Green  pur- 
chased the  Madrid  Coal  Mines,  which  he  worked  for  a  num- 
ber of  years  until,  his  health  failing,  he  was  advised  to  sell. 
The  Colorado  Iron  &  Fuel  Company  purchased  the  mines 
and  subsequently  built  the  first  railroad  from  Madrid  to  Los 
Cerrillos.  It  was  after  selling  the  mines  that  the  plans  for 
the  hotel,  which  had  been  a  dream,  were  materialized.  Their 
decision  made,  construction  was  started  on  the  hotel  in  1888. 

The  stone  portion,  consisting  of  twelve  rooms,  was  erect- 
ed first.  Five  dollars  a  day  was  the  wage  paid  an  excellent 
stone  mason.  In  1890  native  labor  was  hired  to  manufac- 
ture, by  hand,  adobe  brick,  and  with  this  material  the  adobe 
addition  was  constructed.  The  approximate  cost  was  $10,000. 

On  the  left,  as  you  enter  the  building,  the  "Office"  was 
located.  Father  Green  often  played  the  role  of  "Night  Clerk," 
so  he  occupied  the  little  room  directly  in  back  of  the  office. 
The  large  room  to  the  right  of  the  entrance  was  leased  to 
Mr.  Julius  Muralter  for  a  tailor  shop.  His  living  quarters 
were  in  the  back  of  the  shop.  Mr.  Muralter  boarded  with 
Mother  Green,  and  resided  and  conducted  his  business  there 
for  a  period  of  22  years. 

On  the  second  floor,  the  room  directly  over  the  office, 
was  known  as  the  "Guest  Room,"  or  "Bridal  Chamber."  A 
second  bedroom  was  in  back  of  this  suite.  Over  the  tailor 
shop  were  two  rooms,  occupied  by  Dr.  F.  Palmer,  who  was 
Los  Cerrillos'  only  physician.  He  also  held  the  post  of  com- 
pany doctor  for  the  Atcheson,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  Railway 
Company.  On  the  third  floor  there  were  three  or  four  bed- 
rooms. 

The  adobe  addition  contained  a  large  room,  used  pri- 
marily as  a  dining  room.  It  comfortably  seated  32  people. 
On  the  north  end  was  a  large  sitting  room,  one  of  the  most 
popular  rooms  in  the  building.  It  was  furnished  simply, 


64  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

but  comfortably.  It  was  here,  gathered  around  the  old  fash- 
ioned organ,  that  the  family  and  "guests"  spent  many  enjoy- 
able times.  South  of  the  dining  room  was  a  large  pantry  from 
which  a  door  opened  into  the  front  hall  of  the  main  build- 
ing. Back  of  the  pantry  was  the  kitchen,  and  in  succession 
to  the  back,  was  Mother  Green's  room.  It  had  a  cheery  fire- 
place, and  made  a  haven  for  her  to  catch  a  five  minute  wink 
between  her  many  chores. 

Back  of  Mother  Green's  room  was  a  small  hallway  lead- 
ing into  a  bedroom  reserved  for  hired  help.  There  was  also 
a  large  room  used  for  storing  purposes.  The  last  room  in 
this  corridor  was  a  bedroom,  which  was  also  equipped  with 
a  fireplace,  and  reached  by  means  of  a  long  porch.  It  was 
in  this  room  that  Ruth  the  youngest  and  last  child  was  born. 

An  outside  stairway  led  to  the  second  floor  of  the  adobe 
addition.  Over  the  dining  room  was  a  large  room,  rented 
to  the  Masonic  lodge  for  a  two  year  period.  Father  Green 
was  a  member  and  became  a  32nd  Degree  Mason.  Over  the 
kitchen  portion  there  was  a  long  porch,  off  of  which  there 
were  six  bedrooms.  In  the  extreme  south  portion  there  was 
a  suite  of  two  rooms  occupied  by  Dr.  Wm.  Bishop,  D.D.S., 
who  conducted  his  dental  practise  here.  Dr.  Bishop  later 
passed  away  in  this  room. 

When  the  room  occupied  by  the  Masonic  lodge  was  avail- 
able, upon  expiration  of  their  lease,  rather  than  renew  their 
lease,  the  room  was  subdivided  and  six  additional  bedrooms 
were  made. 

Throughout  the  years,  there  were  several  prominent 
people  who  at  one  time  or  another  occupied  the  "Guest 
Room."  Of  the  most  notable  were  Thomas  A.  Edison,  Ulysses 
S.  Grant  and  Governor  Prince.  General  Grant  and  Governor 
Prince  were  in  Los  Cerrillos  to  inspect  Placer  Mining  loca- 
tions. Mr.  Edison  was  making  experimental  electrical  re- 
search for  an  electric  plant  in  Madrid.  Only  his  colleagues, 
and  not  Mrs.  Edison,  accompanied  him. 

Col.  Theodore  Roosevelt  did  not  come  to  Los  Cerrillos 
but,  on  July  4,  1899,  the  "Roosevelt  Rough  Riders"  held 
their  annual  re-union  in  Las  Vegas.  Father  and  Mother 
Green  accompanied  by  Nancy,  Effie,  George  and  Dick  went 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  65 

to  Las  Vegas  for  a  Fourth  of  July  outing,  and  had  the  pleas- 
ure and  honor  of  shaking  hands  with  him,  and  of  hearing 
him  commend  their  son,  Clay,  who,  while  assigned  as  Col. 
Roosevelt's  orderly  of  the  day,  was  killed  in  the  first  charge 
up  San  Juan  Hill  in  the  Battle  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  on  July 
1,  1898.  From  this  great  man  praise  was  bestowed  on  the 
son  who  gave  his  life  for  his  country,  by  the  simple  gesture 
and  the  words  he  spoke  as  he  laid  his  hand  on  eleven  year 
old  Dick's  head  and  said,  "Dick,  I  sincerely  hope  you  will 
grow  up  to  be  as  fine  a  man  as  your  brother  Clay  was." 

Father  Green  passed  away  in  the  little  room  back  of  the 
office  on  November  29,  1906.  One  year  later  Mother  Green 
sold  the  hotel  and  moved  to  Los  Angeles,  California,  where 
she  resided  until  her  death  on  May  24,  1932. 

The  foregoing  has  been  written  expressly  for  Mrs.  Nellie 
Trigg,  present  owner  and  restorer  of  the  Palace  Hotel,  to 
be  known  as  the  "Rock  House  Ranch." 

NANCY  GREEN  MCCLEARY 
San  Gabriel,  Calif. 
July  17, 1947. 

P.  S. :  Another  old  pioneer  hotel  man  of  Los  Cerrillos 
was  D.  D.  Harkness,  founder  of  the  Harkness  Hotel.  He  had 
purchased  four  lots  on  the  street  that  presently  faces  the 
railroad  tracks,  and  announced  that  he  was  going  to  build 
a  hotel.  He  erected  a  temporary  building  and  moved  his 
family  from  Las  Vegas  in  1880.  In  this  year  railroad  track 
was  being  laid,  and  Mrs.  Harkness  was  persuaded  to  board 
the  foreman  and  six  of  the  men  employed  in  building  the 
road  bed.  She  told  Mr.  Harkness  on  his  return  home,  "Well 
Pa,  I've  started  our  hotel,  I  have  seven  boarders."  This  was 
the  beginning  of  a  very  successful  business.  Mr.  Harkness 
then  erected  an  18  roomed  frame  building. 

Mrs.  Orah  Ashley  Lamke,*  granddaughter  of  Rev.  Jacob 
Mills  Ashley,  submitted  for  publication  these  extracts  of 
correspondence  from  Rev.  Ashley  to  his  cousin  Frank  Ashley 
in  London,  England.  Mrs.  Lamke  wrote : 


*     1327   McCutcheon    Road,    Richmond   Heights    17,   Missouri. 


66  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

I  am  sorry  that  we  do  not  have  the  original  letters.  Father  tried 
to  get  them  of  cousin  Frank  years  ago  when  he  visited  England  and 
later  my  brother  made  the  attempt.  Our  cousin  did  not  want  to  part 
with  them  but  told  brother  he  would  copy  everything  written  about 
our  country,  that  the  letters  were  fading  badly  and  that  he  wanted 
to  copy  them  anyway.  This  he  did  and  father  had  copies  run  off  for 
each  of  us. 

The  spelling1  of  Spanish  words  and  place  names  has  been 
corrected.  Some  of  the  errors,  if  not  all,  might  have  occurred 
when  the  original  letters  were  copied  or  in  copying  the  copy. 

Unless  indicated  otherwise,  the  letters  were  all  written 
in  Albuquerque,  New  Mexico. — F.  D.  R. 

Oct.  25,  1880 

It  may  surprise  you  to  hear  from  me  in  this  distant  part  of  the 
world,  in  almost  the  south  west  part  of  the  U.  S.,  in  fact  out  of  the 
states  into  a  territory  in  35.  N.  Latitude,  30  Longitude  W.  of  Wash- 
ington, a  great  deal  nearer  the  Pacific  than  the  Atlantic  Ocean. 

The  inhabitants  are  almost  all  Mexican  and  Indian,  Spanish  being 
the  language  spoken.  The  Mexicans  are  Catholics  and  are  so  under 
the  control  of  the  priests  that  they  dare  not  call  their  souls  their  own. 
The  Indians  have  a  mixed  religion;  while  acknowledging  the  Catholic 
priest,  they  intermix  with  their  Catholicism  a  part  of  their  Sun  Wor- 
ship and  are  yet  looking  for  Montezuma  to  come. 

The  houses  are  built  of  sun  dried  bricks  called  Adobe.  The  room 
I  write  in  has  a  mud  floor,  mud  walls  with  some  timbers  laid  across 
then  some  rough  boards  and  over  these  18  inches  of  mud,  and  we  pay 
£  3  per  month  for  it.  When  we  came  last  March  there  were  only  about 
250  Americans  here  speaking  the  English  language  and  about  3,000 
Mexicans;  now  as  the  railroad  has  got  this  far  there  are  over  1,000 
Americans. 

The  climate  here  is  very  dry  and  the  air  very  pure.  The  place  is 
on  the  Rio  Grande  Del  Norte.  In  the  valley  it  is  generally  very  mild, 
but  as  we  are  surrounded  with  mountains  that  a  great  part  of  the 
year  are  covered  with  snow,  when  the  wind  comes  from  them,  our 
Adobe  (mud)  house  with  a  very  little  fire  is  comfortable.  These  moun- 
tains are  rich  in  minerals,  including  silver  and  gold,  and  many  are 
coming  here  to  find  mines.  Heretofore  it  has  been  so  far  out  of  the 
world  and  so  many  wild  Indians  in  the  country,  that  it  has  been  but 
little  known.  During  this  year  the  Indians  (wild  ones)  have  killed 
about  400,  but  a  few  days  since  their  principal  Chief  Victoria  was 
killed  and  we  hope  the  Indian  war  is  over. 

Last  March  my  eldest  living  son  Alfred  was  likely  to  die  with 
consumption.  Nothing  would  suit  him  but  that  I  must  bring  him  here; 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  67 

to  satisfy  him  we  came.  I  did  not  expect  he  would  live  many  weeks, 
but  the  change  was  so  beneficial,  that  he  is  so  far  recovered  that  he 
is  able  to  practice  his  profession  (physician)  but  it  will  not  do  for 
him  to  leave  here  at  present  and  as  there  are  so  many  Americans 
coming  in  I  have  opened  a  Mission  among  them.  Our  churches  (Con- 
gregational) are  determined  to  enlighten  these  people  if  they  can 
and  so  have  established  Academies  among  them  and  my  son  Walter 
who  is  an  A.  M.,  M.  D.,  has  charge  of  one  at  Las  Vegas,  N.  M.,  132 
miles  north  of  here,  and  Mrs.  Ashley  (George's  widow)  has  a  school 
at  Stockton,  Utah  among  the  Mormons. 

Brigham  Young  Jr.  and  his  brother  John  come  here  sometimes 
from  their  southern  settlement  in  Utah  and  Arizona. 

When  we  got  here  there  was  no  railroad,  but  one  was  building 
from  the  N.  E.;  this  has  passed  thro'  and  is  running  130  miles  S.  and 
will  make  connections  with  one  from  the  Pacific  Jan.  1st,  1881.  An- 
other is  built  out  w.  from  here  60  miles,  going  also  to  the  Pacific.  I 
rode  out  on  it  45  miles  last  Monday  and  was  within  25  miles  of  Mount 
Taylor,  the  highest  point  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  in  this  territory; 
it  was  covered  with  snow.  Two  Indians  came  to  see  us  and  rode  on 
the  train  3  miles.  They  were  as  pleased  as  children. 

We  have  10  or  12  Jesuit  priests  here,  mostly  Italians,  that  have 
been  driven  from  Italy,  France,  Spain,  etc.  I  do  not  wonder  that  they 
have  been  kicked  out.  They  will  from  here  if  they  do  not  behave  them- 
selves. 

My  health  is  good,  I  weigh  148  Ibs.  and  altho  in  my  65th  year, 
old  age  does  not  creep  upon  me  fast.  .  .  . 

April  17,  1881 

We  are  indeed  in  a  strange  land  with  a  people  of  a  strange  tongue. 
When  we  came,  in  a  population  of  2,500  there  was  only  about  300  that 
spoke  the  English  language;  the  rest  only  Spanish.  There  was  not 
a  two  story  building  in  the  place,  and  all,  even  the  Catholic  Church, 
built  of  adobus.  We  had  to  pay  £  6  for  one  room  without  board  or 
fire.  That  was  £  1-12-6 1  extra  beside  washing.  Our  room  floor  was 
about  10"  below  the  level  of  the  road.  Walls  of  adobus  plastered  with 
the  same  mud  then  whitewashed.  Across  the  top  of  the  walls  large 
beams  just  with  the  bark  taken  off  and  pieces  of  boards  split  out  of 
logs,  placed  from  one  beam  to  another;  then  over  all  a  thick  bed  of 
stiff  clay,  made  just  rounding  enough  to  carry  off  water.  Such  a  roof 
would  wash  away  in  a  short  time  in  England,  but  in  this  dry  climate, 
with  an  occasional  patch  they  last  for  ages.  The  place  was  settled 
long  before  the  Spanish  came  and  they  came  about  1530;  they  con- 
quered the  inhabitants  and  with  the  exception  of  from  1680  to  1693, 


1.  This  is  an  English  money  symbol  and  means  1  pound,  12  shillings  and  6  pence 
(or  pennies).  Today,  the  English  pound  is  officially  worth  $4.02.  There  are  20 
shillings  to  the  pound  and  12  pennies  to  the  shilling. 


68  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

have  been  here  ever  since.  The  people  are  blind  Catholics  and  the 
Jesuit  Priests  have  complete  control  over  them.  There  are  about  a 
dozen  of  them  here  and  you  may  see  one  or  another  of  them,  with 
their  long  black  robes  in  the  street  at  any  time.  When  I  came  our 
Missionary  Society  wished  me  to  commence  a  Mission.  I  did  so,  first 
preaching  in  the  County  Court  room;  but  the  Catholics  soon  got  us 
out  of  there.  Then  we  furnished  a  room  partly  built,  leasing  it  for 
six  months  and  they  got  us  out  of  there  as  soon  as  our  lease  was  up, 
and  for  a  time  we  could  find  no  place  to  preach  in  except  now  and 
then  a  dark  hall.  Meanwhile  the  railroad  came  in  bringing  many 
Americans  and  a  few  Englishmen  and  I  made  some  progress,  organ- 
ized a  small  Congregational  Church,  and  built  a  house  which  we  dedi- 
cated last  Sunday.  My  son  Walter  preached  the  dedication  sermon. 
This  is  the  First  Protestant  Church2  built  in  this  place,  and  there  is 
not  another  of  any  kind  within  85  miles  of  it,  and  there  is  not  another 
Congregational  Church  in  the  Territory,  which  is  larger  than  all 
England,  Scotland  and  Wales  put  together.  It  has  been  almost  an 
unknown  land,  until  this  last  few  years.  Warlike  Indian  tribes  on 
the  East,  North  and  West  of  it  and  Old  Mexico  on  the  South;  so  far 
so  difficult  of  access  that  few  dared  to  brave  the  dangers.  The  country 
is  not  fertile,  except  in  the  valleys  where  the  water  can  be  carried 
from  the  streams  by  ditches  over  the  land  to  water  it.  Where  this  is, 
it  is  very  prolific;  the  most  delightful  grapes  that  ever  I  ate,  peaches, 
apricots,  with  all  kinds  of  garden  vegetables  growing  in  abundance. 

In  November  and  December  we  had  some  unsettled  weather,  the 
worst  that  has  been  known  here  in  24  years.  I  wrote  to  our  Mis- 
sionary Society  asking  the  privilege  of  coming  East  to  lecture  on 
New  Mexico  and  raise  money  to  build  a  Church  here,  but  they  said 
rather  than  I  should  leave  the  ground  they  would  send  me  help.  It 
really  would  not  do  for  me  to  leave.  Had  they  sanctioned  it  and  I  had 
got  to  Boston,  I  think  the  temptation  for  to  cross  the  big  water  to  see 
you  would  have  been  too  great  for  me  to  resist.  I  cannot  say  that  I 
have  altogether  given  up  hope  of  doing  it  yet,  but  the  best  laid  plans 
of  mice  and  men  oft  go  stray.  I  am  growing  old,  let  me  see,  your 
father  must  have  been  60  years  old  last  Thursday.  Well  do  I  remem- 
ber when  they  came  between  9  and  10  at  night  to  tell  me  that  St. 
Valentine  had  brought  me  a  baby  brother.  Time  flies,  September  I  shall 
be  66,  but  I  look  ten  years  younger;  few  take  me  to  be  60.  God  has 
blest  me  in  my  old  age,  with  good  health  and  strength  for  my  work.  .  .  . 
I  have  written  this  between  my  morning  and  evening  services  so  as 
to  get  it  off  quick. 


2.  The  Methodist  Church  might  dispute  this  statement.  See  John  W.  Hood, 
Methodism  in  Albuquerque,  1879-19S9.  University  of  New  Mexico,  1947.  Ms.  (Master 
of  Arts  thesis  in  History). 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  69 

June  3,  1881 

I  thought  when  I  came  to  this  country  I  should  be  where  there 
was  no  ministerial  work  to  do,  but  I  found  work  immediately.  Within 
14  months  I  have  gathered  a  congregation,  organized  a  Church  and 
Sabbath  School,  built  a  House  of  Worship  (your  cousin  Walter 
preached  the  dedication  sermon)  and  we  have  sent  for  an  organ  for 
the  Church.  Church  and  organ  are  paid  for  and  now  other  places 
are  calling  me. 

A  few  weeks  since  I  spent  a  Sabbath  135  miles  west  of  here,  five 
miles  over  the  continental  divide,  the  waters  there  running  west  in- 
stead of  east.  This  was  near  the  end  of  a  new  railroad  building  to 
the  Pacific.  A  motly  group  I  met  there.  The  Americans,  English, 
Scotch,  Irish,  German,  Welsh  and  I  do  not  know  how  many  other  na- 
tionalities, beside  the  Pueblo  and  Navajo  Indians,  gorgeous  in  their 
dirt,  paint  and  feathers  and  varied  colored  blankets.  There  was  a 
diversity  of  religions  as  well  as  race,  Sun  Worshipers,  Pantheists, 
Catholics,  Protestants  of  different  sects  and  Mormons.  John  W.  Young, 
one  of  the  heads  of  the  Mormon  Church,  son  of  Brigham  Young,  with 
one  of  his  five  wives  and  two  children  were  there.  I  suppose  their 
Missionaries  in  England  deny  they  are  polygamists,  but  we  know  that 
they  are  and  they  do  not  deny  it  here,  but  try  to  justify  it.  I  am  in- 
formed that  they  promise  to  give  to  every  head  of  a  family  160  acres 
of  land,  as  an  inducement  to  converts ;  but  they  do  not  give  it,  it  is  the 
U.  S.  Government  that  gives  it  to  everyone  that  will  settle  upon  it, 
whether  he  is  a  Mormon,  Jew,  or  anything  else,  so  that  what  they 
state  of  THEIR  giving  is  false. 

The  ride  out  to  where  I  went  was  quite  interesting.  First  down 
the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte  12  miles  (fields  and  vineyards  on  both  sides 
of  the  river)  to  the  Indian  village  of  the  Isleta  where  there  are  1,081 
Indians.  Their  land  is  cultivated  and  they  have  good  vineyards.  Hav- 
ing crossed  the  river  we  rise  at  the  rate  of  52  feet  to  the  mile  until  we 
reach  the  top  of  the  Mesa  or  tableland  between  Rio  Grande  river  and 
Rio  Puerco;  across  that  and  up  Rio  San  Jose,  thro'  the  Indian  village 
of  El  Rito,  Laguna  and  Acoma,  with  other  Indian  and  Mexican  villages 
in  the  distance  and  large  flocks  of  sheep  and  herds  of  cattle  grazing 
on  each  side  of  the  road,  and  in  the  near  distance  mountains  rising 
thousands  of  feet  above  us.  The  scenery  is  grand.  We  then  pass  thro' 
Mai  Pais  (bad  land)  Lava  beds.  The  lava  in  untold  ages  past  has  been 
belched  forth  from  an  extinct  volcano  and  then  when  cold  uplifted  and 
thrown  into  thousands  of  different  shapes.  We  may  see  in  these  things 
the  wonderful  forces  of  nature,  but  more  of  nature's  God,  who  con- 
trols these  forces. 

The  Duke  of  Sutherland  with  his  suite  passed  thro'  here  last  Sun- 
day night.  He  did  not  go  out  over  the  route  I  have  been  trying  to 
describe  but  went  south  to  make  connections  with  the  Southern  Pacific 
railroad  to  California. . . . 


70  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

May  19,  1883 

This  is  one  of  the  best  mining  regions  in  the  world  and  many  will 
be  made  rich  by  it,  others  will  lose  all,  for  it  is  not  every  mine  that 
turns  out  well,  and  many  are  disappointed.  This  place  has  made  a 
wonderful  growth  and  is  still  growing  and  promises  to  be  one  of  the 
largest  cities  in  this  part  of  the  U.  S.  A.  There  are  two  prominent 
reasons  for  it.  The  advent  of  the  railroad  which  made  it  accessible 
and  the  reducing  of  the  numbers  of  the  savage  murderous  Indians; 
they  have  committed  many  depredations  and  murdered  between  30 
and  40  persons  this  year,  and  that  is  few  compared  with  former  years. 
There  is  a  prospect  that  the  soldiers  will  be  able  this  year  to  entirely 
subdue  them.  None  but  those  who  have  been  in  this  country  can  con- 
ceive of  the  difficulties  to  be  encountered  in  the  pursuit  of  them;  the 
vast  mountain  fastnesses  known  only  to  them  and  almost  inaccessible 
to  man  and  beast,  their  cunning,  etc.  Sentiment  favors  them,  but  ex- 
perience proves  that  they  cannot  be  subdued  with  kindness. 

Get  a  good  map  of  this  country,  if  it  is  a  good  one  it  will  show 
you  near  the  N.  W.  line  of  Arizona,  not  far  from  Nevada  about  500 
miles  from  here,  where  the  Grand  Canon  of  Colorado  is,  one  of  the 
greatest  wonders  of  the  world.  The  rivers  runs  thro'  a  deep  gorge, 
some  of  the  mountains  rising  from  it  almost  perpendicular  5,000  or 
6,000  feet.  There  is  a  sublime  grandeur  to  the  scene. 

My  son  Walter,  my  son-in-law  and  another  gentleman  and  myself 
visited  it  four  weeks  since  and  we  shall  never  forget  it.  As  our  time 
was  limited  this  week  and  it  being  22  miles  from  the  railroad  and 
no  regular  conveyance  we  had  to  give  it  up.  Besides  we  had  seen  it 
once.  A  Miss  Sybil  Carter,  whose  father  was  an  Episcopal  clergyman, 
a  native  of  Tunbridge  Wells,  was  with  me  on  this  trip.  If  we  did  not 
see  the  Grand  Canyon,  we  saw  other  canons,  Padre  or  (Father  Canon) 
which  we  crossed  on  an  iron  bridge;  it  was  where  we  crossed  176  feet 
deep.  Canon  Diablo  (Devil's  Canon)  252  feet  deep,  and  Joyhnson 
Canon,  very  deep  in  places,  was  nearly  5  miles  long  here.  In  one  place 
near  the  railroad  was  the  Devil's  well;  the  top  of  it  is  only  about 
30  by  15  feet  and  it  is  2,860  feet  deep.  These  are  some  of  the  wonders 
of  this  strange  land.  The  lava  of  extinct  volcanoes  was  seen  almost 
all  the  way.  This  country  also  gives  us  some  fine  illustrations  of 
Scripture  passages.  Here  are  often  seen  large  flocks  of  sheep  and 
many  goats  among  them.  "He  shall  separate  the  sheep  from  the 
goats" — Solomon  writes  of  the  Lodge  in  the  garden  of  cucumbers.  I 
called  my  fellow  traveler's  attention  to  the  Lodges  in  the  vineyards 
through  which  we  passed,  also  the  threshing  floors  where  the  oxen 
treaded  out  the  wheat.  To  the  houses,  how  easy  it  was  to  dig  through 
them  and  let  a  man  down  through  the  roof.  How  like  Peter  we  could 
sleep  on  the  house  top,  etc.,  etc. — All  these  things  you  may  read  about, 
but  I  thought  it  would  interest  you  all  to  have  me  write  about  them. 
Before  I  write  again  I  expect  to  visit  California  and  see  the  Pacific 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  71 

ocean,  altho'  I  would  rather  visit  the  Atlantic,  cross  it  and  pay  you  a 
visit.  But  I  am  so  much  nearer  the  Pacific  and  the  time  and  expense 
of  seeing  that  is  nought  compared  with  seeing  the  Atlantic. 

Holbrook,  Arizona;  March  20,  1884 

I  have  moved  to  this  place  temporarily  as  it  saves  me  506  miles 
travel  on  the  railroad  per  week,  which  is  a  great  relief.  I  am  getting 
to  be  an  old  man  and  tho'  my  health  is  good  I  am  fatigued  sooner.  I 
think  I  shall  soon  have  to  give  this  work  up.  Today  ends  my  46th  year 
in  the  Ministry  and  in  ordinary  work  I  think  I  am  good  for  4  more; 
but  I  have  special  work  here,  for  besides  my  work  with  the  English 
speaking  population,  I  have  the  overlooking  of  2  Mexican  preachers 
who  labour  among  their  own  people.  Then  I  have  to  look  after  3 
schools,  well  apart,  one  purely  Mexican,  and  2  for  Mexicans  and 
Mormons.  We  have  these  ignorant  and  deluded  people  in  this  part 
of  the  U.  S.  I  wish  the  people  of  England  knew  them  as  well  as  we 
do  here;  then  they  would  have  fewer  converts.  We  are  hoping  by 
schools  to  enlighten  them  and  thus  break  the  power  of  the  Mormon 
priesthood.  Then  I  am  greatly  interested  in  Indian  work.  I  sent  you 
a  magazine  that  had  an  account  of  my  visits  to  the  Acoma  Indians.  I 
hope  you  got  it.  I  will  send  you  in  this  letter  a  clipping  from  the 
Chicago  Advance,  that  will  give  you  some  information  about  my  work. 
You  in  England  may  be  surprised  that  the  Indians  in  this  country  are 
so  neglected,  but  the  fact  is  our  Churches  have  all  that  ever  they  can 
do,  to  keep  up  with  the  increase  of  population  in  new  places.  Can  you 
imagine  a  country  as  large  as  all  England  without  a  single  house  and 
in  10  years  to  be  covered  with  farms  and  growing  villages?  Yet  that 
is  what  I  have  seen  in  the  last  10  years.  Most  all  the  people  come 
poor;  the  government  gave  them  land,  they  had  houses  to  build,  farms 
to  make,  school  houses  also  to  build;  these  serve  also  to  preach  in  until 
they  can  build  a  Church.  Thus  for  some  years  they  are  not  able  to 
support  a  minister  so  Societies  and  richer  Churches  have  to  keep  them. 
Then  we  have  I  might  say,  men  from  every  nation.  We  have  in 
this  place  that  is  not  2  years  old,  English,  Irish,  Scotch,  German, 
Negro,  Chinese  and  Turks  and  as  we  have  such  a  variety  of  nation- 
alities, so  we  have  of  creeds,  but  I  am  sorry  to  say  very  few  Christians. 
The  worst  part  of  the  people  are  the  Irish,  the  most  drunken  and 
quarrelsome.  They  mostly  work  along  the  line  of  the  railroad  and  are 
the  best  supporters  of  the  saloons  and  most  are  kept  by  them.  My 
being  an  Englishman  leads  me  to  say  very  little  about  them,  for  it 
would  be  attributed  to  prejudice.  I  have  been  in  Ireland  and  I  used 
to  say  it  then  and  I  say  it  now  here,  that  the  priest  and  whiskey  are 
the  curse  of  the  Irish. 

I  see  by  the  Pall  Mall  Gazette,  that  Mr.  Brice,  M.  P.,  has  been 
publishing  his  impression  of  this  country.  I  met  him  when  he  was  out 
here  last  year.  He  seems  a  very  pleasant  gentleman.  When  he  was 


72  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

here  he  was  looking  at  some  specimens  of  petrified  wood.  We  have  a 
large  petrified  forest  30  miles  from  here;  much  of  the  wood  is  crystal- 
ized  and  agilized,  so  that  it  is  quite  a  curiosity  and  many  come  to  see  it. 

May  30,  1884 

I  have  asked  to  be  relieved  of  the  work  or  at  least  have  some 
change.  Whether  I  have  a  change  of  work  or  not  you  see  that  I  have 
changed  my  residence  back  to  Albuquerque,  which  will  be  my  address 
at  present.  I  have  nothing  to  complain  of  as  to  health  but  I  get  so 
tired  with  travel  and  loss  of  rest,  that  I  ache  all  over  and  do  not  get 
rested  before  I  have  to  start  all  over  again. 

Our  schools  among  the  Mexicans  and  Mormons  have  done  well. 
They  close  this  week  until  Sept.  first.  I  am  trying  to  get  schools  among 
the  Indians,  but  have  not  yet  succeeded.  Our  Churches  have  all  they 
can  do,  and  our  work  is  harder  than  in  foreign  lands.  .  .  . 

Nov.  28,  1884 

I  have  not  been  relieved  of  my  general  Missionary  work  yet,  but 
I  hope  to  be  next  month  and  with  that  I  have  again  charge  of  the 
Church  in  this  place,  their  pastor  having  resigned  and  gone  to  Cali- 
fornia. Then  I  have  the  school  and  the  Missionary  work  among  the 
Mexicans  to  look  after.  I  am  looking  next  week  for  a  new  superin- 
tendent of  Missions  and  hope  he  will  relieve  me  of  some  of  the  work. 
I  think  a  little  rest  will  put  me  all  right  again.  .  .  .  The  harvest  has 
been  very  abundant  with  us.  Wheat  is  selling  at  15d  a  bushel;  it 
seems  as  if  we  have  more  than  we  can  consume  or  sell.  It  is  a  blessing 
for  the  poor. . . . 

April  11,  1885 

I  begin  to  feel  my  age  (69  nearly)  and  altho'  I  look  well  and 
strong  I  am  not  as  spry  as  I  once  was.  Mental  work  is  the  hardest 
for  me  now;  a  little  physical  work  does  me  good,  and  so  I  have  been 
handling  the  saw,  plane,  etc.,  building  a  fence  around  my  house  this 
last  week.  My  youngest  daughter  with  her  husband  is  living  with 
me.  He  came  to  make  me  a  visit  and  liked  the  climate  so  well  that 
he  concluded  to  stop,  and  has  entered  the  mercantile  business,  and  I 
think  will  do  well.  It  makes  a  happy  home  for  me.  My  eldest  daughter, 
a  widow,  is  teaching  a  Mission  school  20  miles  from  here.  She  has  40 
Mexican  and  3  Indian  children  pupils.  She  comes  up  occasionally  to 
visit  us  and  will  pass  the  summer  vacation  with  us  and  so  will  also  my 
other  daughter,  then  I  shall  have  all  three  of  my  daughters  with  me. 

In  the  matter  of  number  of  children  I  beat  your  father  and  he 
beats  me  in  grandchildren.  I  have  only  two,  one  (Walter's)  only  5 
days  old,  I  have  not  seen  yet  but  hope  to  soon.  Since  the  early  part 
of  October,  I  have  been  supplying  the  Church  here.  The  pastor  left 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  73 

and  they  asked  me  to  take  it  again.  I  consented  to  do  so  until  they 
could  get  another  Minister  and  one  came  the  night  before  last  and  I 
feel  greatly  relieved.  It  is  doubtful  if  they  will  let  me  rest  as  long  as 
I  am  able  to  do  anything. 

I  have  this  week  to  go  out  from  here  90  miles  and  back,  to  look  at 
work  among  the  Mexicans.  Then  the  week  following  to  go  to  the 
Pacific  shore  to  be  present  at  the  dedication  of  a  Church  the  first  Sun- 
day in  May.  These  over  they  give  me  a  rest.  I  do  not  feel  able  now 
to  take  the  responsibility  of  regular  work,  but  will  help  a  little  when 
I  can. 

What  would  you  think  of  this  in  England?  A  few  weeks  since  I 
received  a  letter  requesting  me  to  go  310  miles  to  marry  a  couple,  as 
I  was  the  nearest  Protestant  minister  (except  Mormon).  I  sent  them 
word  I  would  come  March  23.  I  started  at  3  A.  M.,  went  on  the  train 
158  miles,  stayed  there  3  hours  on  Mission  work,  then  took  the  next 
train  55  miles  further  arriving  there  at  4  P.  M.  I  had  to  stay  in  a 
house  built  with  1  inch  board,  there  were  but  two  houses  in  the  place. 
At  8  next  morning,  started  in  the  rain  on  a  rough  open  carriage  we 
call  a  buckboard  drawn  by  two  mules,  and  in  24  miles  saw  nothing  but 
1  poor  wild  rabbit.  There  we  stopped  and  changed  mules  and  reached 
St.  John,  54  miles  from  the  railroad,  at  7  P.  M^  I  was  so  tired  that 
I  would  not  go  any  farther  that  night;  stayed  there  the  night  and  all 
next  day  until  7  P.  M.,  then  started  for  Springfield  35  miles  farther. 
The  night  was  clear  and  when  we  got  up  into  the  high  tableland  very 
cold,  for  we  had  to  face  a  wind  from  the  top  of  snow  covered  White 
mountain.  Before  midnight  I  and  the  driver  were  pretty  well  chilled 
thro',  and  glad  I  was  when  at  2:30  A.  M.  we  reached  our  destination. 

Springfield  has  a  population  of  about  400  (about  half  Mormon). 
Some  of  the  Mormons  in  this  place  and  St.  John  have  been  imprisoned 
for  polygamy,  others  have  left  the  country  for  fear  of  it. 

On  the  26th  I  married  the  couple  and  another  couple  brought  me 
their  8  months  old  child  to  baptize.  That  night  I  took  a  good  rest 
and  had  the  happiness  the  next  day  to  be  favored  with  a  day's  ride 
back  to  St.  Johns.  This  is  a  place  of  about  1,450  people.  Near  600  are 
Mormons  and  a  little  more  than  600  Mexican  Catholics,  a  few  Jews 
and  the  rest  of  no  religious  character.  There  were  some  who  wished 
me  to  stay  over  Sunday,  29th,  and  preach  in  the  Court  house  to  them; 
I  did  so  and  had  about  40  hearers  morning  and  evening  and  they 
seemed  to  hear  with  gladness.  They  are  anxious  for  a  Missionary  as 
they  have  nothing  there  but  a  Mormon  bishop  and  a  Catholic  priest. 
Thus  a  number  are  left  without  any  religious  instruction.  They  see 
the  abominations  of  Mormonism,  that  it  is  as  the  lowest  Roman  Cath- 
olicism. Our  people  have  sent  them  a  teacher  for  their  children.  She 
does  the  best  she  can  with  a  Sunday  School,  but  they  need  a  Minister, 
but  I  am  afraid  from  lack  of  funds  our  Home  Missionary  Society  will 
not  be  able  at  present  to  send  them  one.  You  have  no  idea  in  England 


74  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  the  necessity  and  extent  of  Home  Missionary  work  in  the  far  west. 
On  Monday  at  8  A.  M.,  I  started  again  on  my  way  and  reached  the 
railroad  at  7  P.  M.  It  was,  I  think,  the  roughest  ride  I  ever  had.  I 
had  then  to  lay  over  until  3  P.  M.  the  next  day,  then  took  the  train 
and  got  home  at  midnight,  and  it  was  several  days  before  I  got  over 
my  ride. 

That  trip  cost  the  man  I  married  over  £  10  sterling.  The  regular 
railroad  and  train  fare  was  over  £  11  but  he  got  a  reduction.  Now 
everyone  has  not  that  amount  to  pay  for  being  married  by  a  minister, 
so  some  get  married  by  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  or  live  together  without. 
Some  who  once  professed  religion  in  their  old  homes,  in  these  wild 
places  almost  forget  their  God  and  his  Sabbath.  I  was  pained  yester- 
day to  hear  that  a  man  who  was  a  Baptist  in  London  and  occasionally 
preached  was  at  work  each  Sunday  building  him  a  house. 

In  this  New  Mexico,  we  have  a  Catholic  Society  called  Penitentes. 
They  have  strict  rules  of  secrecy  about  many  of  their  proceedings,  but 
at  Lent  they  have  some  public  exercises.  Every  Friday  in  Lent  they 
meet  and  scourge  themselves  for  their  sins.  When  they  do  it  in  public, 
they  put  a  cloth  over  their  heads  so  that  no  one  will  know  who  they 
are.  The  day  before  good  Friday,  they  meet  in  the  morning  and  con- 
tinue their  barbarous  exercise  until  after  midnight  Friday,  cutting 
themselves  with  knives,  scourging  themselves  till  the  blood  runs  from 
their  backs  to  the  ground,  being  trampled  upon,  carrying  heavy  crosses 
and  being  hung  upon  them;  they  say  they  are  the  slaves  of  Jesus 
and  have  to  imitate  him.  At  Cubero  where  we  have  a  Mission  School, 
two  have  died  under  their  torment  this  year,  the  one  being  trampled 
upon,  (the  other  on  the  cross).  My  Aunt  told  me  that  he  was  her  most 
promising  pupil.  It  is  wholly  a  Mexican  place  and  the  population  sus- 
tains it  and  such  places  in  the  region  of  the  Shadow  of  Death.  It  would 
not  do  for  me  to  come  to  England,  and  tell  what  I  see  and  know;  they 
would  say  I  was  not  telling  the  truth.  Pray  for  these  poor  ignorant 
and  benighted  people,  so  priest  ridden,  that  it  is  hard  for  a  Protestant 
to  get  a  word  in  with  them.  I  am  sorry  to  see  by  the  papers  that  you 
are  likely  to  have  a  war  with  Russia.  I  hope  the  war  cloud  will  dis- 
perse and  peace  prevail.  I  can  tell  you  that  the  people  of  this  country 
think  that  Gladstone  is  the  foremost  statesman  of  the  age,  and  are 
sorry  to  see  such  trouble  on  his  hands  and  hope  he  will  come  out  all 
right.  We  are  sorrowing  over  Grant's  dying,  for  little  hope  is  enter- 
tained of  his  recovery.  .  .  . 

[The  next  letter  was  from  California  where  he  had  gone  to  dedi- 
cate a  new  church.  After  which  he  lectured  in  various  churches  as 
far  north  as  San  Francisco  on  work  among  the  Indians.  Then  because 
of  the  illness  of  the  minister's  wife  he  stayed  and  preached  in  the  new 
church  until  August,  finally  returning  to  Albuquerque. — 0.  A.  L.] 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  75 

Oct.  21,  1886 

I  am  not  now  in  the  regular  ministry,  I  begin  to  feel  my  age,  over 
70,  and  so  I  am  not  willing  to  assume  the  responsibility  of  a  regular 
charge,  but  I  find  enough  to  do,  for  I  occasionally  go  out  to  preach 
even  to  the  distance  of  254  miles.  Then  I  am  correspondent  secretary 
for  the  Congregational  Union  for  New  Mexico  and  Arizona  and  I 
look  after  Mexican  Mission  Schools  in  the  territory. 

I  returned  this  A.  M.  at  10  o'clock  from  100  miles  west  of  here 
where  I  am  superintending  the  building  of  a  school  house,  a  teacher 
house  and  a  Missionaries  Home.  I  had  a  rough  journey  home.  The 
place  has  altitude  of  over  6,500  feet  and  Mt.  Taylor  in  near  sight  of 
it  over  12,000  feet.  I  started  at  5  P.  M.  in  a  wagon  to  the  station 
four  miles.  It  was  blowing  a  gale  when  we  started  and  it  soon  began 
to  hail,  rain  and  snow  and  it  blew  the  umbrellas  to  pieces.  I  was  soon 
wet.  We  reached  the  station  at  6:20 — a  long  time  you  may  say  for 
a  4  mile  drive,  but  you  must  know  the  road  was  not  like  your  English 
roads.  There  never  was  any  labour  bestowed  upon  it  and  about  one 
mile  of  it  was  over  a  lava  bed,  so  rough  that  the  horses  could  only 
walk  over  it,  had  they  trotted  it  would  have  shaken  the  wagon  and 
riders  to  pieces.  I  had  then  to  wait  nearly  three  hours  for  the  train 
and  it  stormed  the  whole  way  96  miles.  While  waiting  at  Grant  Sta- 
tion, I  met  a  Mexican  gentleman  that  lived  about  25  miles  away  in 
the  San  Mateo  mountains;  he  said  in  one  of  the  recesses  of  the  moun- 
tain there  was  a  Cliff  Dwellers  Village,  that  many  hundreds  of  years 
ago  was  inhabited  by  another  race,  probably  Footes  or  Axtecs.  That 
digging  in  one  of  the  dwellings  they  found  a  woman's  skull,  with  fine 
flaxen  hair.  This  would  indicate  that  a  fairer  race  once  inhabited  this 
land. 

Last  week  the  principal  of  our  Academy  (he  is  from  New  Eng- 
land), and  two  others  went  140  miles.  Today  he  was  telling  me  how 
he  enjoyed  the  trip.  Each  of  them  brought  about  30  pounds  of  petri- 
fied wood  home  with  them.  I  wish  you  could  have  a  view  of  the  scenery, 
rocks,  hills,  mountains  and  valleys,  such  as  cannot  be  found  anywhere 
in  the  British  Isles.  « 

I  have  been  west  many  times  but  never  tire  of  the  scenery.  For 
my  children's  sake  I  am  glad  I  left  England  when  I  did.  For  myself, 
altho'  I  have  met  with  some  heavy  pecuniary  losses  I  have  no  fear  but 
what  I  shall  reach  the  end  of  my  life  without  depending  upon  anyone. 
My  children  are  all  working  and  making  comfortable  livings.  The 
two  eldest  are  gone.  Edwin,  the  next  son,  is  a  Circuit  Commissioner 
and  doing  well  in  his  profession  (lawyer).  He  has  two  little  girls. 
Walter  is  at  the  head  of  the  best  educational  institution  in  New  Mex- 
ico. He  has  one  little  girl.  Herbert,  the  youngest  son,  is  farming  in 
Dakota.  Mrs.  Rood,  the  eldest  daughter,  is  a  Missionary  Teacher,  one 
of  the  most  successful  ones  among  the  Mexicans,  in  a  large  Mexican 
village  20  miles  from  here.  Her  husband  has  been  dead  two  years. 


76 


NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


Phoebe,  my  next  daughter,  is  married  to  an  excellent  man,  principal 
of  a  large  school  in  Kansas.  Laura,  with  her  husband,  has  a  ranch  in 
Colorado.  They  did  live  here  with  me  and  we  went  in  business  together, 
I  as  silent  partner,  but  thro'  the  dishonesty  of  certain  parties  we  lost 
money.  Her  husband  is  an  Englishman  and  brother  to  Edwin's  wife. 
Now  I  have  given  you  a  short  family  history. 

The  book  I  caused  to  be  sent  direct  to  you  from  the  Home  Mis- 
sionary Society  in  New  York.  They  write,  "The  book  has  been  for- 
warded to  your  son  in  London."  I  thought  it  would  give  you  consider- 
able information  about  the  country  and  I  hope  it  has.  In  the  way  of 
earthquakes,  etc.,  you  have  not  had  much  experience  in  your  little 
island;  our  large  continent  is  likely  to  experience  more.  We  all  here 
take  an  interest  in  your  political  matters  and  Gladstone  is  a  general 
favorite  in  America.  Only  last  night  talking  with  an  educated  Mexican 
that  lives  in  the  mountains;  he  was  praising  English  policy  in  Eu- 
ropean affairs.  As  your  papers  keep  you  posted  in  our  affairs,  ours 
keep  us  posted  in  yours.  In  spiritual  matters  we  are  in  the  darkest 
part  of  the  U.  S.  A. 

Nearly  all  the  people  are  Roman  Catholics  and  their  priests  are 
blind  leaders  of  the  blind.  Some  of  them  will  say  Mass  in  the  morn- 
ing and  then  spend  the  rest  of  the  day  in  drinking  and  gambling,  or 
attending  horse  racing  or  cock  fighting  and  the  poor  ignorant  people 
are  afraid  of  them.  In  a  place  not  far  from  here,  a  man  with  a  little 
property  died  a  short  time  ago,  and  the  priest  said  he  would  not  bury 
him  for  less  than  £100  ($500).  His  son  said  they  could  not  raise  the 
money,  but  could  half  of  it.  The  priest  said,  give  me  that  and  I  will 
bury  him  out  of  Consecrated  ground  and  keep  him  dancing  on  the 
borders  of  Hell  until  you  bring  me  the  other  half,  then  I'll  take  him 
up  and  bury  him  in  Consecrated  ground  and  put  him  on  the  way  to 
Heaven.  So  his  children  borrowed  on  the  property  to  pay  the  $500, 
that  their  father  might  not  be  kept  on  the  borders  of  Hell.  Amidst 
their  darkness  we  have  to  labour.  Our  schools  are  doing  good  work, 
we  want  more  of  them.  .  .  . 


Book  Reviews 

Murder  and  Mystery  in  Neiv  Mexico.  By  Erna  Fergusson. 
Merle  Armitage  Editions,  Albuquerque,  N.  M.,  1948. 
Pp.  193  and  photographs.  $3.50. 

Here  is  a  modern  retelling  of  nine  true  stories  of  New 
Mexican  violence.  It  is  evident  that  Erna  Fergusson  has  en- 
joyed digging  out  details  concerning  the  murders  and  col- 
lecting the  various  explanations  that  have  been  offered  for 
still  unsolved  mysteries.  "The  Vigilantes  of  Socorro"  tells  of 
the  shooting  of  A.  M.  Conklin,  editor  of  the  Socorro  Sun,  by 
one  of  the  young  Bacas  in  1880,  over  a  fancied  insult,  and 
the  subsequent  illegal  proceedings  of  the  Committee  of  Safe- 
ty, organized  to  secure  "justice."  The  second  narrative  ex- 
plains the  shooting  that  arose  over  a  disputed  land  title 
between  Manuel  B.  Otero  and  Joel  P.  Whitney,  of  Boston, 
in  August,  1883.  Other  chapters  are  devoted  to  the  career 
of  Billy  the  Kid,  the  strange  disappearance  near  the  White 
Sands  of  the  San  Andres  of  Colonel  Albert  J.  Fountain  and 
his  little  son,  the  hanging  of  train  robber  Black  Jack 
Ketchum,  the  killing  of  Indian  trader  Frank  Dugan  on  the 
Navajo  reservation,  the  Manby  mystery  of  Taos,  the  murder 
of  Yee  Fong  in  Silver  City,  and  the  mob  violence  against 
some  Mexican  coal  miners  in  Chihuahuita,  near  Gallup. 

All  of  the  stories  hold  the  reader's  interest,  even  better 
than  do  the  ever-popular  fictional  "who-done-its."  Here  fact 
itself  falls  into  patterns  of  suspense,  and  the  assembled  clues 
have  a  concreteness  difficult  to  rival  by  invented  circum- 
stance. The  characters,  also,  are  more  varied,  colorful,  and 
convincing  than  are  the  creations  of  even  top  level  purveyors 
of  today's  crime  and  mystery  best  sellers.  For  this  reader, 
at  least,  truth  in  the  realm  of  murder  is  not  only  stranger 
but  also  more  fascinating  than  fiction. 

Murder  and  Mystery  in  New  Mexico  appeals,  also,  by 
its  regional  quality.  Racial  and  physical  backgrounds,  com- 
mon occupations,  local  customs,  ethical  and  cultural  stand- 
ards, and  characteristic  ways  of  thinking  and  speaking 
permeate  the  stories.  No  one  of  them  could  be  inserted  unde- 

77 


78  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tected,  even  with  a  change  of  place  names,  in  such  recent 
crime  anthologies  as  those  entitled  New  York  Murders,  San 
Francisco  Murders,  or  Denver  Murders. 

Another  important  aspect  of  this  volume  is  the  artistry 
of  the  narrator.  Erna  Fergusson  goes  far  beyond  the  usual 
levels  of  newspaper  crime  reporting,  giving  us  sympathetic 
understanding  in  addition  to  accuracy  and  clarity.  She  dem- 
onstrates the  ease,  freshness,  vividness,  and  restraint  of  the 
experienced  and  gifted  writer.  She  also  avoids  the  over- 
detailed  and  the  over-sensational  treatments  that  have  too 
often  been  accorded  the  criminal  aspects  of  earlier  Western 
and  Southwestern  life.  Her  writing  is,  moreover,  beautifully 
framed  by  the  attractive  format  of  the  book,  another  exam- 
ple of  distinguished  local  publishing. 
University  of  Denver  LEVETTE  J.  DAVIDSON 

No  Man's  Land.  By  Carl  Coke  Rister.  Norman,  Okla. :  Uni- 
versity of  Oklahoma  Press.   1948.  Pp.  xi,  210.  $3.00. 

This  book  is  a  history  of  the  once  wild  and  often  dusty 
area  which  is  now  the  Oklahoma  Panhandle.  Its  title  comes 
from  a  phrase  used  in  a  "New  York  Sun"  story  on  this  area 
in  1889,  when  it  was  indeed  "God's  land,  but  no  man's."  It 
is  an  area  bigger  than  Rhode  Island  and  Delaware  combined. 
Although  repeatedly  blasted  by  droughts,  dust  storms,  and 
blizzards,  many  of  its  sturdy  inhabitants  have  stuck  to  their 
homes  and  farms  through  thick  and  thin. 

Dr.  Rister,  research  professor  of  history  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Oklahoma,  is  well  known  as  author  of  a  series  of 
excellent  books  on  the  history  of  the  Southwest.  The  work 
is  not  annotated;  but  its  bibliography,  and  other  books  by 
the  same  author,  provide  sufficient  guarantee  that  it  is  based 
upon  wide  study  of  the  original  sources,  in  Oklahoma,  at  the 
National  Archive,  and  elsewhere. 

The  story  of  the  area  is  carried  from  the  days  of  Coro- 
nado  to  that  of  the  latest  suitcase-and-windshield  farmer 
who  hopes  here  to  get  rich  raising  wheat  under  inflated  war- 
time and  post-war  prices.  "Don't  Go  Out  Thar,"  was  the 
advice  to  an  army  officer's  wife  given  by  Kit  Carson,  who 


BOOK  REVIEWS  79 

knew  the  area  well  from  the  days  of  Josiah  Gregg  and  the 
wagon  trade  over  the  Santa  Fe  Trail.  The  blizzard  of  the 
1880's,  causing  death  to  thousands  of  cattle  when  this  was 
chiefly  a  cattle  area,  and  the  dust  storms  of  the  "Dirty 
Thirties,"  after  War  I  had  made  it  a  wheat  area,  were  the 
region's  worst  God-made  plagues.  Man-made  plagues  were 
the  outlaw  gangs  which  located  here  in  the  later  1800's,  when 
adequate  government  was  lacking. 

To  this  latter  problem,  and  to  the  struggle  for  law  and 
order,  Dr.  Rister  gives  most  of  his  attention.  Part  of  the 
Texas  cession  originally,  in  1850  Congress  had  left  the  area 
unorganized,  being  preoccupied  with  the  slavery  question. 
Hence  the  panhandle  area  was  placed  in  no  administrative 
unit,  neither  state  nor  territory.  Law  and  order  were  non- 
existent. Here  outlaws  found  a  choice  refuge,  and  non- 
criminal  settlers  faced  a  long  and  heartbreaking  fight.  To- 
day's local  boosters  call  the  area  a  "beef  bowl"  or  "wheat 
bowl,"  as  means  of  forgetting  that  the  dust  may  come  again. 
Fortunately  the  outlaws  never  will. 
University  of  Nevada  AUSTIN  E.  HUTCHESON 

Jeff  Milton,  a  Good  Man  With  a  Gun.  J.  Evetts  Haley.  Nor- 
man, Oklahoma,  University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1948. 
Pp.  xiii,  430.  $5.00. 

I  have  a  very  considerable  admiration  for  J.  Evetts 
Haley.  I  do  not  know  Mr.  Haley  from  Adam's  off  ox  but  I 
know  his  writings  and  these  I  regard  with  lasting  respect. 
Mr.  Haley  began  acquiring  this  respect  with  his  first  book, 
The  XIT  Ranch  and  the  Early  Days  of  the  Llano  Estacado, 
and  it  continued  to  grow  as  I  read  his  story  of  Charles  Good- 
night and  those  other  books  concerning  George  W.  Little- 
field  and  Charles  Schriener.  I  was  not  let  down  when  I 
read  Jeff  Milton,  a  Good  Man  With  a  Gun. 

Mr.  Haley  is  a  Texan  and,  as  everybody  knows,  a 
Texan's  cattle  bawl  a  little  louder,  his  horses  buck  a  little 
higher,  and  his  friends  grow  a  little  taller  and  shoot  a  little 
straighter  than  any  others.  Mr.  Haley  writes  about  Jeff 
Milton,  who  was  his  friend,  and  proceeds  to  prove  his  points 


80  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

regarding  bucking,  bawling  and  shooting.  He  dots  the  i's 
and  crosses  the  t's  of  his  story  with  documentary  proof, 
and  he  has  dug  back  into  source  material,  interviewed  many 
and  gone  out  and  ridden  the  country  he  writes  about.  To  my 
way  of  thinking  this  is  essential  for  how  else  can  a  man 
write  of  the  old  timers?  He  must  know  them  and  their 
country. 

Mr.  Haley  knew  Jeff  Milton  and  the  reader  comes  to 
know  him  too.  He  liked  and  admired  Jeff  Milton ;  the  reader 
also  likes  and  admires  him.  He  saw  Jeff  Milton  as  a  whole 
man,  with  weaknesses  as  well  as  strengths,  and  the  reader 
also  sees  Jeff  Milton.  Therefore  a  good  deal  of  Southwestern 
history  unfolds  and  is  explained.  Men  like  Jeff  Milton  made 
it ;  men  like  J.  Evetts  Haley  record  it. 

There  were  many  doors  in  Jeff  Milton's  life  and  Mr. 
Haley  opens  them.  Through  the  doors  come  stalking  such 
characters  as  Governor  John  Milton  of  Florida,  Major  Jones 
and  Captain  Bryan  Marsh  of  the  Texas  Rangers,  Old  John 
Selman  and  George  Scarborough  down  in  El  Paso,  Burt 
Alvord,  Bronco  Bill  Walters;  the  Rurale  Colonel,  Emelio 
Kosterlitzsky,  and  hundreds  of  others.  But  these  are  small 
people.  With  them  stands  Jeff  Milton,  dominating  them. 

Jeff  Milton  did  it  all.  He  was  a  Ranger  when  rangering 
was  tough ;  he  was  a  peace  officer  when  to  wear  a  star  often 
meant  assuming  the  duties  of  judge,  jury  and  executioner 
as  well ;  he  prospected ;  he  guarded  gold  shipments  for  Wells 
Fargo;  he  was  an  inspector  for  the  Immigration  Service. 
Jeff  Milton  was  "a  good  man  with  a  gun,"  and  he  was  also 
a  good  man,  and  so  he  hunted  outlaws  and  put  down  lawless- 
ness ;  was  shot  at  and  hit ;  shot  back  and  made  hits  in  return. 
He  did  those  things  that  honest,  fearless  men  do  in  a  savage, 
untamed  country.  J.  Evetts  Haley  tells  about  them  in  salty, 
hard  twisted  prose.  Where  else  but  in  a  Haley  book  will 
you  find  a  man  described  as  being  "comfortable"  to  have 
along  in  a  fight?  Or  another  as,  "standing  out  like  a  black 
muley  steer  in  a  whitefaced  herd?"  Me,  I  don't  know.  But 
I  do  know  that  Haley  writes  that  way  and  that  I  like  it. 

Something  should  be  said  about  the  illustrations.  There 
are  photographs  of  old  timers  and  old  time  places,  and  there 


BOOK  REVIEWS  81 

are  line  drawings  by  Harold  D.  Bugbee.  These  last  particu- 
larly are  like  the  chilitipins  that  Jeff  Milton  carried  in  his 
old  cap  box:  they  make  colorful,  spicy  flavoring  for  the 
whole. 

Maybe  I've  gone  overboard  about  this  book.  If  I  have 
that's  all  right  with  me.  A  critic  might  dig  in  and  find  fault 
and  discover  discrepancies  and  overdrawing.  I  don't  know. 
I  do  know  that  I  read  Jeff  Milton,  a  Good  Man  With  a  Gun, 
and  that  I  did  not  put  it  down  until  I  had  finished.  Then  I 
dipped  back  into  the  book  and  repeated  the  performance.  I 
expect  to  read  it  many  times. 
Albuquerque,  N.  M.  BENNETT  FOSTER 


CONSTITUTION 

OF  THE 

HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  NEW  MEXICO 

(As  amended  Nov.  25,  1941) 

Article  1.  Name.  This  Society  shall  be  called  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico. 

Article  2.  Objects  and  Operation.  The  objects  of  the  Society  shall 
be,  in  general,  the  promotion  of  historical  studies;  and  in  particular, 
the  discovery,  collection,  preservation,  and  publication  of  historical 
material  especially  such  as  relates  to  New  Mexico. 

Article  3.  Membership.  The  Society  shall  consist  of  Members,  Fel- 
lows, Life  Members  and  Honorary  Life  Members. 

(a)  Members.     Persons  recommended  by  the  Executive  Council 
and  elected  by  the  Society  may  become  members. 

(b)  Fellows.     Members  who  show,  by  published   work,   special 
aptitude  for  historical  investigation  may  become  Fellows.     Immedi- 
ately  following   the    adoption    of   this    Constitution,   the    Executive 
Council  shall  elect  five  Fellows,  and  the  body  thus  created  may  there- 
after elect  additional  Fellows  on  the  nomination  of  the   Executive 
Council.    The  number  of  Fellows  shall  never  exceed  twenty-five. 

(c)  Life  Members.    In  addition  to  life  members  of  the  Historical 
Society  of  New  Mexico  at  the  date  of  the  adoption  hereof,  such  other 
benefactors  of  the  Society  as  shall  pay  into  its  treasury  at  one  time 
the  sum  of  fifty  dollars,  or  shall  present  to  the  Society  an  equivalent 
in  books,  manuscripts,  portraits,  or  other  acceptable  material  of  an 
historic  nature,  may  upon  recommendation  by  the  Executive  Council 
and  election  by  the  Society,  be  classed  as  Life  Members. 

(d)  Honorary  Life  Members.     Persons  who  have  rendered  emi- 
nent service  to  New  Mexico  and  others  who  have,  by  published  work, 
contributed  to  the  historical  literature  of  New  Mexico  or  the  South- 
west, may  become  Honorary  Life  Members  upon  being  recommended 
by  the  Executive  Council  and  elected  by  the  Society. 

Article  4.  Officers.  The  elective  officers  of  the  Society  shall  be  a 
president,  a  vice-president,  a  corresponding  secretary,  a  treasurer,  and 
a  recording  secretary;  and  these  five  officers  shall  constitute  the 
Executive  Council  with  full  administrative  powers. 

Officers  shall  qualify  on  January  1st  following  their  election,  and 
shall  hold  office  for  the  term  of  two  years  and  until  their  successors 
shall  have  been  elected  and  qualified. 

82 


Article  5.  Elections.  At  the  October  meeting  of  each  odd-numbered 
year,  a  nominating  committee  shall  be  named  by  the  president  of  the 
Society  and  such  committee  shall  make  its  report  to  the  Society  at 
the  November  meeting.  Nominations  may  be  made  from  the  floor 
and  the  Society  shall,  in  open  meeting,  proceed  to  elect  its  officers  by 
ballot,  those  nominees  receiving  a  majority  of  the  vote3  cast  for  the 
respective  offices  to  be  declared  elected. 

Article  6.  Dues.  Dues  shall  be  $3.00  for  each  calendar  year,  and 
shall  entitle  members  to  receive  bulletins  as  published  and  also  the 
Historical  Review. 

Article  7.  Publications.  All  publications  of  the  Society  and  the  selec- 
tion and  editing  of  matter  for  publication  shall  be  under  the  direction 
and  control  of  the  Executive  Council. 

Article  8.  Meetings.  Monthly  meetings  of  the  Society  shall  be  held 
at  the  rooms  of  the  Society  on  the  third  Tuesday  of  each  month  at 
eight  P.  M.  The  Executive  Council  shall  meet  at  any  time  upon  call 
of  the  President  or  of  three  of  its  members. 

Article  9.  Quorums.  Seven  members  of  the  Society  and  three  mem- 
bers of  the  Executive  Council,  shall  constitute  quorums. 

Article  10.  Amendments.  Amendments  to  this  constitution  shall  be- 
come operative  after  being  recommended  by  the  Executive  Council 
and  approved  by  two-thirds  of  the  members  present  and  voting  at 
any  regular  monthly  meeting;  provided,  that  notice  of  the  proposed 
amendments  shall  have  been  given  at  a  regular  meeting  of  the  Society, 
at  least  four  weeks  prior  to  the  meeting  when  such  proposed  amend- 
ment is  passed  upon  by  the  Society. 


83 


The  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico 

Organized  December  26,  1859 

PAST  PRESIDENTS 
1859  —  COL.  JOHN  B.  GRAYSON,  U.  S.  A. 
1861  —  MAJ.  JAMES  L.  DONALDSON,  U.  S.  A. 
1863  —  HON.  KIRBY  BENEDICT 

adjourned  sine  die,  Sept.  SS,  1883 


re-established  Dee.  S7,  1880 

1881  —  HON.  WILLIAM  G.  RITCH 
1883  —  HON.  L.  BRADFORD  PRINCE 
1923  —  HON.  FRANK  W.  CLANCY 

1925  —  COL.  RALPH  E.  TWITCHELL 

1926  —  PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

OFFICERS  FOR  1948-1949 
PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER,  President 

PEARCE  C.  RODEY,  Vice-President 

WAYNE  L.  MAUZY,  Corresponding  Secretary 
ALBERT  G.  ELY,  Treasurer 

Miss   HESTER  JONES,  Recording  Secretary 

FELLOWS 

PERCY  M.  BALDWIN  FREDERICK  W.  HODGE 

RALPH  P.  BIEBER  J.  LLOYD  MECHAM 

HERBERT  E.  BOLTON  THEODOSIUS  MEYER,  O.  F.  M. 

MARION  DARGAN  FRANK  D.  REEVE 

AURELIO  M.   ESPINOSA  FRANCE  V.  SCHOLES 

CHARLES  W.  HACKETT  ALFRED  B.  THOMAS 

GEORGE  P.  HAMMOND  PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 


84 


^Mexico 


Historical  l^eview 


Palace  of  the  Governors,  Santa  Fe 


l,  1949 


Editors 
FRANK  D.  REEVE  PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

Associates 

PERCY  M.  BALDWIN  GEORGE  P.  HAMMOND 

FRANCE  V.  SCHOLES  THEODOSIUS  MEYER,  O.F.M. 

ARTHUR  J.  0.  ANDERSON 

VOL.  XXIV  APRIL,  1949  No.  2 


CONTENTS 

Page 

Santa  Fe  Church  and  Convents  Sites  in  the  Seventeenth  and 

Eighteenth  Centuries    ....       Fray  Angelico  Chavez  85 

War  and  Peace:  Two  Arizona  Diaries     .     Frank  D.  Reeve,  editor  95 

Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publication     .       .     Wilma  Loy  Shelton  130 

Notes  and  Documents 156 

Book   Reviews                     .      .      .  166 


THE  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  is  published  jointly  by  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  University  of  New  Mexico.  Subscription  to  the  quarterly  is 
$3.00  a  year  in  advance ;  single  numbers,  except  those  which  have  become  scarce,  are 
$1.00  each. 

Business  communications  should  be  addressed  to  Mr.  P.  A.  F.  Walter,  State 
Museum,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. ;  manuscripts  and  editorial  correspondence  should  be 
addressed  to  Prof.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  University  of  New  Mexico,  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico 
UNIVERSITY  PRESS,  ALBUQUERQUE,  N.  M. 


PLAZA 


C  E  M  ET  E  R  Y 


OLD      STBEET* 


SAN    FRANCISCO     ST 


SAN    FRANCISCO    ST. 


Descriptive  but  not  accurate  sketch  showing  relative  position  of 
the  Plaza  and  Church-Convent  before  1680  (top) ;  the  post-Reconquest 
Church-Convent  (center)  with  San  Francisco  Street  emerging  between 
groups  of  houses  built  on  the  upper  Plaza  after  1693:  and  (bottom)  the 
present  Cathedral  built  around  the  1804  Church,  shown  by  shaded  lines. 
Black  outlines  show  1717  sections  still  in  use. 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

VOL.  XXIV  APRIL,  1949  No.  2 

SANTA  FE  CHURCH  AND  CONVENT  SITES  IN  THE 
SEVENTEENTH  AND  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURIES 

By  FRAY  ANGELICO  CHAVEZ 

THE  ORIGINAL  1697-1698  document  of  the  erection  and 
act  of  possession  of  the  first  Franciscan  Convent  in 
Santa  Fe  after  the  Reconquest,  besides  presenting  an  inter- 
esting picture  of  those  times,  furnishes  us  with  some  valu- 
able points  which,  with  the  help  of  other  published  and  un- 
published data,  resolve  some  old  problems  concerning  the 
more  or  less  exact  location  of  several  historic  places  in  the 
ancient  Capital.  Its  own  quaint  rambling  phraseology  can 
better  describe  the  occasion  than  any  modern  paraphrasing  ; 
for  this  reason  the  entire  manuscript  is  here  given  ^trans- 
lation.1 Afterwards,  the  points  to  be  discussed  can  be  ra&jgn 
up  with  greater  ease  and  clarity.  $& 

In  the  Villa  of  Santa  Fe,  Headquarters-Capital  of  thfe 
Kingdom  and  Provinces  of  the  New  Mexico,  on  the  Twen- 
tieth  day  of  the  month  of  August  of  the  year  one  thousand 
six  hundred  and  ninety-seven,  before  me  the  Captain  Don 
Alonso  Rael  de  Aguilar,  secretary  of  Government  and  war  of 
this  said  Kingdom,  there  appeared  the  Senor  Don  Pedro 
Rodriguez  Cubero,  Governor  and  Captain-General  of  it  and 
Castellan  of  its  forces  and  Garrisons  for  his  Majesty,  for 
whom  I  vouch.  I  know  and  declare  that  he,  having  arrived 
on  the  second  day  of  July  past  of  this  year  to  date  and  taken 
possession  of  his  Administration:  and  on  having  seen  and 
ascertained  that  the  religious  of  our  seraphic  Father  Saint 
Francis  had  neither  Convent  nor  living-quarters  with  the 


1.     Archives  of  the  Archdiocese  of  Santa  Fe,  Spanish  Period,  No.  13. 

85 


86  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

decency  which  their  persons  deserve,  since  those  in  which 
they  exist  and  reside  are  merely  some  poor  lodgings  ex- 
tremely small,  in  which  they  live  with  great  inconveniences, 
surely  a  sad  state  of  affairs,  for  which  Causes,  Reasons,  and 
motives,  said  Lord  Governor  and  Captain-General  had  the 
convent  begun  which  is  now  being  built,  which  is  situated 
in  front  of  the  ancient  church  and  Convent  which  borders 
on  the  north  side  with  the  water  ditch  that  passes  in  front 
of  this  Villa.  And  on  the  south  side,  all  that  once  was  a  street, 
which  forms  a  front  before  the  convent  and  Church  which 
existed  in  olden  times.  And  on  the  west  side  with  the  former 
plaza  of  this  Villa.  And  because  said  Convent  finds  itself 
built  today  for  the  most  part,  in  that  the  greater  part  of  its 
walls  is  up  as  ordered  by  said  Sefior  to  be  built  from  their 
foundations,  and  because  his  determination  and  final  Wish 
are  directed  towards  said  end,  it  being  the  result  of  his  devo- 
tion as  so  much  a  son  of  our  Seraphic  Father  Saint  Francis, 
and  because  of  future  Uncertainties  and  his  being  a  mortal 
man,  he  declares  before  me,  said  Secretary  of  government 
and  war,  and  the  witnesses  who  should  be  present,  that  said 
Lord  Governor  and  Captain-General  was  making  and  did 
make  Gift  and  donation  of  said  Convent  freely,  purely, 
clearly,  and  irrevocably,  according  to  what  law  calls  inter 
vivos,  to  the  Very  Reverend  Father  Preacher,  Fray  Juan 
Alvarez,  most  worthy  Gustos  of  this  holy  Custody  of  the 
conversion  of  Saint  Paul,  as  Head  that  he  is  of  it,  so  that 
in  the  name  of  his  sacred  Order  he  might  accept  this  said 
donation  which  said  Senor  makes  according  and  as  it  now 
stands :  and  that  it  continue  to  be  built  in  the  future,  for  not 
for  this  Reason  of  said  Senor  making  this  writing  shall  he 
desist  from  it,  but  on  the  contrary  shall  apply  greater  inter- 
est and  care  in  its  furtherance,  so  that  it  is  finished  within 
a  shorter  time,  and  then,  when  this  is  so,  he  shall  place  said 
Very  Reverend  Father  Gustos,  Fray  Juan  Alvarez,  in  Royal 
Possession  in  order  that  he  may  accept  it  In  the  name  of  his 
Sacred  Order,  that  they  Possess  and  keep  it  Freely  and 
frankly  and  without  any  impediment,  and  that  if  some  per- 
son or  persons  should  place  one,  said  Senor  shall  answer  to 
the  charge  since  he  is  making  and  building  said  Convent 


SANTA  FE  CATHEDRAL  87 

with  his  own  resources  and  funds;  and  with  regard  to  the 
ground  on  which  it  stands  [he  declares],  as  Governor  and 
Captain-General  that  he  is  of  said  Kingdom,  that  none  of 
its  inhabitants  have  right  or  share  to  it  by  Reason  of  its 
being  on  Royal  lands  won  with  the  arms  of  his  Majesty ;  for 
which  Cause,  in  his  Royal  Name,  he  made  and  has  made 
Grant  of  said  ground  together  with  all  the  rest  of  the  land 
which  should  be  needed  both  for  building  the  church  as 
well  as  [that  needed]  if  said  Reverend  Father  Gustos  should 
wish  to  extend  said  Convent  further,  and  likewise  a  piece 
of  Land  for  a  Garden  which  is  situated  and  extends  along 
the  east  side  and  reaches  up  to  said  Old  Church.  And  if 
any  of  the  Settlers  of  this  said  Villa  had  a  Grant  made 
[here],  said  Senor  annuls  them  from  Now  on  and  declares 
them  null  and  of  no  Validity  or  effect,  for  on  the  other 
hand  he  will  remunerate  them  for  these  and  make  them  good, 
because  it  is  worthy  of  all  consideration  that  said  Reverend 
Fathers  who  now  reside  in  this  said  Villa,  and  those  who 
should  be  in  it  in  the  future,  have  the  necessary  Conveni- 
ences in  said  Convent  due  to  its  wideness  and  Capacity; 
and  so  that  it  may  be  Valid  concerning  this  said  donation 
of  said  Convent  and  Grant  of  ground  made  in  favor  of  the 
Most  Reverend  Father  Gustos,  Fray  Juan  Alvarez,  and  of 
his  Sacred  Order,  said  Lord  Governor  and  Captain-General 
so  executed  and  signed  before  me,  said  Secretary  of  govern- 
ment and  war,  there  being  present  and  as  witnesses  the 
Royal  Ensign  Don  Miguel  de  Sola  Cubero,  the  Sergeant  Ma- 
jor Juan  Lucero  de  Godoy,  and  Francisco  Rodriguez,  living 
in  this  said  Villa — and  said  Governor  and  Captain-General 
ordered  me,  said  Secretary  of  government  and  war,  to  place 
the  seal  of  his  arms  for  greater  solemnity,  force,  and 
Validation — 

Pedro  Rodriguez  Cubero  [Rubric'] 
[Faint  shield  on  wax 
over  fancifully  cut 
piece  of  paper,  and         Before  me 
this  folded  over  to 

protect  impression.]  Alonso  Rael  de  Aguilar  [Rubric] 

Seer,  of  gov.ment  and  war. 


88  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ROYAL  POSSESSION  OF  THE  CONVENT  [On  the  margin] 

On  the  Twenty-fourth  day  of  the  month  of  January  of 
the  year  one  thousand  Six  hundred  and  ninety-eight,  I,  the 
Captain  Diego  Arias  de  Quiros,  Alderman  ordinary  of  first 
Vote  of  this  Illustrious  Council  of  this  Villa  of  Santa  Fe, 
about  ten  in  the  morning  went  to  the  Convent  which  the 
Sefior  Don  Pedro  Rodriguez  Cubero,  Governor  and  Captain- 
General  of  this  Kingdom  and  provinces  of  The  New  Mexico, 
recently  built,  and  in  the  presence  of  said  Lord  Governor 
and  the  Regents  Jose  Rodriguez,  Francisco  Romero,  and 
the  High  Sheriff  Antonio  de  Aguilera  Ysasi,  and  a  great  con- 
course of  People,  I  read  the  Donation  and  grant  which  the 
said  Lord  Governor  and  Captain-General  made  in  favor  of 
the  Order  of  Our  Seraphic  Father  Saint  Francis  on  the 
twentieth  Day  of  August  of  the  past  year  of  one  thousand 
six  hundred  and  ninety-seven,  by  Virtue  of  which,  I  took 
by  the  hand  the  Reverend  Father  Preacher,  Fray  Juan 
Alvarez,  custos  and  ecclesiastical  Judge  of  this  Holy  Custody 
of  the  Conversion  of  Saint  Paul  of  this  Kingdom  and  Prov- 
ince of  the  new  Mexico,  and  I  led  his  paternity  walking  and, 
arriving  at  the  principal  door,  he  opened  it  and  rang  the 
bell  as  a  sign  of  Possession  which  I  gave  him,  not  only  of 
said  Convent  but  also  of  the  grant  of  lands  and  garden  ac- 
cording and  as  contained  in  said  grant,  in  the  presence  of 
said  Regents  who  signed  it  Together  with  me  on  said  day 
As  above — 

Diego  Arias  de  Quiros  [Rubric'] 

Antonio  de  Aguilera  Ysasi  [Rubric} 

Francisco  Romero  de  Pedraza  [Rubric] 

Joseph  Rodriguez  [Rubric] 

Of  prime  interest  here  are  the  references  to  an  "ancient 
church"  and  an  "ancient  convent."  These  were  the  struc- 
tures erected  during  the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, and  which  were  destroyed  by  the  Indians  in  the  sacking 
of  Santa  Fe  in  1680.  But  first,  let  us  clarify  the  difference 
between  the  church  and  convent  and  their  mutual  relation- 
ship. The  Franciscans,  who  exclusively  evangelized  New 
Mexico  for  more  than  two  centuries,  lived  in  community  as 
members  of  an  Order.  As  distinct  from  the  house  or  resi- 


SANTA  FE   CATHEDRAL  89 

dence  of  a  secular  priest,  or  the  palace  of  a  bishop,  either 
of  which  can  be  separate  and  even  distant  from  the  church 
itself,  their  communal  dwellings  were  contiguous  to  and 
communicated  with  the  parish  or  mission  church  which  they 
served.  They  were  not  called  monasteries,  for  these  are  the 
large  secluded  dwellings  of  the  older  Orders  of  monks  (like 
the  Benedictines  and  Cistercians),  but  rather  convents,  or 
gathering-places,  for  the  friars,  or  brethren — who  held  a 
position  half-way  between  the  monastic  life  (alone  or  se- 
cluded from  the  world)  and  the  secular  life  (in  the  world)  of 
the  diocesan  clergy.  The  word  "convent"  is  the  ancient  offi- 
cial Franciscan  term  used  even  today  (Latin:  conventus), 
which  in  its  ablative  form  became  the  Italian  and  Spanish 
convento.  In  England,  however,  the  peculiar  term  was 
"friary"  for  the  friars,  in  the  same  sense  that  a  "monastery" 
was  for  the  monks.  In  modern  English,  too,  the  word  "con- 
vent" has  come  to  connote  exclusively  the  dwelling  place  of 
religious  Sisters,  who  are  a  relatively  recent  development, 
for  the  ancient  Orders  of  women  were  called  monachae  or 
female  monks  (nuns  in  English),  and  their  places  were  also 
referred  to  as  monasteries  (nunneries  in  English).  But  this 
ought  not  make  us  change  the  time-honored  designation  of 
a  Franciscan  house  as  a  convent.2 

Therefore,  in  all  the  New  Mexico  Missions  the  Francis- 
can Convent  was  joined  to  the  church  building,  the  larger 
ones  united  to  it  fore  and  aft,  and  sometimes  along  the  ad- 
joining flank.  In  Santa  Fe,  the  first  permanent  parish  church 
of  Our  Lady3  was  built  during  the  term  as  Gustos  of  Fray 
Alonso  Benavides  (1626-1629)  ;  its  convent  might  have  been 
erected  sometime  before  or  at  the  same  time ;  evidence  points 


2.  Modern    Franciscan    terminology    distinguishes    between    two    main    kinds    of 
houses:   1)   the  "formed"  convent  which  must  observe  the  rules  of  enclosure  and  must 
have  at  least  six  professed  friars,  four  of  whom  at  least  are  priests,  so  that  the  divine 
offices  and  other  religious  observances  are  duly  performed;  2)    the  "unformed"  house, 
called    a   residence,    which    lacks    the   above    requirements.     A    convent   is    ruled    by    a 
guardian,  &  residence  by  a  praeses  or  presiding  superior.  O.F.M.,  General  Constitutions, 
Ch.  V. 

3.  For  the  old  Spanish  period  under  consideration,  when  every  stable  house  was 
a  convent  and  its  superior  a  guardian,  the  above  distinction  has  no  bearing.    During  its 
long  history  the  Santa  Fe  convent  had  only  two  friars,  at  times  only  one.    An  inter- 
esting transfer  of  the  use  of  the  term  occurred  in  New  Mexico  after  the  Franciscans 
disappeared  in  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century.    The  people  continued  to  call 
the  secular  priest's  house  a  convento,  and  his  housekeeper  a  conventera,  even  to  this, 
day. 


90  NEW    MEXICO    HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  the  fact  that  in  1631  the  convent  was  in  use,  but  the  Bena- 
vides  church,  its  principal  nave  at  least,  had  not  yet  been 
completed.4  What  the  shape  or  plan  of  these  contiguous 
buildings  was  we  do  not  know.  The  Benavides  church  did 
have  attached  an  extra  "Lady  Chapel"  which  was  finished 
before  his  departure.5  From  the  general  appearance  of  the 
more  important  church-convent  structures  in  New  Mexico 
before  and  after  the  1693  Reconquest,  we  can  imagine  it  to 
have  been  similar  in  style  and  plan  to  its  post-Reconquest 
successor  or  to  the  still  existing  plant  at  Acoma.  This  church 
and  its  convent  were  razed  to  the  ground  by  the  Indians 
during  the  1680  Revolt. 

In  his  1692  expedition,  Governor  de  Vargas  saw  the  ruins 
of  these  buildings  and,  prior  to  his  second  entry  with  the 
colonists  in  December,  1693,  had  publicly  vowed  and  re- 
solved to  rebuild  the  church  as  soon  as  he  was  able.  During 
the  next  few  years,  the  tower-chapel  on  the  southeast  corner 
of  the  Government  Palace  served  as  the  parish  church,  and 
also,  it  seems,  another  temporary  structure  erected  outside 
the  north  wall  of  the  town  "by  the  road  to  Tesuque."6  During 
these  first  years  the  friars  lived  in  separate  hovels  or  "cells," 
while  the  Governor  and  the  people  went  on  with  the  onerous 
task  of  rehabilitation  and  the  suppression  of  continuous  In- 
dian uprisings  or  threats  of  revolt.  Hence,  de  Vargas  had 
not  found  time  to  keep  his  vow  by  the  time  his  successor, 
Governor  Cubero,  took  over  the  office  on  July  2,  1697. 

Cubero  had  bought  the  governorship  from  the  King,  and 


4.  On  March  22,  1631,  after  Father  Perea  had  gone  out  to  meet  the  new  Governor, 
Francisco  Nieto  de  Silva,  they  returned  in   procession  to  the  Santa   Fe  convent ;   but 
the  grand  religious-military  reception  was  held   in   the  "iglesia  de  San   Miguel."   San 
Miguel  chapel,    called   a   church    in    this    instance,   apparently   was    serving   as    parish 
church  while  the  large  Benavides  structure  was  in  process  of  completion. — Archives  of 
New  Mexico,  A.G.N.,  Mexico,  inquisition,  t.  372,  ff.  3-14. 

5.  Fray  Angelico  Chavez,  Our  Lady  of  the  Conquest   (The  New  Mexico  Historical 
Society,  Santa  Fe,  1948),  p.  34. 

6.  The  question  of  chapels  that  served  as  the  parish  church  in  Santa  Fe  between 
1693  and  1717  requires  further  study.    R.  E.  Twitchell's  account  is  a  jumble  of  ana- 
chronisms and  misapplied  titles  in  this  regard.    Old  Santa  Fe    (Cedar  Rapids,   1925), 
pp.   50-51.    A.   von   Wuthenau   identifies   the  tower-chapel  on   the  southeast   corner   of 
the   Government   Palace    with    a   temporary    "parish    church    of    St.    Francis"    on    the 
road  to  Tesuque.  "Spanish  Military  Chapels  in  Santa  Fe  and  the  Reredos  of  Our  Lady 
of  Light,"  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  X,  p.  180.  However,  the  document  on  which 
the  latter  author  relies  seems  to  place  this  Tesuque-road  church,  not  at  the  southeast 
corner  where  the  tower-chapel  stood,  but  outside  the  town  wall  somewhere  towards  the 
northeast  corner  of  the  Palace  block.    Twitchell,  Spanish  Archives,  II,  no.  758. 


SANTA  FE   CATHEDRAL  91 

for  reasons  of  his  own  did  not  like  de  Vargas'  tarrying  in 
Santa  Fe  after  his  thirty  days'  residencia,  was  over,  so  he 
began  criminal  proceedings  against  the  Reconquistador  and 
threw  him  into  prison.7  De  Vargas  himself,  although  op- 
posed by  both  friars  and  people  in  particular  instances  dur- 
ing his  six-year  term,  had  acquired  a  well-deserved  popu- 
larity. We  might  then  wonder  if  this  is  not  the  real  reason 
why,  as  soon  as  he  arrived,  Cubero  set  to  building  a  convent 
for  the  Franciscans — within  fifty  days  of  his  arrival  it  was 
completed  "for  the  most  part."  His  writs  of  donation  and  pos- 
session, aimed  to  be  read  before  the  populace,  lay  heavy 
stress  on  this  act  of  pious  generosity.  Furthermore,  he  not 
only  provided  for  the  location  of  the  future  parish  church, 
object  of  the  unrealized  de  Vargas  vow,  but  also  for  the  ex- 
pansion of  the  new  convent. 

De  Vargas  finally  got  his  release,  after  almost  three 
years  in  prison,  and  left  New  Mexico ;  but  he  returned  with 
added  royal  honors  for  a  second  term.  Long  before  he  ar- 
rived in  Santa  Fe  in  November,  1703,  Cubero  had  fled  the 
country  by  a  roundabout  way,8  leaving  as  his  only  monument 
the  Franciscan  Convent  in  question;  for  de  Vargas  soon 
made  an  official  complaint  against  Cubero's  destruction  of 
the  town's  wall  and  other  buildings  of  defense. 

The  new  parish  church  was  not  built  until  many  years 
later.  Perhaps  de  Vargas  did  intend  to  carry  out  his  decade- 
old  vow,  but  he  died  during  an  Apache  campaign  in  1704. 
This  permanent  parish  church,  dedicated  in  honor  of  St. 
Francis  of  Assisi  and  joined  to  Cubero's  convent,  was  not 
ready  for  use  until  1717,  having  been  started  three  years 
before  and  brought  to  completion  by  the  faithful  with  the 
assistance  of  the  ancient  Confraternity  of  La  Conquista- 
dora.9  Its  exact  location,  and  that  of  the  convent,  are  defi- 
nitely established  by  those  rich  descriptions  which  Father 
Dominguez  wrote  in  his  Report  of  1777. 10  Most  likely  he 
examined  this  very  document  of  1697  in  the  convent  archives, 
for  he  expressly  states  that  "this  convent  was  built  at  the 


7.  L.   B.    Bloom,    "The  Vargas    Encomienda,"    NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL   REVIEW, 
XIV,  pp.  378-389. 

8.  Ibid.,  pp.  392-393. 

9.  Our  Lady  of  the  Conquest,  p.  39. 


92  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

expense  of  Governor  Cubero."  The  parish  church  to  which 
it  was  attached  was  the  1717  structure.  Although  it  fell  into 
ruin  at  the  close  of  the  century,  its  1804  successor,  longer  as 
to  its  nave,  was  built  on  the  same  spot,  for  it  incorporated 
the  same  old  sanctuary,  sacristy,  and  Conquistadora  chapel, 
which  had  not  fallen  down.  When  Archbishop  Lamy  replaced 
this  building  with  the  stone  Cathedral  in  1886,  these  three 
sections  remained  intact.  They  provide  a  sure  starting-point 
for  fixing  the  exact  or  at  least  the  approximate  location,  not 
only  of  the  church-convent  structures,  but  also  of  the  eastern 
limits  of  the  foreshortened  Santa  Fe  Plaza,  both  before  the 
Indian  Revolt  of  1680  and  after  the  Spanish  Reconquest 
of  1693. 

According  to  Father  Dominguez,  the  1717  church  was 
about  121  feet  long.  This  would  place  its  front  entrance 
close  to  the  center  of  the  present  Cathedral.  The  1697  con- 
vent, built  as  a  quadrangle  with  inner  cloister,  touched  this 
church  at  the  front  south  corner  and  at  the  southwest  corner 
of  the  sacristy ;  therefore,  its  front  west  elevation  ran  about 
121  feet  south  from  the  middle  of  the  Cathedral  nave,  then 
as  many  feet  to  the  east,  and  again  as  many  feet  north  to 
meet  the  sacristy  at  the  exact  spot  on  which  the  1804  south 
chapel  of  the  Cathedral  now  stands.  Father  Dominguez  de- 
scribes this  corner  very  minutely. 

As  to  the  eastern  boundaries  of  the  plaza,  the  Cubero 
document  states  that  the  1697  convent's  west  front  ran  along 
"the  former  plaza  of  this  Villa."  Therefore,  the  Santa  Fe 
Plaza  in  its  original  form,  from  1610  to  1680,  ran  clear  up  to 
the  middle  of  the  present  Cathedral.  After  the  Reconquest, 
people  began  building  on  this  upper  section  of  the  plaza,  so 
that  as  early  as  1697  many  had  to  be  evacuated  from  the 
extreme  east  end  to  make  room  for  the  convent  and  for  the 
church  that  was  to  be  built  eighteen  years  later.  A  cemetery 
directly  in  front  of  the  church  was  already  in  use  by  1732, 
after  the  interior  floor-space  had  been  used  up,  as  we  learn 
from  the  burial  books ;  this  cemetery  is  described  by  Father 


10.  Description  del  Nuevo  Mexico  hecha  par  Fray  Francisco  Atanasio  Dominguez, 
1777,  Biblioteca  Nacional  de  Mexico,  Leg.  10,  No.  43.  This  lengthy  and  most  import- 
ant document  is  in  process  of  translation  for  publication,  with  pertinent  annotations, 
in  the  near  future. 


SANTA  FE   CATHEDRAL  93 

Dominguez  as  running  about  103  feet  from  the  front  eleva- 
tion of  the  church  to  a  short  street  parallel  with  it,  while 
houses  were  scattered  in  between  this  street  and  the  town 
plaza. 

From  all  this,  we  can  speculate  as  to  the  position  of  the 
"ancient"  church  and  convent  of  1629.  They  had  been  de- 
stroyed by  the  Indians  in  1680,  but  their  foundations  were 
still  visible  in  1697.  The  Cubero  document  does  not  say 
whether  the  convent  was  actually  south  of  the  church  or 
vice-versa ;  because  the  south  would  be  the  better  protected 
side,  we  can  suppose  almost  with  certainty  that  the  Fathers 
used  the  higher  church  structure  as  a  wind  and  weather 
break  on  the  north.  Invariably  they  chose  the  sheltered  side 
for  their  convents  in  all  the  Missions.  These  church-convent 
foundations  stood  east  of  the  1697  convent,  and  with  enough 
space  left  between  them  for  a  small  garden.  North  of  it 
ran  a  ditch,  its  water  drawn  from  a  marsh  above ;  south  of 
it  was  a  street  "that  had  been"  before  1680,  and  directly  on 
it  was  built  the  south  flank  of  the  convent.  This  would  place 
the  Benavides  church  of  1629  almost  directly  behind  the 
present  Cathedral,  its  front  entrance,  and  the  convent's, 
along  the  north-to-south  line  now  occupied  by  the  hospital's 
two-story  brick  quarters  to  the  rear  of  the  Cathedral — and 
not  on  the  front  lawn  of  St.  Vincent's  facing  the  Post  Office, 
as  commonly  believed.  The  space  between  it  and  the  original 
upper  limits  of  the  plaza  would  have  been  the  logical  place 
for  the  pre-Revolt  cemetery  in  front  of  the  Benavides  church. 

Certainly,  a  surveyor  with  his  professional  knowledge 
and  his  instruments  could  figure  out  the  more  or  less  exact 
position  of  these  places.  Besides  the  Cubero  and  Dominguez 
documents,  the  "Urrutia  Map"  would  be  of  great  help.11  For 
the  present,  the  accompanying  general  sketch  will  have  to 
suffice.  All  this,  in  turn,  would  make  it  possible  for  an  archi- 
tect or  an  artist,  with  further  aid  of  the  Dominguez  Report, 
to  build  authentic  scale  models  of  Santa  Fe's  center  at  differ- 
ent periods  of  its  existence.  All  in  all,  the  whole  matter  is 
very  intriguing. 


11.  This  mid-eighteenth  century  map  of  Santa  Fe  is  reproduced  in  Twitchell's 
Old  Santa  Fe,  facing  p.  62  ;  also  in  the  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  X,  facing 
p.  182. 


94 


NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


viej° 


Cook  and  Tenney  Routes  Arizona:  1864  and  1870 


WAR  AND  PEACE:  TWO  ARIZONA  DIARIES 
Edited  by  FRANK  D.  REEVE 

WAR 

King  S.  Woolsey  was  a  notable  Arizona  pioneer.  He  was 
a  member  of  the  Walker  party  organized  in  1863  to  prospect 
for  mineral  wealth  in  northern  Arizona.  He  also  became  a 
rancher  and  participated  in  politics  for  a  number  of  years. 

Due  to  the  unsettled  relations  between  the  white  man 
and  the  Redman  in  Arizona  of  those  days,  Woolsey,  on  at 
least  two  occasions,  led  punitive  expeditions  against  the 
Indians.  Among  the  members  of  his  expedition  of  August, 
1864,  was  F.  A.  Cook  who  kept  a  detailed  diary  of  their 
activities.  Woolsey's  account  of  this  expedition  was  written 
in  the  form  of  a  report  to  Governor  John  N.  Goodwin  and 
has  been  published  in  Thomas  Edwin  Farish,  History  of  Ari- 
zona, III,  258-272  (Phoenix,  Arizona,  1915). 

Cook's  diary  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Sharlott  Hall 
Historical  Museum  of  Arizona,  Prescott,  Arizona.  The  edi- 
tor copied  approximately  the  first  two-thirds  of  the  diary 
while  on  a  visit  to  the  Museum,  and  Mrs.  A.  H.  Favour,  a 
resident  of  Prescott  and  active  in  the  management  of  the 
Museum,  kindly  copied  the  balance  of  the  ms.  and  forwarded 
it  for  publication.  The  diary  is  here  reproduced  exactly  as 
written  by  Cook  in  so  far  as  possible;  some  difficulty  was 
experienced  in  reading  the  punctuation  and  an  occasional 
word: 

WE  left  Woolsey's1  on  the  eve.  of  the  1st.  of  June,  6:00 
P.  M.  Our  course  was  N.  69  E.  over  a  rolling  country 
18  miles  to  a  good  spring.2 


1.  The  starting  place  was  Woolsey's  ranch  on  the  Agua  Fria  creek,  about  twenty 
miles  east  of  Prescott.    Journal  of  the  Pioneer  and  Walker  Mining  Districts  1863-1865. 
Arizona  Statewide  Archival  and  Records  Project,  Historical  Records  Survey  Projects, 
p.  13   (Phoenix,  Arizona,  1941) 

Woolsey's  ranch  was  later  known  as  the  Bower's  ranch  and  was  located  between 
the  present  day  towns  of  Humboldt  and  Dewey 

2.  Woolsey   called   this   spring    "Fisher's    Cienega,"    distant   fifteen    miles    rather 
than  eighteen  miles.    Farish,  History  of  Arizona,  III,  258 

95 


96  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL   REVIEW 

There  is  a  fine  valley  of  several  hundred  acres — excel- 
lent grass.  Jumped  a  band  of  about  15  Indians,  but  as  it  was 
Midnight,  we  did  not  see  them 

June  2nd. 

Started  about  7  o'clock  in  morning — our  course  N.  69  E. 
(18  miles).  Most  of  the  way  was  rocky  and  down  a  canon 
to  San  francisco  River.3  Found  a  running  stream  in  this 
canon,  heading  about  4  m  west  of  San  francisco. 

Crosed  San  francisco  at  noon.  Camped  here,  dinner 
[?].  Caught  some  fine  fish.  This  is  a  splendid  valey  Soil 
sandy,  but  vegitation  showes  it  to  be  Rich  Timber  scarce 
but  what  there  is,  is  principally  Cottonwood. 

This  valley  is  large  enough  for  hundreds  of  families. 
Started  about  4  P.  M  and  traveled  east  5  miles  to  Clear  Creek 
(which  is  a  large  stream  tributary  to  San  Francisco) 

Here  Col.  Woolsey  overtook  us  a  little  before  dark, 
organized  the  companeys  and  commenced  preparations  for 
attacking  his  Asship  Big  Rump. 

June  3d 

The  Colonel  called  out  all  his  men  and  placed  them  in 
their  respective  messes  &  companes  and  appointed  captains 
(or  squad  leaders)  for  the  attacing  party  which  numbered 
60  in  all.  The  men  a  single  blanket  a  piece  and  provision  for 
four  days  but  expected  to  meet  the  pack  train4  in  three  days 
they  were  all  in  good  spirits  and  eager  for  battle. 

In  about  2  Hours  after  Col  Woolsey  started  the  pack 
train  crawled  out.  For  the  first  hour  or  two  we  made  verry 
slow  progress  for  we  passed  through  Clear  creek  bottom 
where  the  brush  was  thick  and  no  trail,  there  was  but  30 
men  and  60  animals  and  confusion  raigned 


3.  Woolsey  named  the  canyon  "Copper  Canyon,"  and  the  river  the  "Verde." 
Ibid.,  258 

I  don't  know  why  Cook  named  the  river  the  "San  Francisco"  unless  he  misunder- 
stood the  name  San  Fernando.  A  military  map  of  1859  lists  the  river  as  the  Verde  or 
San  Fernando 

4.  "At  Clear  Fork  I  divided  the  command,  sending  the  pack  trains  with  thirty- 
three  men  Southward  to  seek  a  passage  through  the  mountains,  while  with  the  remain- 
ing sixty  men  I  continued  in  an  easterly  course,  toward  the  great  Tonto  Basin,  where 
the  pack  train  was  directed  to  meet  us."    Woolsey  in  Ibid.,  259 


WAR  AND  PEACE  97 

We  arrived  at  Stinkbug  creek  about  6  oclock  took  water 
and  went  up  on  the  masa  &  campd  for  the  night  Travelled  8 
mis  today 

June  4th. 

Started  in  good  time  this  morning  and  travelled  down 
and  up  Hells  own  Canon  Found  water  in  tanks  on  top  of 
the  masa  or  near  the  top  rather  and  camped  for  the  night, 
this  mesa  is  verry  high  I  think  1000  ft  above  fossil  Creek  or 
rather  rivor  (where  we  camped  for  dinner)  which  I  forgot 
to  mention.  Eight  miles  to  Fossil  Creek. 

June  5th.  (after  dinner) 

Started  about  sunrise,  travelled  in  a  N.  E.  direction  up 
a  mountain  about  300  ft  above  our  camp  went  about  5  miles 
and  struck  about  East  About  9  miles  from  camp  found  pine 
timber  and  general  appearance  of  the  country  changing 
entered  a  small  but  pretty  valley  large  pine,  oak,  &  cotton- 
wood,  good  munch  grass 

Found  fresh  Indian  sign  and  as  we  progressed  more  of 
it.  Found  an  Indian  fire,  deserted ;  10  miles  from  our  camp. 
Below  the  fire  about  1  mile  we  heard  the  allarming  cry  of 
murder  from  the  rear.  Every  one  appeared  somewhat 
excited  some  much  more  than  others,  of  course.  A  party  of 
4  or  5  men  started  back  to  aid  the  sufferer,  &  the  rest  of  [us] 
tied  the  animals  as  close  and  as  quickly  as  possible.  We  had 
no  sooner  got  them  tied  than  the  men  commenced  returning. 

The  cause  of  the  allarm  was  this  one  of  the  party  a 
Frenchman  stoped  to  adjust  his  pack,  lost  the  trail,  got  into 
a  steep  canon  and  was  not  able  to  get  out  probably  because 
he  was  scarred.  I  cannot  detail  as  I  would  like.  I  hear  the 
order  to  drive  up  and  we  do  not  know  what  will  come  next 
Perhaps  a  fight. 

June  5th.  afternoon 

We  travel  faster  than  any  time  preceeding  and  throu  a 
better  country.  About  5  miles  on  the  trail  we  crossed  a  small 
stream  running  to  the  S.  E.  thrugh  a  heavy  timbered  valley 


98  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

mostly  pine  Went  5  or  6  m  farther  &  Camped  on  a  large 
open  masa  to  the  right  of  trail.  Water  in  canon  to  east. 

We  travelled  about  8  m  this  afternoon  and  as  near  as 
I  can  judge  about  S.  80  E.  I  have  not  had  an  opportunity 
to  set  the  compass  for  two  days  we  have  much  work  and 
few  men. 

June  6th. — Noon. 

We  started  about  6  Oclock  this  morning  feeling  a  little 
uneasy  about  the  attacing  party  this  being  their  4th  day 
out.  Their  rations  were  only  for  4  days 

Our  course  this  morning  has  been  about  East  and  over 
quite  a  rough  trail  I  think  we  traveled  about  6  miles  up  to 
this  time.  Noon.  We  are  camped  in  a  verry  beautiful  val- 
ley, but  small  about  10  acres  of  good  arrable  land  A  few 
cottonwoods  and  Oak  A  small  stream  runs  through  this 
valey  to  the  south,  it  is  nearly  enclosed  by  steep  bluffs  Here 
we  find  good  grazing  and  clover  nearly  knee  high.  There  is 
about  One  acre  of  land  that  was  cultivated  last  year  in  corn. 
The  stalks  are  still  standing,  some  of  them  full  length. 

This  is  the  prettyest  and  best  camp  we  have  had,  both 
for  safety  and  convenience  About  a  quarter  of  a  mile  back, 
we  struck  the  trail  of  some  of  the  attacing  party  They  were 
going  south,  and  ahead  of  us.  I  think  our  general  course 
has  been  east  since  my  last  observation  with  the  compass  I 
forgot  to  note  a  small  saka  [acequia?]  which  we  find  here. 

June  7th. — 9  oclock  A.  M. 

We  are  still  camped  in  the  little  valley  at  which  point 
we  arrived  yesterday. 

We  have  not  yet  heard  from  the  party  which  left  us  on 
Clear  Creek  on  the  3rd.  We  expect  them  today — and  are 
verry  uneasy  about  them.  I  think  Woolsey  must  have 
engaged  them  yesterday  morning,  for  they  were  all  arround 
us  last  night  and  apparantly  going  away  from  home  or  in 
the  opposite  direction  from  Woolsey,  who  was  going  south. 
We  made  signal  smokes  on  the  round  masa  to  east  yesterday 
and  two  of  the  men  are  up  there  now  making  signals  for  the 
Woolsey  party.  Thes  men  who  were  on  the  masa  yesterday 


WAR  AND  PEACE  99 

said,  there  appeared  to  be  a  great  many  fires  to  the  south 
of  us. 

Our  men  are  nearly  all  on  duty  now.  Some  guarding  the 
animals — some  on  picket,  and  the  ballance  building  a  corrall 
or  fort  which  we  will  call  Fort  Anxiety  until  a  mor  appro- 
priate name  shall  be  found 

I  have  the  compass  setting  by  my  side.  On  top  of  the 
masa  west  of  our  camp — about  300  yards.  As  near  as  I  can 
judge  from  the  appearance  of  the  country  we  traveled  East 
yesterday. 

The  bearing  (from  this  point  to  the  largest  mountains 
we  can  see,  and  the  ones  supposed  by  our  guide  and  others 
in  the  party  who  were  out  on  the  other  expedition  with  Col. 
Woolsey,  is  South  5°  West.  This  is  to  the  most  Eaasterly 
peak  in  the  range  which  appears  to  be  a  little  higher  than 
the  other  three  or  four  to  the  West  or  right.  I  should  think 
these  mountains  are  about  25  or  30  miles  distant  and  the 
country  between  here  &  there  very  broken  &  rocky,  as  it  has 
been  for  the  last  8  or  ten  miles. 

June  7th.  1  P.  M. 

Col.  Woolsey  with  his  party  have  just  arrived5 

June  8th. 

Started  about  7  Oclock  this  morning  in  a  southerly 
direction.  Kept  on  this  course  about  6  miles  and  Camped 
for  dinner  in  a  senega  [cienega]  or  valley.6  Find  granite 
formation  commencing  3  miles  back  of  this  One  of  the  party 
got  the  color  A  small  spring  here  We  find  limestone  on 
granite  here.  About  5  miles  south  of  our  noon  camp  we 
found  quartz  the  rock  stil  changing  Granite  here  is  of  a 
blueish  color  and  there  is  a  great  deal  of  green  colored  rock. 

Evening. 

We  are  camped  on  the  brink  of  a  small  canon  to  the 
right  of  trail  &  about  thee  hundred  yds  below  some  aban- 


5.  Woolsey  states  they  met  the  pack  train  on  the  East  Fork  of  the  Verde  five 
days  after  the  separation.    Ibid.,  260 

6.  This  place  was  on  Tonto  Creek.    Ibid.,  260 


100  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

doned  Indian  huts  4  or  5  in  number.  Verry  little  water  here, 
but  plenty  for  both  men  &  animals. 

We  have  traveled  about  14  miles  to-day 

June  9th. 

The  bearing  from  this  camp  to  Point  of  Mountain  sup- 
pose to  be  on  our  line  of  march  onward  is  S.  25°  30'  to  a  high 
timbered  mountain  over  &  beyond  the  above  peak.  Bearing 
to  Mountain  of  which  I  took  an  observation  to  from  Ft. 
Anxiety,  which  was  S.  5°  W.  is  her  from  this  point  to  S. 
10°  W 

Noon — 

We  left  our  camp  at  7  this  morning  and  traveled  in  the 
direction  as  above  noted  and  have  progressed  but  6  miles, 
as  we  had  no  trail  a  part  of  the  way  say  about  y%  way. 

The  country  has  the  appearance  of  gold.  It  is  very 
rrocky,  rough  &  hilly,  Crossed  several  dry  Creeks  today 
The  rock  is  a  hard  reddish  colored  granite  with  some  quartz. 
Also  a  great  deal  of  the  green  rock  which  some  say  indicates 
Copper  &  Silver. 

We  are  encamped  close  up  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain 
and  on  the  North  side  on  the  top  of  a  masa.  There  is  run- 
ning water  in  the  Creek  below  but  does  not  remain  long 
above  the  surface.  Several  of  the  men  have  gone  down  to 
the  creek  to  prospect.  Several  report  color  but  not  sufficient 
to  pay. 

We  started  from  here  after  dinner  in  a  zigzag  way — 
S.  E.  direction  over  a  rough  &  rocky  country  paying  little 
or  no  attention  to  trails  Went  about  4  miles  and  camped  on 
a  branch  of  Tonto  Creek  running  towards  the  North.  Found 
no  gold  here  Remained  here  untill  1  Oclock  P.  M. 

June  10th 

started  &  traveled  in  a  S.  Easterly  direction  over  rough 
ground  and  camped  on  a  creek  running  N.  E.  Water  stand- 
ing in  basins  in  the  creek  here.  Indications  for  gold  &  silver 
look  much  better  here  than  anything  we  have  seen  since 
leaving  Granite  Creek.  Mr.  J.  Cox  Saw  3  Indians  this  morn- 


WAR  AND  PEACE  101 

ing-  and  signs  of  what  he  thought  25  or  30  more.  They  have 
been  watching  our  movements  verry  closely  for  the  past 
four  days.  They  build  fires  &  smokes  at  or  near  our  Camps 
as  soon  as  we  are  out  of  range  of  our  guns 

We  encamped  to  night  on  a  creek  running  N.  E.  or 
nearly  East.  Tributary  to  the  main  streem  Tonto  Creek 
Water  in  Tank,  plenty  but  I  think  not  permanent  Made 
about  10  miles  this  after  [noon]. 

June  llth  morning 

A  party  of  21  men  with  Mr  E  Peck  at  their  head  have 
just  started  from  camp  back  of  here — Basis  Camp.  We 
went  down  the  bed  of  this  creek  about  3  miles  and  struck 
Tonto  Creek. — a  runing  stream  Traveled  down  T.  Creek  3 
m  and  camped,  and  went  out  prospectting.  Found  a  silver 
Lode.  Large  and  looked  well. 

Saw  an  Indian.  Close  but  he  ran  the  gauntlet  and  got 
away  in  good  stile.  We  fired  6  or  7  shots  but  none  hit  him. 
He  was  a  fine  looking  fellow.  Large — strait  &  well  dressed 
buckskin  through  out — darkness  prevails. 

Bearing  to  Pine  Peak  is  S.  68°  W.  from  this  Camp 
Boulder  ruins. 

S.  10°  E.  to  Big  Rump  Peak.  S  30°  E.  Bearing  of  Tonto 
Creek  N  20°  W  Supposed  Course  back  to  Woolsey.  N  47° 
W.  Woolseys  guess. 

We  camped  here  tonight  where  are  plenty  of  ruins  of 
stone  buildings,  so  old  that  the  walls  are  mostly  hidden  by 
the  earth  The  water  here  stands  in  a  lake  3  or  4  Hund  yds 
long  and  quite  deep,  for  we  went  in  swimming  and  could  not 
find  bottom.  Cottonwood  Camp 

June  12th  1864 

Started  an  hour  before  sunrise  this  morning  Traveled 
down  Tonto  Creek  8  miles  and  camped  waiting  for  Mr  Pecks 
party  &  intending  to  go  on  down  the  creek  in  the  afternoon, 
but  it  is  now  7  oclock  P.  M.  and  they  have  not  yet  returned 
The  weather  is  hot  &  dry — have  had  no  rain  since  we  left 
Col  Woolseys  The  nights  are  warm  &  one  can  sleep  comfort- 
ably with  a  single  bla[ri]ket 


102  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Cottonwood  Camp  June  13th. 

Mr  Pecks  Party  arrived  this  morning  about  7  oclock. 
They  killed  one  deer,  did  not  find  a  pass  through  the  gap 
where  they  expected  to 

From  Cot  [ton]  wood  Camp  to  Cupola  Peak  which  appears 
to  be  in  the  direction  we  will  travel.  The  Bg  —  is  S  67°  E. 

"  S     2°  W. 
to  Tonto  Peak. 
The  Bg  —  is  S  2°  W.  to  Tonto  Peak 

Cottonwood  Camp  13 

Here  we  find  ruins  of  a  different  character  many  of  the 
walls  are  standing  and  are  laid  up  in  a  cement  of  gypsum  or 
plaster  of  Parris  which  is  re-christalized ;  probably  from  the 
effects  of  age. 

Mr  Peck's  party  found  many  ledges  of  silver-bearing 
quartz,  &  found  gold  in  the  gulches,  one  piece  of  about  two 
cents. 

June  13th.  Salt  River  Camp 

We  left  Cottonwood  Camp  at  11  oclock  this  morning  and 
arrived  at  Salt  River  about  5  oclock  evening  hungry  & 
thirsty  for  we  came  most  of  the  way  without  water  a  dis- 
tance of  15  miles. 

June  14th. 

Found  Big  Rumps7  headquarters  3  miles  below  deserted 
in  haste  from  appearances  He  had  about  1  acre  of  corn 
which  looked  well,  commencing  to  joint  We  made  a  willow 
drag  and  caught  about  200  fish.  The  largest  ones  looked 
verry  much  like  Cod  but  had  no  teeth,  and  would  weigh  from 
10  to  20  Ibs.  This  kind  of  fishing  was  new  to  many  of  us 
but  was  verry  fine  sport  for  we  had  to  go  into  the  river  and 
in  some  places  it  was  up  to  our  necks  but  the  weather  is 
verry  hot  and  the  waters  warm. 

A  part  of  our  party  started  for  the  Pimo's  on  the  14th 
with  36  Pack  animals  for  an  additional  supply  of  grub.  Mr. 


7.    "Wa-poo-i-ta  or  Big  Rump,  the  Tonto  Chief."    Woolsey  in  Ibid.,  261 


WAR  AND  PEACE  103 

J  Cox8  was  at  their  head  We  expect  them  back  in  about  15 
days.  They  numbered  21  We  remained  here  at  S.  R.  C., 
untill  4  oclock  on  the  morn  of  the  17  when  we  moved  up  the 
river  about  6  mi  and  camped  on  a  beautiful  Senega  [Cienega], 
where  is  a  clear  spring9  or  two  rather  of  good  fresh  water 
Splendid  grass  here 

South  74°  E.  from  Salt  River 

Camp  to  Cupola  Peak. 

From  S.  R.  Camp  to  Tonto  Peak. 
"       "     "       "       Bg  is  S.  77°  30'  W. 
"      "    "      "        "     "  S.  85°  E.  to  a  round  topped 
mountain  about  20  miles  distant. 

The  valley  of  Salt  River  above  and  below  S.  R.  Camp  is 

4  miles  wide  &  7  miles  long.  From  S.  R.  Camp  N.  10°  W.  To 
a  table  mountain  the  highest  part  of  which  [is]  on  the  south 
end — About  8  miles  distant 

June  18th. 

Col  Woolsey  is  getting  up  a  party  of  36  men,10  who  will 
start  this  evening.  They  will  take  6  days  provisions  and 
intend  to  go  about  40  miles  in  an  easterly  direction  &  return 
in  a  N.  Westerly  direction  back  of  the  high  range  of  moun- 
tains N.  of  us.  Soon  after  dark  the  party  marched  out. 

June  19th. 

All  hands  were  called  up  1/2  past  4  this  morning  and  as 
soon  as  breakfast  was  over  began  the  construction  of  Fort 

At  10  oclock  we  had  the  posts  all  set  and  willows  woven 
in  most  of  the  way  arround  then  we  all  took  to  the  shade  for 

5  hours. 

June  20th.  Sunday 

Finished  the  fort  this  morn  Went  fishing  in  afternoon 
good  luck  plenty  of  fish 


8.  Henry  Jaycox.    Ibid.,  261 

9.  Woolsey  named  it  Grapevine  Springs.    Ibid.,  261 

10.  "As  the  pack  train  would  not  return  from  Pimo  for  several  days,  and  I  was 
confident  there  was  a  large  number  of  Indians  in  the  vicinity,  I  determined  to  hunt 
them  and  on  the  following  day,  after  dark,  I  started  at  the  head  of  thirty-six  men  with 
six  days  rations  for  a  scout  on  the  north  side  of  the  river."    Ibid.,  261 


104  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

June  21st. 

Made  4  or  5  hauls  with  our  willow  drag  &  caught  about 
fifty  fish  all  suckers,  but  verry  sweet.  I  think  the  best  I  ever 
tasted.  Perhaps  it  is  because  we  have  no  meat  for  we  have 
nothing  but  flour  &  coffee 

5.  oclock  evening. 

Col  Woolsey  and  party  have  just  returned  after  a  scout 
of  3  days  &  nights.  They  report  many  Indians,  and  a  great 
deal  of  Wheat,  Corn  Beans  Pumpkins  mellons,  etc  Expect 
them  in  tomorrow  to  make  a  treaty. 

June  22nd. 

Waited  anxiously  for  the  Indians  to  make  appearance. 
About  midday  we  saw  Smokes  within  a  mile.  Col  Woolsey 
&  Capt.  McCannon  went  with  a  white  flag  to  meet  &  bring 
them  in  but  the  smoke  proved  to  be  one  which  was  made  by 
some  of  the  party  the  even  [in]  g  before  &  no  Indian  showed 
themselves  consequently  no  treaty 

Uppon  hearing  the  Col  orders  (which  were  to  moove  at 
sunrise  on  the  morrow  to  their  wheat  fields)  much  dissatis- 
faction was  manifest.  Expressions  of  fear  &  bravery  could 
be  heard  from  nearly  all  parts  of  our  quarters.  The  Col 
called  for  an  expression,  or  rather  put  it  to  vote  whether  we 
should  moove  or  not.  But  with  all  the  apparient  dissatisfac- 
tion the  vote  was  unanimous  to  moove,  which  was  the  Col's 
wish  Although  I  considerd  this  a  desperate  moove.  I  do  not 
think  we  could  do  otherwise,  for  some  of  the  men  were 
entirely  out  of  provisions  and  the  rest,  had  from  2  to  4  Ib 
of  flour  to  the  man,  with  but  little  coffee,  less  sugar  &  no 
bacon.  Except  about  5  or  six  who  furnished  themselves  & 
they  had  from  30  to  50  days  provisions  ahead 

For  the  past  five  or  six  days  about  half  our  living  has 
been  fish.  Our  only  trouble  is  that  we  have  not  got  lines 
strong  enoug[h]  for  the  large  fish  which  weigh  from  10  Ibs 
to  40  Ibs.,  neither  can  we  catch  many  of  them  in  our  willow 
drag. 


WAR  AND  PEACE  105 

June  23rd. 

Left  camp  or  rather  Fort — about  6  oclock  this  morning. 
Col  W.  and  his  party  about  55  men  with  the  pack  animals 
left  for  the  wheat  fields11 — 15  miles  in  an  Easterly  direction. 
And  Capt  Gird  with  16  men  inclusive;  myself  among  the 
number  for  the  Pimos  or  rather  to  meet  the  pack  train  which 
went  on  the  14th  from  S.  R.  C.  for  provisions  We  are  to 
escorte  them  to  our  new  camp,  which  is  well  into  the  enemies' 
country.  I  expect  we  will  have  to  do  some  hard  fighting 
before  we  return.  For  the  Indians  do  not  subsist  on  nature 
alone  but  cultivate  the  soil,  &  they  must  be  an  exception,  if 
they  do  not  fight  for  their  homes  and  crops.  Camped  on  masa 
on  S.  E.  side  of  Tonto  Creek,  for  the  night. 

June  24th 

Started  before  sunrise  this  morning,  went  about  8  miles 
up  Tonto  Creek  &  camped,  lay  in  the  shade  thro  the  heat  of 
the  day  untill  about  4  oclock  here  we  left  Tonto  Creek  &  went 
towards  low  gap  in  mountains  and  camped  (within  500  Yds 
of  foot  of  Mts.)  for  the  night. 

Saw  signal  smoke  on  other  side  of  valley  on  top  of  mountains 
about  N.  E.  of  us.  Found  good  water  here. 

> 
June  25th. 

Took  breakfast,  &  started  (a  little  after  S  Rise,)  over 
the  mountain.  The  trail  was  good,  but  for  about  one  mile 
verry  bad  on  account  of  rocks  on  one  side,  in  which  the 
Indians  can  hide  and  give  a  party  much  trouble,  and  be 
secure  themselves.  In  this  respect  this  is  the  worst  place  I've 
seen  Went  about  8  miles  &  camped  about  !/%  mile  E.  of  trail 
near  spring  on  side  of  mountain.  Jacob  Snyder  killed  a  fine 
deer  here  We  ate  it  all  but  I.  [one]  ham  which  we  saved  for 
breakfast  next  morning. 

After  dinner,  I  with  5  others,  Smith,  Rice,  Stevenson, 
Gilson  and  Ike — went  up  the  high  mount  E.  of  us  hunting, 
but  instead  of  finding  Deer  we  found  8  or  10  Indians  who 
were  watching  us  and  had  run  off  all  the  deer.  We  got  within 


11.     The  wheat  fields  were  on  Final  Creek,  south  of  the  Salt  River.    Ibid.,  263 


106  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

abo[u]t  200  yds  of  them,  unexpected  to  both  us  &  them,  but 
they  ran  &  we  did  not  get  sight  of  them  untill  they  appeared 
on  top  of  a  sharp  peak  of  rocks  about  500  Yds  above  us.  We 
watched  each  other  a  few  moments.  They  hidden  all  but 
their  heads  and  Shoulders,  We  standing  up  in  full  view, 
when  we  saw  a  puff  of  smoke,  &  whiz  came  a  bullet  and 
struck  about  20  ft  to  our  left.  Wallace  answered  the  shot, 
and  they  all  dodged  out  of  sight  every  time  a  gun  was  pointed 
at  them.  We  returned  to  camp  took  a  lunch,  &  about  5  oclock 
marched  down  into  a  valley  &  camped  for  the  night,  on  an 
open  plane,  Dry  Camp. 

June  26th. 

Started  before  S.  R.  &  before  breakfast  traveled  about 
7  miles  and  camped  on  a  small  creek  running  S.  E.  good 
water,  Some  large  Cottonwood  &  plenty  of  willows.  A  party 
went  hunting  in  the  morning  &  another  in  the  afternoon. 
One  saw  a  few  deer  but  killed  non.  After  Sundown  we  went 
up  the  Creek  about  1  mile  to  &  open  park  and  camped  for  the 
night. 

June  27th. 

Left  camp  this  morning  before  sunrise  without  break- 
fast, our  provisions  nearly  all  gone.  We  had  not  gone  more 
than  7  or  8  miles  when  with  joy  we  beheld  the  pack  train 
encamped  in  a  valley  or  basin  on  a  creek  which  like  most 
other  creeks  in  this  country  is  dry,  with  the  exception  of  a 
place  here  &  there  where  the  water  comes  to  the  surface.  It 
is  generally  good  &  tollerably  cool.  Here  we  remained  all 
day  on  a/c  of  Wilford  Riley  who  was  sick  with  Disentery. 

June  28th. 

Moved  over  to  the  place,  a  dist[ance]  of  8  miles  we  left 
yesterday  morning.  'Twas  noon  when  we  arrived  here,  &  as 
it  is  to  much  of  a  drive  for  our  animals  to  go  to  next  water 
we  remained  untill  morning. 

June  29th. 

Started  this  morning  sun  abo[u]t  an  hour  high.    Some 


WAR  AND  PEACE  107 

of  us  expected  we  might  possibly  have  a  brush  with  the 
Indians  today,  for  we  passed  over  the  worst  part  of  the  trail 
but  we  do  not  see  the  least  sign  of  them,  not  even  a  distant 
smoke.  We  are  encamped  in  Tonto  valley,  under  the  shade 
of  a  large  tree,  a  cool  spring  about  300  yds  to  the  N.  W.  & 
good  grass. 

June  30th 

Got  up  this  morn  as  usual  abo[u]t  daybreak  but  did  not 
get  off  untill  sun  was  an  hour  high,  when  we  started  down 
the  creek,  we  find  water  abo[u]t  two  miles  on  the  trail  & 
about  300  Yds  above  old  ruins.  These  are  quite  extensive, 
abo[u]t  80  Yds  by  150  Yds.  Corral  or  fort  and  buildings 
inside.  Ruins  are  6  or  7  feet  high  We  stoped  on  Tonto  Creek 
for  dinner,  a  dist[ance]  of  about  8  miles  from  morn  [ing] 
camp.  Afternoon  we  went  about  12  miles  down  the  creek 
and  camped  for  the  night  in  a  brushy  &  weedy  place,  close 
by  Tonto  Creek. 

July  1st. 

Started  at  7  oclock  got  to  Salt  river  at  10,  but  did  not 
camp  here  drove  on  to  F[or]t where  we  arrived  at  12. 

Made  a  few  hauls  with  our  willow  drag,  caught  a  few 
suckers  &  1  large  fish  weighing  about  25  Ibs.  had  a  good 
feast,  and  although  I  was  unwell  never  relished  a  meal  better 
for  our  grub  now  consists  wholly  of  flour,  wheat  and  penola 
[pinole,  a  cereal  meal]. 

July  2nd. 

Left  the  Fort  a[t]  6:30  this  morning  and  traveled  over 
a  dry,  sandy,  barren  &  hilly  country,  in  a  S.  Easterly  direc- 
tion. Camped  at  12  Noon  found  a  spring  of  cool  water  about 
Va  a  mile  above  camp,  near  the  top  of  mountain.  I  think  we 
have  traveled  12  miles  up  to  this  time  A.  M.  3  oclock.  Left 
camp  &  went  over  to  Wheat  Creek  where  Col  Woolsey  and 
the  bal[ance]  of  our  party  are  encamped,  got  in  about  6 
oclock  about  7  miles  this  afternoon. 


108  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

July  3rd. 

Wheat  Creek  Camp  from  camp  to  Cupola  peak.  N.  65° 
30'  E.  1  mile. 

Eg.  of  Wheat  Cr.  N.  39°  W.  into  Salt  River 
"  to  Large  Peak  S.  29°  E. 

Supposed  Bg  to  Pimos  S.  70°  W. 

We  remained  here  all  day  making  pack  saddles  &  mend- 
ing shoes  etc. 

July  4th. 

Left  Wheat  Camp  at  6  this  morning  and  traveled  up  the 
creek.  Our  general  course  about  S.  E.  which  is  to  the  left  of 
Large  Peak,  have  traveled  about  8  miles.  A  good  spring 
here  We  had  a  heavy  rain  and  are  all  drenched  to  the  skin 
Still  looks  like  rain  Got  a  good  prospect  here  for  the  first 
time  After  dinner  mooved  on  about  6  miles  and  camped  on 
a  dry  creek,  but  there  was  rain  water  in  pools  enough  for 
man  &  beast  This  is  much  the  best  looking  gold  country  we 
have  seen.  Several  of  the[m]  prospected  surface  dirt  and 
got  as  high  as  15  colors  to  the  pan.  Plenty  of  quartz  Lodes 
here  but  we  found  none  which  we  thought  would  pay  to 
prospect ;  more  particularly  on  a/c  of  water  being  scarce. 

July  5th. 

We  started  this  morn  in  nearly  an  east  cours  down  the 
bed  of  the  creek  abo[u]t  3  miles  to  its  junction  with  Penal 
or  Wheat  Creek  up  the  bed  of  which  we  traveled  8  miles  & 
camped  for  dinner,  found  water  which  was  left  from  yes- 
terdays rain.  Otherwise  I  think  we  would  have  suffered  for 
the  want  of  it. 

There  are  several  Indian  sculls,  earthen  pots,  wicker 
jugs  for  carrying  water  etc.  This  is  apparrantly  an  old 
battle  field.  Indications  for  gold  not  as  good.  More  granite 
&  less  quartz  (this  is  Scull  camp. 

3  P.  M.  Packed  our  animals  and  mooved  about  200  Yds  up 
the  mountain  a[nd]  camped  for  the  night. 

July  6th. 

Started  early  and  traveled  about  6  miles  up  to  a  spring. 


WAR  AND  PEACE  109 

Camped  &  spent  the  afternoon  in  prospecting  hunting  etc. 
Got  a  good  prospect  &  3  or  4  deer  we  will  call  Cherry  Camp. 

July  7th. 

Started  early  and  travelled  about  8  miles  up  to  the  sum- 
mit the  trail  was  generally  good  but  steep  We  deviated  from 
the  line  to  Penal  Mt  to  the  Southward  today  and  also  yes- 
terday. Today  we  have  seen  a  great  variety  of  timber, 
Maple,  cherry,  Oak,  large  Pine  &  alder,  Syckamore  &  many 
other  kinds  of  timber.  Quartz  quite  plenty,  looks  like  a  gold 
country,  but  water  scarce.  This  is  Mountain  Spring  Camp. 

July  8th.  4P.M. 

Went  up  on  the  top  of  large  mountain  and  took  observa- 
tions as  follows 

Pinal  mountain  N  60°  30'  W.  to  Tonto  Peaks. 

N.  86°  W.  Needles  Peaks 

S.  70°  W.  to  Cassa  Blanco  [near]  Pimos 

S.  22°  W.  [S.  7°  W.]  to  Picacho  on  the  road  half  way 
from  Teucson  to  Pimo  villages 

S.  7°  W.  to  Teucson 

S.  9°  30'  W.  to  Prominent  Peak  S.  W.  from  Teucson 

S.  47°  E.  from  this  Peak  up  a  river  supposed  to  be  the 
Gila  or  San  Pedro,  turns  to  S.  of  this  mountain  around  the 
Base 

N  81°  E.  To  Peak  Supposed  Siera  Pinto  [?] 

This  is  also  the  Bg.  of  dividing  range  between  Gila  & 
Salt  River 

S  50°  To  Cubarba  Mountain 

a  high  Table  or  at  top  Mt 

July  9th. 

Our  party  split  &  17  men  went  back  via  Pimos.  We 
went  down  north  the  mountain  5  miles  to  a  large  water  Tank 
&  camped  for  night. 

J[uly]  10th. 

Started  at  6  this  morning  and  traveled  about  N.  60°  E. 
for  25  miles  over  a  desert  most  of  the  way  down  a  dry  creek 


110  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  bottom  of  which  is  covered  with  Mosquite  bushes  About 
18  miles  from  Tank  &  on  the  S.  or  East  Side  of  dry  creek  up 
a  canon  about  i/%  mile,  there  is  a  small  spring,  but  as  it  would 
have  detained  our  party  to  long  we  did  not  stop,  but  con- 
tinued on  down  to  Agua  Colandra,  or  West  Fork  of  the  San 
Carlos,  where  we  find  plenty  of  water,  a  large  Aceque  full 
of  water,  it  is  about  6  ft  wide  &  2  ft  deep.  There  is  a  heavy 
growth  of  timber  here,  principally  cotton  wood ;  a  cornfield 
above  and  one  below  our  camp  also  some  beans  just  right  to 
eat  our  boys  gathered  a  few  beans 

July  llth. 

We  were  rather  slow  to  start  this  morning,  on  account 
of  the  animals  &  men  who  gave  out  yesterday  and  would  not 
have  got  in  had  not  some  of  the  men  got  on  the  mules  and 
carried  water  back  to  them ;  as  it  was  some  of  them  did  not 
get  in  until  9  oclock  Eveny 

It  was  past  9  when  we  got  in  motion,  we  went  down  the 
river  at  a  brisk  pace  (  our  course  was  about  S.  E.  30°  )  8 
miles  &  camped  for  dinner  under  the  shade  of  some  large 
cotton  wood's.  The  stream  here  is  about  8  ft  wide  and  6  in 
deep  with  a  good  fall. 

The  men's  shoes  are  very  bad  and  their  feet  getting  sore, 
and  some  of  them  lag  back  &  suffer  a  gooddeal. 
P.  M.  We  travelled  down  the  creek  7  miles  to  the  junction, 
(or  rather  a  mile  or  two  below)  of  the  Coland  &  Gila.  That 
is  we  suppose  it  to  be  for  it  is  a  good  sized  stream.  We  see 
fresh  shoe  tracks  &  horse  tracks,  and  it  is  evident  that  the 
Post  is  somewhere  near  us  we  are  in  hopes  of  finding  them 
soon 

July  12th. 

From  Camp  Junction  to  Siera  Pinto,  S.  59°  E.  This 
range  runs  East  &  West. 

From  Camp  to  Pinal  Mt.  West 

"  the  Triplets  N  6°  E. 

"       to  Lone  Peak  N  45°  E. 

Our  course  yesterday  W  [  ?]  S  30°  E. 


WAR  AND  PEACE  111 

From  camp  noon  the  12th  on  the  stream, 

to  Siera  Pintos  S  30°  E. 

The  Triplets  N.  28°  30  W.  to  Lone  peak  in  range  N  31° 
30'  E  course  of  Stream  South  83°  W 

We  are  traveling  up  stream  —  Mountain  to  west  of  San 
Carlos  N.  31  W.  The  mountain  mentioned  as  Siras  Pintos  is 
not  that  mountain  name  unknown  to  us. 

Started  about  8  this  morning  and  traveled  up  the  Gila 
on  the  S.  E.  side.  Lava,  Limestone  etc.,  but  no  indication  of 
gold  Still  on  the  soldiers  trail  going  the  same  way  we  are. 
Made  10  miles  and  camped  a  little  above  old  soldiers  camp 
which  from  appearances  they  had  left  but  a  day  or  two 
before.  Afternoon  we  traveled  up  the  stream  about  3  miles 
and  crossed.  Made  10  miles  this  afternoon  camped  at  sun- 
down. Our  pack  train  is  strung  along  the  road  for  3  or  four 
miles. 

July  13th. 

Started  before  sunrise  and  without  breakfast  travelled 
10  miles,  camped,  breakfasted,  went  fishing.  Good  luck  laid 
over  thro  the  heat  of  the  day.  Started  out  about  4  P.  M.  had 
not  traveled  more  than  1  or  2  miles  when  we  met  Soldiers 

under  command  of They  had  a  six  mule 

waggon  and  where  going  down   Noon  camp,   gathered  salt 
here. 

July  13th 

To  Penal  Mt  N  66°  W. 
S  "  Triplets  N  57°  W 
"  Lone  Peak  N  32°  W 
"  Siera  Pinto  S  50°  W 
"  Long  Black  Mt.  S  38°  E 
"  Right  hand  "     S  22°  30'  E 
Bg  of  river  down  &  up  15  miles  N  50°  W 
"  to  Mt  on  N  side  of  River  N  83°  E. 
General  Bg  of  River  from  this  point  N  75°  W. 

P.M.    After  we  were  on  the  road  1  hour  we  saw  soldiers 
on  opposite  side  of  the  river.   Halted  a  few  moments.   Col. 


112  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

W  went  over  to  see  them,  &  we  went  up  the  river  to  camp. 
Made  about  12  miles  today. 

July  14th 

Laid  over  about  3  miles  below  the  Fort  (Goodwin)12  on 
the  river  bank. 

July  15th. 

Traveled  about  18  miles13  up  the  Gila  &  camped  after 
dark.  No  fires  allowed. 

July  17. 

Traveled  25  miles  &  camped  on  S  side  of  Gila  at  8  oclock 
in  the  evening.  Passed  old  ruins 14  &  saw  considerable  broken 
pottery  some  of  which  was  nicely  painted  &  glazed.  This 
country  is  allmost  destitute  of  grass.  Volcanic  rock  washed 
into  boulders. 

July  18th. 

Gila  River  N.  Side  at  the  point  where  we  leave  the  river 
to  go  across  to  Prita. 

Bg  from  here  to  Mt.  Graham  is  S46°30'W  to  Highest  point 
above  the  center  as  seen  from  here,  South  of  us  appears  to 
be  a  large  open  flat  or  plain.  To  small  peak  exposed  (?)  on 
South  side  river  N67°  East.  River  bears,  S63°W  from  here 
Euro  Mts  S65°E. 

July  18  Started  at  4 ;  this  morning,  went  3  miles  &  camped 
on  N  Side  for  breakfast.  Killed  a  large  brown  bear  abo  */2 
mile  below  here.  P.M.  Started  at  1  oclock  &  went  across 
the  hills  to  Prita,15  8  miles,  which  bears  S15°East  This  river 


12.  Fort  Goodwin   was   located  on   a  stream   called   Pulerosa,   a  tributary   of  the 
Gila.     OoL   Rigg,   1st  Infantry,    California   Volunteers,    was   in   command.     Ibid.,   265 

13.  Col.  Rigg  "issued  rations  to  my  command  and  it  was  agreed  between  us  that 
I  should  proceed  up  the  country   to  the   Black   River   and   prospect  the   district,   also 
looking  for  the  Indians  and  that  I  should  return  across  by  the  heads  of  the  Bonito  nnd 
San  Carlos  to  our  old  camp  on  Final  Creek  and  there  join  Maj.  Thomas  J.  Blakeney's 
command  and  with  it  operate  against  the  Apaches  in  the  vicinity  of  that  creek  and 
Signal  mountain,  on  the  north  side  of  Salt  River."    Woolsey  in  Ibid.,  265 

14.  These  ruins  were  known  as  Pueblo  Viejo.    The  party  left  the  Gila  near  this 
point  and  traveled  cross-country  to  Bonito  Creek.    Ibid.,  265 

15.  Judging  from  maps  and  Woolsey's  report,  Cook  is  wrong  in  calling  this  stream 
the   Prita,   which   is   correctly   spelled    Prieto,    meaning   Black   creek.     The   party   first 
touched   the   Bonito    Creek,   then    traveled   farther   eastward    to   the    Prieto,    which    is 
named  Eagle  Creek  today. 


WAR  AND  PEACE  113 

or  creek  is  about  3  feet  wide  clear  &  swift  running,  through 
a  box  canon  for  18  miles  from  the  mouth  up.  The  walls  on 
either  side  are  nearly  perpendicular;  of  Lava  rock;  and 
about  100  ft  high.  Mr  Lewis  prospicted  this  evening  but 
found  no  color. 

July  19th 

Traveled  up  this  stream  10  miles  &  camped  for  the  night 
Found  some  Adobe  Houses  in  a  good  state  of  preservation 
under  some  shelving  rocks,  they  were  much  in  the  present 
Mexican  stile,  the  walls  painted  &  whitewashed. 

July  20 

Went  in  an  easterly  direction  across  the  hills  8  miles  to 
a  creek  or  river  15  to  20  ft.  wide,  good  water  &  plenty  of  fish 
also  some  Bear,  Bever  &  Turkey,  After  dinner  moved  up  the 
stream  3  mi  and  camped  on  a  masa  for  the  night,  we  have 
had  good  grass  since  we  left  the  Prita  This  stream  runs 
about  S15°East  &  like  the  Prita  thru  a  box  canon,  got  the 
color  where  we  first  struck  it  &  indications  look  a  little  like 
gold. 

July  21st 

Left  camp  Bonito  this  morn,  at  4  Oclock  &  traveled  up 
the  canon,  &  I  think  crossed  the  stream  twenty  or  thirty 
times,  dist  about  7  miles,  stopped  for  breakfast  &  dinner. 
Traveled  about  7  miles  this  afternoon.  Found  a  Rancheria 
and  a  lot  of  muskal.  the  Indians  had  apparently  just  left  in 
haste.  We  had  just  got  encamped  when  a  young  Squaw  about 
10  Years  old  came  in.  She  was  verry  thin  and  evidently  a 
prisoner  for  she  bore  the  marks  of  the  whip.16 

July  22nd. 

Started  at  4  this  morning  &  went  up  the  stream  &  cross- 
ing every  2  or  300  Yds  made  about  6  miles  and  stopped  for 
breakfast.  Caught  some  fine  fish.  After  dinner  we  turned 
back  down  stream  l1/^  miles  (for  the  Canon  was  impassable) 


16.     Woolsey  wrote:    "She  came  in  with  us  and  is  now  at  my  Agua  Fria  ranch." 
Ibid.,  266 


114  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

And  took  a  trail  leading  to  the  right,  but  up  the  river.  We 
had  a  splendid  trail  &  passed  thru  a  beautif ull  country  after 
going  5  miles  we  again  struck  the  river  which  here  opens  out 
into  a  fine  large  valley,  the  best  for  both  farming  &  grazing 
purposes  I  have  seen  in  the  territory  (14  miles  to  day  passed 
several  corn  patches  I  think  in  all  about  30  Acres.    Just 
beginning  to  silk.   Indians  left.   Bearing  of  the  river  here 
isS10°E.  Bg  to  Peak  S40°E 
"   "PeakN38°E 
Traveled  8  miles  to  day 

July  23 

Roused  camp  at  day  break  but  did  not  start  till  7  oclock. 
Went  East  6  miles  up  on  high  ground  camped  for  dinner. 
Bg  to  Mt.  Graham  S15°  W.  PM  Went  back  to  the  river  (over 
very  rough  road),  as  we  could  not  get  over  the  mountains, 
camped  for  the  night  I  think  3  to  5  mi  above  morning  camp. 

July  24th 

At  5  Oclock  &  without  breakfast  we  resumed  our  march, 
or  rather  climbing  &  wading  up  the  river  went  about  6  miles ; 
breakfasted,  rested  4  hours,  &  moved  up  3  miles  to  grass 
camped  for  the  night  Here  our  Party  divides  One  under 

McKaman17  goes  East  prospecting  &  the  other in 

number  with  Woolsey  towards  home. 

Corrected  24th  July  25. 

This  morning  was  spent  in  mending  shoes,  washing  etc 
At  2  Oclock  P.M.  We  started  westward  or  toward  the  wheat 
patch,  went  7  miles  and  camped,  no  water  here  heavy 
showers  in  the  night  1.  o  cl 

July  26th. 

Started  at  five  and  traveled  over  low  mountains  7  miles. 
Camped  for  noon  at  a  water  tank  used  all  the  water,  but 


17.  Woolsey:  "A  portion  of  the  command  was  not  satisfied  that  this  stream  was 
the  Black  River,  and  were  desirous  of  going:  further  east  to  look  for  it.  I,  therefore, 
detached  Mr.  P.  McCannon  with  46  men  in  that  direction  while  with  the  remaining  24 
men  I  started  on  my  return  to  Final  Creek.  Mr.  McCannon  rejoined  me  at  Ft.  Good- 
win 19  days  from  his  departure.  .  .  ."  Ibid.,  266f 


WAR  AND  PEACE  115 

men  and  animals  had  plenty.  Here  I  have  to  record  the  sad- 
dest thing  that  has  transpired  on  our  trip.  (Blank  Space) 18 
2  P.  M.  We  started  and  traveled  10  miles,  killed  a  bear, 
camped  for  the  night  near  some  tanks  of  water,  rained  half 
the  night. 

July  27th. 

Went  7  miles  S.W.  and  camped  for  Dinner  &  also  to  let 
Mr.  Bomfor  Shake.  P.M.  Traveled  8  miles  about  S20°W  and 
camped  a  little  before  sundown 

July  28th, 

Made  4  miles  over  the  dividing  range  S.W.  Saw  15  or 
20  Indians  &  6  or  8  Lodges,  Camped  on  a  spring  branch 
tributary  to  San  Carlos  From  here  to  But  end  of  Mt.  Gra- 
ham S17°30'E.  Mt  Turnbull  Pinto  S29°W.  Ft  Goodwin  S. 
Supposed  Bg  Triplets.  Spd  Bg  S58°W.  Penal  Mt.  Bg 
S70°W.  Supposed. 

P.M.  July  28. 

Went  ten  miles  and  made  dry  camp. 

July  29 

Started  at  4  this  morn  and  went  to  a  Tank  4  miles. 
Camped  for  breakfast  after  which  we  went  on  10  miles  to 
the  San  Carlos  &  camped  for  dinner  Plenty  of  water.  A  good 
sized  stream  10  ft  wide  1  ft.  deep  with  a  rappid  current 
Then  we  went  on  untill  sundown  and  camped  on  N.W.  side 
of  a  canon  in  which  is  a  good  Spring  The  rock  here  looks 
more  favorable  for  gold  country 

July  30. 

Got  up  at  4  this  morning  packed  our  animals  &  went 
about  half  way  down  into  the  canon  to  the  spring,  ate  some 
grapes,  breakfasted,  prospected  three  pans  of  dirt,  and 
pegged  out  at  10  0  cloc.  no  color  here  It  rained  hard  &  the 


18.  Probably  the  death  of  J.  W.  Beauchamp  who  ascended  a  neighboring:  peak  to 
take  bearings  and  was  killed  by  Indians :  "he  was  waylaid  by  six  Indians,  shot  through 
the  chest  with  a  rifle,  lanced,  stripped  and  left  for  death."  Ibid.,  267 


116  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

wind  blew  cold  from  the  N.E.  last  night.  About  1  in  of  water 
fell. 

Noon.  We  are  encamped  in  an  old  indian  rancherie  &  have 
traveled  this  morning  about  8  miles  in  a  N.W.  direction. 
P.M  Traveled  4  miles  when  within  1  mile  of  camp  the  Indians 
hollowed  at  us  from  the  highest  point  of  rocks  they  also 
hoisted  the  white  flag  but  we  could  not  get  them  into  camp. 
We  camped  for  the  night  on  a  clear  masa.  Water  in  the 
canon  below. 

July  31st 

We  traveled  about  15  miles  stopped  for  din  on  side  of 
mountain.  No  water  except  what  we  had  in  our  canteens. 
P.M.  we  went  about  6  miles  &  camped  for  the  night.  Good 
spring,  heavy  thunder  shour.  rained  half  the  night 

Aug.  1st 

After  eating  some  wheat  about  half  Boiled  &  drinking 
our  coffee  which  was  good,  we  again  resumed  our  weary 
march,  &  did  not  stop  untill  we  had  gone  about  15  miles 
when  we  found  a  good  spring  to  the  left  of  the  trail,  and 
stopped  to  rest,  eat  wheat  &  drink  coffee ;  had  no  sooner  got 
our  packs  off  the  animals  when  we  heard  the  Indians  (hol- 
lowing from  the  rocks  above)  Americanos  buenos.  8  indians 
&  one  squaw  came  down  to  camp,  they  appeared  very 
friendly  &  we  traded  for  some  mesKal,  [mescal]  which 
appeared  to  me  to  be  my  only  salvation  for  I  had  not  tasted 
bread  for  two  days. 

Aug.  2nd. 

Started  before  sunrise  and  after  traveling  first  N.W. 
then  S.E.  over  mountains  &  canons  for  about  4  hours,  we 
got  into  the  wheat  patch  about  8  oclock.  Then  we  had  a  big 
fiest  of  boiled  &  roasted  corn.  Camped  under  the  big  Syca- 
more in  the  evening  we  mooved  up  on  the  hill  among  the 
Soldiers.  When  within  400  Yds  of  here  we  heard  firing  by 
the  Soldiers.  It  seems  the  Indians  which  were  at  our  camp 
yesterday  were  coming  in,  according  to  agreement  with  Col. 


WAR  AND  PEACE  117 

Woolsey  when  the  soldiers  fired  on  them  killing  one  and  tak- 
ing two  prisoners 

Aug.  3rd. 

Spent  the  day  in  gathering  and  drying  corn. 

Aug.  4th. 

Repeated  the  labors  of  yesterday.  This  afternoon  a 
company  of  16  cav.  arrived  from  Ft  Goodwin.  They  came  as 
an  escort  for  Maj.  [Blakeney?] — who  is  relieved  from  his 
comd.  The  two  Indian  prisoners  were  hung  on  a  limb  of  the 
big  Sycamore  this  evening, 
corrected  date  from  this  on 

Aug.  4th. 

The  cavalry  which  came  in  yesterday  started  back  this 
morning.  Col  Woolsey  accompanied  them,  and  is  going  as 
far  as  the  San  Carlos. 

Aug.  5 

Started  at  2  oclock  P.M.  for  the  San  Carlos,  went  8 
miles  &  were  stopped  by  a  thunder  storm  which  was  verry 
heavy  in  about  i/£  an  hour  it  slacked  a  little  &  we  resumed 
our  march  the  road  (or  trail)  was  muddy  and  several  of  the 
animals  mired  down.  The  previously  dry  creek  is  now  a 
mad  rushing  river ;  dangerous  to  ford  by  the  animals  and  I 
had  to  leave  mine  on  an  Island  tied  to  a  tree  considering 
myself  lucky  to  find  a  tree  on  which  I,  with  Mr  Gird  &  Rice 
crossed,  but  not  without  danger,  for  had  we  made  a  miss 
step  should  have  fallen  in  and  our  chances  for  life  would 
have  been  slim  for  the  water  was  over  our  heads  in  depth  & 
verry  swift,  filled  with  driftwood,  made  10  mi  in  all  this 
afternoon  and  camped  after  dark 

Aug.  6th 

Started  early  &  traveled  hard  all  day  I  think  about  25 
miles  &  got  into  camp  on  the  San  Carlos  long  after  dark. 
The  last  mile  through  thick  brush  &  mud  up  to  our  ankles, 


118  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Weary,  tired  and  hungry  we  rolled  up  in  our  blankets,  and 
I  slept  soundly.  Camp  Riggs,  San  Carlos  River. 

Aug.  7th. 

Layed  over  today;  got  100  Ibs  more  flour  fixed  up  our 
traps  Shod  some  Horses  found  the  corral  all  right.  All  our 
carefully  prepared  araingments  fell  through  on  account  of 
the  failur  of  the  milatary  authorityes  to  coopirate 

Aug.  8 

Traviled  down  the  San  Carlos  Woolsey19  having  gon 
over  to  Fort  Goodwin  and  we  are  to  travel  down  to  junction 
camp,  to  wate  untill  he  com.es.  the  overflow  has  left  great 
quantities  of  soft  mud  in  which  we  hade  great  trouble  geting 
through.  I  see  by  refering  back  that  we  were  at  this  camp 
before  on  the  12th  of  July.  The  River  is  raising  And  has  a 
verry  swift  current.  This  camp  is  about  12  or  15  miles  South 
6°W  from  the  center  peak  of  the  Triplets  which  will  [?] 
from  here. 

Aug.  9th 

Junction  Camp.  Laying  over  wating  for  Woolsey.  17  of 
us  gard  corners  very  quiet. 

Aug.  10th. 

Rain  very  heavy  last  night  and  I  was  verry  sick  with 
Collock.  I  had  to  get  up  to  start  fire  for  the  Boys  the  Horses 
nighed  upon  turning  them  loos,  all  the  flats  covered  with 
Water,  no  tidings  of  Woolsey  yet.  the  River  is  Raising  and 
he  is  at  the  other  side,  suffered  much  pain  last  night  and  this 
morning  feal  very  week  just  now  passing  bludy  mucas.  very 
sore. 

Aug.  llth. 

All  ar  becoming  very  impatient  waiting  for  Wollsey  and 
something  must  have  hapind  that  he  does  not  come,  he 


19.  Woolsey  went  to  Fort  Goodwin  to  persuade  CoL  Rigg  to  again  agree  on  a 
joint  campaign  against  the  Apaches  in  the  Signal  Mountain  country.  Rigg  agreed  to 
participate  in  the  undertaking,  but  weather  conditions  prevented  operations.  Ibid.,  270 


WAR  AND  PEACE  119 

Eather  must  have  been  gobled  up  by  the  Indians ;  (which  I 
think  very  improbable)  or  the  party  that  left  us  at  the  head 
of  Black-River  must  have  met  him  at  the  fort  in  which  cas 
he  will  be  delayed  in  getting  down,  he  was  to  have  met  us 
on  the  morning  of  the  9th  early.  I  am  afraid  that  something 
out  of  the  jeneral  course  is  amiss. 

Aug.  12th 

Toe  P.M.  No  Wollsey  or  any  tiding' s  from  him.  I  can- 
not concive  what  it  will  come  to  [,]  this  delay  for  nothing 
that  I  can  concive  but  an  axident  or  Something  or  Something 
of  that  kind  [,]  it  is  raining  Stedly  with  no  signs  of  abatment 
and  most  of  wet.  still  it  is  worm  [warm]  (Bad  calculating 
this)  Raining  still,  laying  here  very  much  against  our 
Wishes,  mud  and  wet  and  I  fear  more  we  shall  have  an  epi- 
demic among  the  men.  We  [t]  to  day.  I  to  day  sent  up  an 
express  to  see  if  they  could  hear  anything  from  Woolsey  but 
not  one  word. 

14th. 

Went  up  miself  could  find  met  with  the  same  result  as 
yesterday. 

15th 

Mooved  up  to  Camp  Rigges.  Got  there  about  noon, 
about  3  oc  McCannon  party  came  in  and  I  was  at  once  full 
of  business.  Friday  Gaston  Morral  was  axidintly  shot  on  the 
Francisco  River. 

16th. 

Started  to  day  for  home  and  after  much  grumbling  over 
getting  very  short  of  Grub  We  concluded  to  issue  one  pint 
per  day,  started  up  dry  Creek  which  heads  in  the  Final 
Mountains  and  runs  nearly  East  into  the  San  Carlos  2  miles 
above  camp  Riges.  traveled  off  prety  Smart.  McCannons 
party  sufered  for  want  of  food  and  hade  a  hard  time.  We 
crosed  the  dividing  ridge  between  Final  Cr  and  Dry  Creek 
and  camped  at  water  on  a  small  rim  making  this  day  20  miles. 


120  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Aug.  17th. 

Wenesday,  traveled  hard  all  day  making  our  Former 
camp  at  the  Wheat  patch  about  2.  oc  P.M.  all  tird.  day  very 
hot  &  sultry  damp  heat,  hade  a  chill,  moved  on  while  it  was 
still  under  way  and  my  bones  ached  very  bad.  went  from 
here  to  Cotonwood  Springs  over  the  divide  towards  Big 
Horse  Canyon,  traveled  today  from  Summit  Camp  to  Wheat 
patch  15  miles  from  wheat  patch  to  CotonWood  Springs  6 
miles.  Course  South  of  West. 

Agu  18th 

Thursday  Started  early  and  traviled  to  Grape  Vine 
Springs  10  miles.  Splendid  Grass  to  the  north  running  East 
&  West  parralell  with  Salt  River  is  Signal  mountain.  This  is 
one  of  the  finest  places  that  I  ever  saw,  very  late,  travled. 
In  the  arftenoon  acrost  salt  River  &  made  the  Willow  Camp 
about  10  oc  PM.  very  tird.  distance  8  miles  from  Grape 
Vine  Springs,  distance  to  day  18  miles. 

Aug.  19th. 

Friday.  Woolsey's  command  consisted  of  93  men.  One 
of  the  party  Moreal  was  killed  by  accidental  discharge  of  0. 
Allen's  gun.20 


20.  Woolsey  reported  that  his  command  reached  the  Agua  Fria  ranch  on  the 
eighty-seventh  day  from  the  date  of  departure,  June  1.  This  sets  August  26  as  the  end 
of  the  march  homeward 


WAR  AND  PEACE  121 

PEACE 

Ammon  M.  Tenney  was  a  Mormon  missionary  to  In- 
dians in  southern  Utah,  northern  Arizona  and  in  Mexico 
from  about  1858  to  1890.  His  diaries  were  given  to  the 
Church  Historian,  Salt  Lake  City,  Utah.  A  copy  of  the 
diaries  was  procured  by  the  Arizona  Pioneers'  Historical 
Society,  Tucson,  Arizona.  The  excerpt  published  here  was 
transcribed  from  the  copy  in  Tucson.  The  latter,  to  all  out- 
ward appearances,  is  an  accurate  copy  of  the  original.  This 
excerpt  is  published  without  change  in  punctuation  or  spell- 
ing except  in  a  very  few  instances.  A  few  footnotes  have 
been  provided  for  the  benefit  of  the  reader. 

Mr.  Tenney's  trip  to  the  Navahos  was  made  two  years 
after  they  had  returned  from  exile  at  the  Bosque  Redondo 
where  they  had  been  removed  by  the  military  in  1863-1864. 
Presumably  they  had  learned  to  live  at  peace  after  that 
experience,  but  this  diary  reveals  that  trouble  with  their 
white  neighbors  could  still  occur : 

IN  1870,  there  appeared  in  Kanab,  our  extreme  S.  E.  set- 
tlement in  Utah  a  gentleman,  Major  Powel,1  of  Grand 
Canyon  of  Colorado  notoriety  bearing  a  letter  of  introduc- 
tion and  friendship  to  Jacob  Hamblin.2 

After  many  days  of  social  relations  it  was  agreed  that 
they  travel  together  to  Fort  Defiance  with  a  view  of  mutual 
protection  and  to  shorten  the  journey  of  Major  Powel  and 
co.  eastward  to  their  homes. 

They  also  desired  to  explore  the  country  and  gather 
information  from  the  various  tribes  lying  along  our  route. 
Captain  Hamblin  had  in  view  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the 
Navajoes  who  had  been  marauding  the  southern  parts  of 
Utah  and  had  been  the  cause  of  bloodshed  and  the  loss  of 


1.  J.  W.  Powell.  Exploration  of  the  Colorado  River  of  the   West  .  .  .  1869.  .  .  . 
Smithsonian  Institution,  Washington,   1875. 

2.  Jacob   Hamblin   was   a  long   time   Mormon   missionary  and  trail  blazer  in   the 
northern  Arizona  and  southern  Utah  area.    For  his  own  story  see  Jacob  Hamblin,  A 
Narrative  of  his  Personal  Experience  ....  Salt  Lake  City,  Utah,  1881. 

Hamblin  gives  the  date  of  this  trip  to  the  Navaho  as  1871,  but  Tenney  is  correct 
in  giving  the  year  as  1870.  This  trip  occurred  in  1870  when  Powell  was  preparing  for 
his  second  trip  through  the  Grand  Canyon.  Frederick  S.  Dellenbaugh,  The  Romance  of 
the  Colorado  River,  p.  233  (New  York,  1903). 


122  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

many  thousand  head  of  cattle,  horses  and  sheep,  together 
with  the  breaking  up  of  all  our  smaller  towns  and  outstand- 
ing ranches. 

We  began  to  make  ready  our  little  companies  and  to 
organize  as  well  as  we  could  with  our  meager  supplies.  It 
was  decided  to  amalgamate  the  two  small  companies  so 
as  to  relieve  Capt.  Hamblin  and  Maj  Powell  to  go  farther 
south  in  search  of  the  causes  of  the  murder  of  three  Ameri- 
cans3 who  had  left  Powels  company  in  a  former  voyage 
down  the  Colorado  River. 

Accordingly  they  mutually  agreed  to  place,  in  charge  of 
both  companies,  Ammon  M.  Tenney  to  conduct  them  to  the 
river  and  there  await  their  arrival.  We  proceeded  to  the 
river  carrying  on  mules  enough  lumber  to  make  a  small  boat. 

This  was  done  by  taking  two  large  cottonwood  logs  and 
hewing  them  down  to  a  three  inch  thickness  and  a  length  of 
12ft. 

Each  end  on  the  underside  schooner  shape.  On  this  side 
we  nailed  our  8  inch  dry  lumber  and  launched  it  overnight 
when  the  dry  lumber  swolen  closed  the  cracks  and  with 
the  hurridly  provided  boat  we  ferried  our  camp  equipment 
and  men  while  we  swam  our  horses. 

This  was  the  first  ferry  boat  made  and  used  on  the 
Colorado.  It  was  at  this  place  and  time  that  we  felt  the 
awful  sorrow  of  suspence.  We  had  waited  the  arival  of 
our  Captain  and  Maj.  for  three  long  weeks. 

At  last  we  fully  decided  they  had  fallen  prey  to  the 
natives  of  the  land.  It  was  mutually  decided  or  agreed  upon 
that  Mr.  Graves,  one  of  the  Powel  party,  and  Ammon  M. 
Tenny  would  return  to  the  settlement  and  report  this 
unhappy  condition. 

On  arriving  at  Jacobs  Pools  we  met  them  bringing 
Nathan  Terry  and  Elija  Potter  as  young  missionaries  to 
the  Lamanites.4  The  following  day  we  were  ferried  across 


3.  William  H.  Dunn,  O.  G.  Rowland,  and  Seneca  Rowland  decided  to  leave  Powell, 
August  28,  1869,  when  not  far  from  the  end  of  the  journey  on  the  first  trip  through 
the  Grand  Canyon.    Suspected  of  being  miners,  and  miners  being  troublesome  people, 
the  Indians  killed  them.    Powell,  p.  130 ;  a  copy  of  this  story  is  incorporated  in  Hamblin, 
p.  97. 

4.  Mormon  term  for  the  American  Indian.    See  the  Book  of  Mormon. 


WAR  AND  PEACE  123 

the  Colorado  at  the  mouth  of  the  Paria5  creek  where  we 
met  our  [?]  found  our  camp.  All  were  exceedingly  rejoiced 
over  our  safe  arrival. 

We  at  once  took  up  our  march  and  on  ariving  at  the 
Oriba  village  Major  Powel  set  to  work  gathering  informa- 
tion of  their  traditions  as  to  where  they  came  from  and 
how  long  they  had  been  on  the  top  of  these  inaccesible  Red 
Rock  cliffs 

In  this  labor  the  Major  used  a  native  who  had  been 
a  captive  by  some  other  tribe  and  sold  as  a  slave  until  he 
had  fallen  into  the  custody  of  the  New  Mexico  people  and 
had  remained  a  captive  for  many  years. 

During  this  time  he  had  acquired  the  Spanish  language 
and  Ammon  M.  Tenney,  who  also  spoke  Spanish  became 
interpreter  for  Jacob  H. 

One  of  their  ancient  traditions  was  their  system  of 
marriage  which  they  regarded  as  being  sacred. 

The  father  and  male  relatives  of  the  espoused  daughter 
always  took  the  bridegroom  into  a  room  stript  and  washed 
him  from  head  to  feet  and  clothed  him  in  sacred  robes 
made  of  cotton  by  their  own  hands. 

The  mother  and  female  relatives  of  the  bridegroom  took 
the  bride  washed  and  dressed  her  in  robes  made  expressly 
for  such  occasion 

This  tradition  came  down  to  these  people  from  time 
immorial  [immemorial]  and  carries  an  inference  of  some 
sacred  teaching  in  the  past. 

While  visiting  among  the  different  villages  of  the  Mo- 
quitoes  it  was  made  plain  that  the  Navajoes  were  chafed 
in  their  feelings  over  the  loss  of  those  who  had  robed  us 
and  had  been  the  cause  of  the  death  of  quite  a  number  who 
had  been  murdered  by  them  and  our  local  natives. 

Notwithstanding  the  Navajoes  had  robbed  us  of  an 
immense  amount  of  property  and  the  breaking  up  of  many 
homes.  They  paid  dearly  for  all  they  got  in  loss  of  war- 


6.  Only  two  places  for  crossing  the  Colorado  river  above  the  Grand  Canyon  were 
known  in  those  days:  (1)  the  crossing  of  the  Fathers  (2)  "and  another  a  few  miles 
below,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Paria,  on  a  route  which  has  been  explored  by  Jacob  Hamblin. 
..."  Powell,  p.  106 


124  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

riors  who  had  been  slaughtered  in  every  encounter  with 
them. 

In  view  of  our  critical  condition  it  was  decided  that 
Maj  Powel  and  Ammon  M  Tenney  with  our  Oriba  inter- 
preter should  precede  the  company  to  Fort  Defiance  and 
arrange  with  the  Agent,  Capt.  John  C  Bennett6  for  a 
meeting  of  reconciliation  with  the  chiefs.  It  happened  that 
we  had  been  visited  while  camping  at  the  villages  by  a 
Navajo  chief  who  seemed  friendly. 

This  we  did  not  know  for  the  lack  of  a  good  under- 
standing as  there  was  no  Navajo  interpreter  in  Navajo. 

We  started  and  before  we  had  travled  two  hours  there 
appeared  two  fine  looking  young  men  whose  stallions  were 
superb  and  in  fine  shape  while  the  silver  ornaments  heavy 
and  profuse  not  only  decorating  their  admirable  animals 
bridles,  and  saddles  but  also  their  raiment,  hair  and  fingers, 
ears  and  the  glitter  raidiating  in  the  noonday  sun  could  be 
seen  for  miles  and  on  their  faces  shown  a  brilliancy  that 
bespoke  "We  are  your  friends"  while  they  dropped  into  line 
behind  us  obeying  an  unwritten  law  by  leaving  a  distance 
between  us. 

We  consulted  our  interpreter  regarding  this  strange 
incident  and  found  his  forebodings  were  beyond  control. 
The  Major  seemed  calm  while  the  writer  felt  the  warning 
emotions  while  tremulous  and  darting  vibrations  reached 
every  corner  of  my  sensitive  make  up.  We  soon  reached 
along  our  trail  one  of  those  sudden  decents,  which  led  us 
into  a  lower  valley  while  the  trail  from  which  we  were  to 
descend  took  a  sudden  change  to  the  east. 

From  the  top  of  present  situation  we  could  see  that 
our  trail  lay  paralell  with  the  elevated  bench  land  and  as 
from  an  electric  thunder  cloud  on  a  clear  day  our  ears 
were  saluted  by  a  war  (terrible)  whoop  which  reverberated 
from  one  corner  of  this  elevation  to  the  next  corner  which 
made  it  appear  to  us  that  we  were  surrounded  by  an  army 
of  our  wood  be  assassins. 


6.  Captain  F.  T.  Bennet  was  agent  for  the  Navaho  during  the  fall  of  1870  when 
army  management  of  some  tribes  was  tried  temporarily  by  the  government.  John  C. 
Bennett  is  not  the  correct  name. 


WAR  AND  PEACE  125 

I  again  consulted  our  Moque  interpreter  and  noticed 
that  his  face  was  a  deathlike  hue  and  around  his  mouth 
was  covered  with  froth  and  his  whole  appearance  was 
distracted. 

We  dismounted  and  tightening  the  girths  of  our  saddles, 
&  examining  the  condition  of  my  "repeater"  and  with  a 
prayer  on  my  lips,  prepared  for  death.  As  I  lit  in  my 
saddle  I  saw  two  warriors  leaping  from  rock  to  rock  toward 
the  scene  of  action.  When  I  said  to  my  Major  "There  they 
come"  the  first  overt  act  on  their  part  means  war  to  me 
and  I  shall  sell  my  life  dearly. 

I  loaded  my  "repeater"  and  set  my  triger  at  half  cocked 
and  we  took  up  our  march  as  though  nothing  had  happened 
(a  bold  move  indeed).  There  was  nothing  left  for  us  to  do 
in  view  of  our  surroundings. 

The  two  behind  closed  up  with  us,  which  at  this  tragic 
moment  was  equal  to  saying  "We  also  want  a  hand  in  dis- 
patching you  and  of  course  in  the  booty."  A  few  rods  brot 
us  within  25  yards  of  the  two  raving  maniacs  who  were 
approaching  and  at  this  critical  moment  our  two  companions 
rode  quietly  around  us  and  in  an  unusualy  mild  tone  talked 
to  the  aproaching  two  and  they  reluctantly  laid  their  guns 
down  on  the  grass  &  came  forward. 

The  Major  dismounted  and  took  two  sacks  of  tobacco 
from  his  pack.  As  he  pulled  them  out  he  held  them  up  to 
me  and  said : — "This  is  the  kind  of  arms  I  carry.  Put  your 
guns  down  Mr.  Tenney.  (I  was  holding  my  gun  ready  for 
action) . 

He  walked  over  to  the  two  .  .  .  men  and  slaped  each 
on  the  shoulder  then  with  a  loud  and  hearty  laugh  handed 
them  the  tobacco. 

In  a  very  few  minutes  we  were  traveling  on  our  course 
with  our  two  companions  in  the  rear.  We  crowded  our 
horses  with  a  view  to  relieve  ourselves  of  the  two,  who 
had  persistantly  held  to  us  and  here  dear  reader  allow  me 
to  say  what  I  imagine  you  will  say.  "How  it  is  possible  that 
you  couldn't  detect  the  friendship  of  the  two  who  followed 
you  and  who  were  probably  the  means  of  holding  off  those 
other  two  who  evidently  were  bent  on  trouble.  7  do  not  know 


126  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

unless  it  was  the  result  of  our  unnerved  condition,  coupled 
with  that  other  fact  that  we  were  watching  only  for  trouble. 

We  camped  about  4  P.  M.  to  allow  our  animals  to  rest 
and  graze,  preparitory  to  a  night  ride.  Our  two  companions 
camped  also  and  at  supper  we  divided  our  frugal  meal  with 
them  After  resting  we  caught  our  animals  and  began  to 
make  ready  to  depart  when  for  the  first  time  they  came 
and  made  motions  urging  us  not  to  go  on  and  here  were  the 
first  impressions  that  made  us  realize  their  friendliness 
toward  us. 

The  distance  to  Fort  Defiance  was  still  far  away  so  we 
decided  to  mount  our  horses  and  travel  until  11  o'clock.  We 
left  the  trail  and  camped  in  a  lonely  little  opening  of  the 
forest  in  which  we  had  been  engulfed  for  many  miles  and 
reached  our  destination  about  9  the  next  morning. 

We  were  cordially  received  by  Capt.  Bennett  and  his 
aids  where  we  awaited  Capt  Hamblin  and  Co.  who  arrived 
safey. 

In  the  mean  time  we  had  formed  an  agreeable  acquaint- 
ence  with  the  agent  John  C  Bennett  and  had  opened  up 
communication  with  the  principal  chief  Barbancito  he  being 
at  the  head  of  all  the  Navajos.  On  the  arival  of  Capt  Ham- 
blin a  date  was  attached  to  the  already  agreed  program 
upon  which  to  meet. 

We  arrived  at  2  P.  M.  The  treaty  was  hearalded  to  a 
nation,  and  in  one  of  the  spacious  rooms  were  seated  Major 
Powel  and  captain  as  representatives.  Maj.  Powel  for  the 
U.  S  Government,  Capt.  Bennett,  agent  for  the  Indians, 
Capt  Jacob  Hamblin  representing  the  Mormon  people  with 
Ammon  M.  Tenney  as  interpreter.  The  throng  was  immence. 

Mr.  Bennett  told  the  writer  that  there  were  about  8000 
on  the  ground  who  had  gathered  to  participate  in  the 
treaty  and  to  receive  their  portions  delt  out  to  them  by  the 
U.  S.  Government.  Major  Powel  took  the  iniciative  as  this 
was  agreed  upon  before  entering  the  treaty. 

He  recounted  the  past  to  them  in  which  sorrows  they 
were  the  loosers.  He  pointed  out  the  benefits  they  were 
receiving  from  the  U  S  Govt.  He  called  their  attention 
to  the  fact  that  he  was  sent  to  establish  peace  between  them 


WAR  AND  PEACE  127 

and  the  Mormons,  and  boldly  declared  that  if  they  con- 
tinued their  maurading  he  would  order  on  the  army  and  cut 
down  their  trees  and  not  leave  one  vestige  of  their  (Hogans) 
homes. 

Next  followed  Capt  Hamblin  who  briefly  described  how 
they  had  robbed  our  settlements,  killed  our  people  and  de- 
stroyed small  towns — the  hard  earnings  of  a  peace  loving 
people  and  while  our  young  men  were  enraged  and  wanted 
to  cross  that  "Big  River"  and  make  war  on  your  families, 
we,  the  older  men  wanted  to  try  once  more  for  peace. 

What  shall  I  tell  my  people?  Shall  we  live  in  peace 
and  till  the  soil,  raise  cattle,  horses,  and  sheep  and  be 
friends?  Or  shall  I  go  back  and  tell  my  people  that  you 
want  to  live  like  wolves  and  come  prowling  around  in  the 
night  instead  of  coming  like  friends?  All  this  was  inter- 
preted to  one  Captain  Sus7  by  J.  Lorenzo  Hubbel8  and  in 
turn  by  Sus  to  the  Navajos. 

The  Agent  came  next  and  took  strong  grounds  for 
peace.  He  told  them  they  must  sign  a  document  of  recon- 
ciliation. 

The  hour  was  now  late  and  the  commanding  Chief  Bar- 
bancito  said : — Let  us  extend  our  negotiations  until  tomorrow 
at  which  time  we  will  answer. 

This  was  granted  and  on  the  following  day  we  conveined 
again,  but  Oh!  the  difference  of  the  spiritual  atmosphere 
from  the  previous  day.  The  excitement  of  that  day  was 
terrible  to  witness.  Their  moves,  their  gestures,  their  war- 
like attitude  as  they  rode  the  very  animals  they  had  stolen 
flaunting  them  in  our  faces,  like  saying  to  us — here  are 
your  horses  take  them  if  you  can.  They  laughed  and  sneered 
at  us  carrying  a  taunt  of  defiance  over  us.  My  feelings 
were  wrought  up  beyond  my  power  of  description.  With 
patience  we  awaited  our  time  for  we  knew  that  our  cause 
was  just  and  that  is  not  all  we  knew  for  we  knew  that  the 


7.  Sus  was  no  doubt  a  Navaho  leader,  and  a  leader  or  chief  was  often  referred  to 
as  captain. 

8.  John  Lorenzo  Hubbell  was  a  long  time  Indian  trader  in  northern  Arizona.    His 
story,  as  told  to  John  Edwin  Hogg,  has   been   published   in   "Fifty   Years   an   Indian 
Trader,"  Touring  Topics,  vol.  22,  no.  12   (Los  Angeles,  December,  1930). 


128  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

servants  of  our  Heavenly  Father  had  sent  us  there  and  that 
he  would  protect  us. 

The  chief  opened  the  negotiations  and  in  a  dignified  but 
considerate  manner  went  all  over  the  grounds  that  had  been 
covered  by  speakers  of  the  previous  day  and  said  "We  too 
like  you,  want  peace  and  earnestly  solicit  your  friendship 
and  then  added  that  they  were  not  able  to  arrive  at  what 
principle  to  recover  the  stolen  property  as  it  had  been  traded 
off  and  had  gone  through  4  &  5  innocent  hands  and  on 
discussing  the  disagreeable  points  it  was  agreed  that  if 
they  would  maintain  peace  they  could  keep  the  animals  al- 
ready stolen  and  we  would  forgive  them. 

In  a  few  days  we  turned  our  faces  homeward — a  happy 
lot  of  missionaries  in  knowing  that  we  had  accomplished  our 
mission  by  obtaining  peace,  notwithstanding  I  saw  them 
riding  my  own  horses  that  they  had  stolen  from  me  in  Utah 

On  arriving  at  the  Moqui  village  we  laid  over  to  rest 
our  animals  and  while  there  we  were  visited  by  other  Navajo 
chiefs  who  had  not  been  at  our  treaty  in  consequence  of  the 
distance  they  lived  west  of  Fort  Defiance. 

These  chiefs  had  been  summoned  by  their  superior 
chief,  Barbancito  to  meet  us  85  miles  west  on  our  journey 
so  as  to  sign  the  "Treaty  document."  We  met  with  them 
and  held  our  council  of  reconciliation  in  a  very  large  room 
belonging  to  the  Caseque  [Cacique]  (King)  of  these  vilagers. 

These  men  were  much  impressed  with  the  results  of 
declaring  peace  and  the  prospects  of  commercial  opportuni- 
ties in  the  trading  of  their  woolen  and  excellent  home  made 
blankets  for  our  horses. 

When  we  got  seated  they  made  known  to  us  the  object 
of  their  visit  to  us. 

With  a  child-like  and  humble  salutation,  speaking  to 
Jacob  with  Ammon  M.  Tenney  as  interpreter  they  said 
"We  have  not  come  to  change  the  splendid  treaty  already 
signed  and  entered  into  but  we  have  come  to  cultivate  and 
irrigate  this  tender  plant  of  peace  so  that  it  will  grow  and 
bear  fruit  of  a  lasting  brotherhood,  that  we  may  in  the 
oncoming  years  eat  this  fruit  of  peace  from  one  dish,  sleep 


WAR  AND  PEACE  129 

under  one  blanket  and  warm  ourselves  by  one  fire  and  teach 
our  children  to  follow  our  example,  while  time  lasts. 

We  had,  however,  gone  over  our  past  experiences  and 
at  last  this  out-burst  of  Navajo  oratory  flowed  from  them  at 
the  moment  of  our  hearts  swelling  I  interpreted  it  to  Jacob 
and  said — "What  shall  I  say  to  them"  I  then  discovered 
that  Jacob's  emotions  were  wrought  in  a  most  wonderful 
manner  while  the  tears  rolled  down  from  his  cheeks  in  pro- 
fusion. He  said  "Go  to  Tenney  you  can  do  it  better  than 
I  can.  Instantainiously  I  felt  the  influence  of  the  spirit 
and  I  began  to  speak  along  the  same  lines  that  they  had 
in  regards  to  teaching  our  children  and  I  taught  them  the 
gospel  and  the  pursuits  of  peace  and  happiness  and  within 
a  few  minutes  these  noble  sons  of  father  Lehi  were  all 
weeping  until  they  had  no  control  of  themselves. 

Two  of  them  came  forward  picked  me  up  and  carried 
me  by  main  force  and  danced  and  sang  and  shouted  all  over 
the  room.  I  soon  extricated  my  self  when  they  went  to  Jacob 
and  embraced  him  with  their  arms  and  talked  in  an  audible 
tone  of  voice  and  then  began  to  shake  our  hands  and  slowly 
quieted  down. 

As  for  me,  never  before  had  I  felt  the  demonstration 
of  the  spirit  and  power  of  God  as  on  that  occasion. 

This  ended  the  most  successful  labors  of  my  association 
and  companionship  of  15  years,  off  and  on  with  that  God- 
fearing man  Jacob  Hamblin 


CHECKLIST  OF  NEW  MEXICO  PUBLICATIONS 
By  WILMA  LOY  SHELTON 

Introduction 

The  publications  in  this  list  include  all  official  literature 
which  has  been  printed  and  published  from  1850  through 
1948  by  or  for  the  state  or  of  which  an  edition  has  been  pur- 
chased by  the  state  for  distribution.  Aside  from  Mr.  Arie 
Poldervaart's  lists  in  the  New  Mexico  library  bulletin,  the 
New  Mexico  list  in  Bowker's  State  Publications  and  the  titles 
included  in  the  monthly  checklist  of  state  publications,  there 
are  no  general  lists  of  official  New  Mexico  publications.  Al- 
though there  are  some  documents  included  in  the  Checklist  of 
New  Mexico  imprints  and  publications,  1784-1876,  prepared 
by  the  Historical  records  survey  of  Illinois,  and  in  the  check- 
lists issued  by  Grace  E.  MacDonald  and  William  S.  Jenkins, 
they  are  too  few  to  be  very  useful  as  a  guide  to  documents 
of  the  state: 

Bowker,  R.  R.,  State  Publication  N.  Y.  Publishers  Weekly,  1905,  pt.  3 

p.  567-576. 

New  Mexican  librarian  v.  2  no.  2  Dec.  1939,  p.  7-8. 
New  Mexico  library  bulletin  v.  10  no.  5  Jan.  1942,  p.  11-12;  v.  11  no.  1 

March  1942,  p.  9-11;  v.  11  no.  3  Sept.  1942,  p.  12;  v.  12  no.  3  July 

1943,  p.  38-40. 
MacDonald,  Grace  E.,  Checklist  of  legislative  journals,   Providence, 

Oxford  Press,  1928,  p.  156-160;  Checklist  of  Session  Laws,  N.  Y. 

Wilson,  1936,  p.  151-154;  Checklist  of  Statutes,  Providence,  Oxford 

Press,  1938,  p.  73. 
Historical  records  survey,  Illinois.   Checklist  of  New  Mexico  imprints 

and  publications,  1784-1876;  Detroit,  Michigan  Historical  records 

survey  1942, 115p. 
Jenkins,  W.   S.,  Checklist  of  Legislative  Journals  of  the   U.   S.   of 

America,  Boston,  1943,  p.  440-45. 

"Affairs  in  the  territories  were  under  the  direction  of 
the  Department  of  state  to  the  year  1873  at  which  time  their 
administration  was  transferred  to  the  Department  of  In- 
terior. ...  By  the  act  of  1792  the  Secretary  of  state  was 
required  to  have  the  laws  of  the  territory  printed.  .  .  .  The 

130 


CHECKLIST  131 

territorial  governments  were  dependent  in  large  measure 
upon  the  Department  of  state  during  the  greater  part  of 
the  period  and  a  considerable  number  of  papers  relating  to 
them  are  preserved  in  the  archives  of  that  Department. 
Many  events  in  the  territories,  however,  have  been  of  such 
a  character  that  material  respecting  them  are  found  in  the 
files  of  other  executive  departments  in  Washington.  Num- 
erous papers  which  form  the  basis  of  Indian  relations  in  the 
early  period  are  found  in  the  archives  of  the  Department  of 
War.  .  .  .  The  extension  of  the  postal  service  to  the  frontier 
is  illustrated  by  materials  found  in  the  Post  office  files.  In 
the  general  land  office,  in  the  Department  of  interior,  is 
found  a  large  collection  of  sources  relating  to  surveying  and 
disposing  of  the  public  lands.  In  the  Senate  &  House  files 
are  many  original  papers,  as  well  as  bills,  committee  reports, 
and  similar  materials  relating  to  various  aspects  of  terri- 
torial affairs.  The  Manuscript  division  of  the  Library  of 
Congress  also  possesses  papers  which  relate  to  territorial 
matters."1  By  1938  most  of  the  records,  including  the  terri- 
torial papers,  formerly  held  by  the  Department  of  State, 
were  transferred  to  the  National  Archive.2 

The  law  of  1857  provided  for  a  public  printer  who  was 
elected  annually,  by  joint  ballot  of  both  houses  of  the  general 
assembly,  at  such  time  during  the  session  as  the  two  houses 
could  concur.  It  was  the  duty  of  the  Public  printer  "to  print 
and  publish  all  such  public  matters  as  may  be  entrusted  to 
him  by  either  branch  of  the  legislative  assembly,  or  by  any 
of  the  civic  departments  of  the  territory."3  The  office  of 
public  printer  was  abolished  in  1907.  Since  that  time  each 
individual  department  determines  its  own  methods  in  the 
procurement  of  printing. 

According  to  the  laws  of  1937,  it  is  the  duty  of  every 
board,  commission,  department,  state  institution  or  purchas- 
ing agent  to  award  contracts  for  printing  to  a  New  Mexico 
firm.  This  act  does  not  apply  to  contracts  for  printing  the 


1.  Carter,  C.  E.  The  territorial  papers  of  the  U.  S.  v.  1  p.  vii-viii. 

2.  U.  S.  National  archives.    Guide  to  the  material  in  the  national  archives,  p.  12, 
35-36. 

3.  General  laws  of  N.  M.  comp.  under  direction  of  L.  B.  Prince,  Albany,  Little, 
1882.  p.  426-426. 


132  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

New  Mexico  Supreme  court  reports,  to  any  official  compila- 
tion, or  to  the  codification  of  the  laws  of  the  state. 

The  official  head  of  each  state  office,  commission,  depart- 
ment or  institution  is  required  to  file  three  copies  of  each 
publication  with  the  librarian  of  the  Supreme  Court  Library, 
who  must  deliver  to  the  librarian  of  the  Museum  of  New 
Mexico  one  copy  of  each  publication  received  (Laws  of  1931, 
chap.  154) .  An  act  relating  to  the  filing  of  public  documents 
and  requiring  documents  to  be  filed  in  order  to  be  effective 
was  passed  in  1947.  Officials  having  charge  of  the  reports  of 
the  Supreme  court  and  of  the  published  statutes  or  session 
laws  of  this  state  are  required  to  transmit  copies  of  each  vol- 
ume as  issued  to  the  following  parties :  "1  copy  to  the  Attor- 
ney general  of  the  U.  S. ;  1  copy  to  each  of  the  Justices  of  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court ;  5  copies  to  the  Librarian  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States ;  5  copies  of  the  reports 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  Mexico  and  8  copies  of  the  stat- 
utes or  session  laws  of  this  State  to  the  Library  of  Congress ; 
1  copy  to  the  United  States  District  Attorney  for  New  Mex- 
ico and  each  of  his  assistants ;  1  copy  to  the  Attorney  General 
of  New  Mexico  and  each  of  his  assistants;  1  copy  to  each 
District  Attorney  in  this  State  and  each  of  their  assistants ; 
1  copy  to  each  Board  of  County  Commissioners;  1  copy  to 
each  Probate  Judge ;  1  copy  to  each  District  Judge  in  this 
State ;  also,  where  any  other  state  or  territory  will  supply  the 
State  Law  Library  of  this  State  with  one  or  more  copies  of 
the  Supreme  Court  or  other  Appellate  Court  reports  and  the 
statutes  or  session  laws  of  such  state  or  territory,  the  officials 
above  mentioned  are  required  to  transmit  ...  an  equal 
number  of  copies  of  the  reports  of  the  supreme  court  of  this 
State  and  of  statutes  or  session  laws  of  this  State ;  1  copy  to 
the  United  States  District  Judge  for  New  Mexico;  and  1 
copy  each  to  the  judges  of  the  United  States  Circuit  Court 
of  Appeals  in  the  Tenth  Judicial  Circuit.  Provided  that  such 
copies  of  reports  and  statutes  supplied  to  officials  within  the 
State  remain  the  property  of  the  State  of  New  Mexico  and 
must  be  delivered  by  said  officials  to  their  successors  in  office 
and  provided  that  the  Supreme  Court  may  by  order  dis- 
tribute its  report  in  addition  to  those  herein  specified  to 


CHECKLIST  133 

State  and  Federal  officials  and  institutions."  "The  officer  or 
employee  of  this  State  having-  charge  of  the  publication  of 
the  public  documents  hereinafter  mentioned  shall  transmit 
the  same  to  the  Librarian  of  Congress  for  the  use  of  mem- 
bers of  Congress  from  New  Mexico  and  others  interested,  if 
and  when  printed,  as  follows :  2  copies  each  of  the  biennial 
budget,  of  the  reports  and  official  opinions  of  the  attorney- 
general  of  the  state,  and  of  all  separate  compilations  of  laws 
issued  by  state  officers;  1  copy  each  of  the  legislative  jour- 
nals and  other  documents  published  by  order  of  the  state 
legislature  or  either  house  and  all  reports,  bulletins,  circu- 
lars, pamphlets,  maps,  charts  and  other  official  publications 
of  any  executive  department,  office,  commission,  bureau, 
board  or  state  institution  now  existing  or  hereafter  author- 
ized by  law."4 

The  present  study  is  as  complete  a  listing  of  the  terri- 
torial and  state  publications  as  it  is  possible  to  compile  at 
this  time.  In  spite  of  all  attempts  toward  completeness, 
it  has  been  impossible  to  locate  all  materials.  The  editor 
would  greatly  appreciate  any  information  regarding  publica- 
tions not  here  recorded  and  any  corrections  that  should  be 
made.  The  publications  of  the  state  supported  educational 
institutions  and  those  of  the  agricultural  experiment  stations 
have  been  omitted.  The  checklist  includes  titles  found  in  the 
State  Library,  the  State  Museum  Library,  the  state  offices, 
the  University  of  New  Mexico  Library,  and  in  bibliographies. 
Information  regarding  the  issuing  bodies  was  secured  from 
the  laws  of  the  state. 

Reports  are  listed  under  the  name  of  the  issuing  body 
followed  by  other  publications  in  alphabetical  order.  If 
changes  in  names  of  the  body  occur,  serial  publications  are 
listed  under  the  latest  form  of  name  with  a  reference  from 
earlier  forms.  Whenever  the  publications  have  been  mimeo- 
graphed this  information  has  been  indicated.5 


4.  Laws  of  1937.  chap.  171  sec.  1-2.  Statutes.  1941  compilation,  sec.  12-113,  115. 

5.  Explanation  of  abbreviations.  The  following  symbols  have  been  used : 
(    )   Information  not  on  title  page 

—  In  dates  of  reports  indicates  two  or  more  calendar  years 
?  Information  uncertain 
v.  Volume 

P**'/et. 


134  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

CONSTITUTIONS 

Constitutional  convention,  1849. 

Journal  and  proceedings  of  convention  of  delegates  held  at  Santa 
Fe  on  the  24th  of  Sept.  1849  presenting  a  plan  for  the  civil  govern- 
ment .  .  .  and  asking  the  action  of  Congress  thereon.  Washing- 
ton, 1850.  18,  8p.  (31st.  cong.,  1st.  sess.,  hse.  misc.  doc.  39) 

Constitutional  convention,  1849. 

Journal  of  New  Mexico,  convention  of  delegates  to  recommend  a 
plan  of  civil  government.  Sept.,  1849.  Santa  Fe,  The  New  Mexican 
printing  company.  1907.  22p.  (Historical  society  of  New  Mexico. 
Publication  no.  10)  "This  is  a  reprint  of  Miscellaneous  document 
no.  39,  House  of  representatives,  31st.  cong.,  1st.  sess.  The  docu- 
ment is  headed,  Feb.  25,  1850.  Referred  to  the  Committee  on 
territories  and  ordered  to  be  printed." 

Constitution  of  State  of  New  Mexico,  1850.   Santa  Fe,  1850.  18p. 

Constitucion  del  Estado  de  Nuevo  Mejico.  Santa  Fe,  1850.  19p. 

Constitution  of  the  State  of  New  Mexico.   Santa  Fe,  1870. 

Constitution  of  the  State  of  New  Mexico.   Santa  Fe,  1872.  44p. 

Constitucion  del  estado  de  Nuevo  Mejico,  approved  Feb.  1,  1872.  n.  p. 
n.  d.  47p. 

The  constitution  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  adopted  by  the  Constitu- 
tional Convention,  held  at  Santa  Fe,  Sept.  3-21,  1889.  Santa  Fe, 
New  Mexican  printing  co.  (1889)  21p. 

Constitution  of  New  Mexico.  (Santa  Fe,  1889?)  62  leaves. 

The  constitution  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  adopted  by  the  Constitu- 
tional Convention,  held  at  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  Sept.  3-21,  1889 
.  .  .  and  amended  Aug.  18-20,  1890.  (Santa  Fe,  1890)  56p. 

La  Constitucion  del  estado  de  Nuevo  Mexico  adoptada  por  la  convencion 
constitucional,  y  un  manifiesto  al  pueblo  por  una  comision  de  la 
convencion.  (Emmendada  del  18  al  20  de  agosto  de  1890)  (Santa 
Fe,  1890?)  48p. 

Declarations  and  resolutions  submitted  to  the  people  of  the  territory  of 
New  Mexico  at  their  statehood  convention,  held  at  Albuquerque, 
Oct.  15  and  16,  1901,  demanding  a  state  form  of  government  from 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  (Albuquerque?  1901)  (4) p. 

New  Mexico's  struggle  for  statehood;  sixty  years  of  effort  to  obtain 
self  government,  by  L.  Bradford  Prince.  First  ed.  Santa  Fe,  New 
Mexican  printing  co.,  1910.  128p. 

La  Constitucion  del  estado  de  Nuevo  Mexico;  adoptada  por  la  Conven- 
cion constitutional,  tenida  en  Santa  Fe,  desde  octubre  3,  a  Noviem- 
bre  21,  de  1910.  (Santa  Fe,  1910)  41p. 

The  constitution  of  the  State  of  New  Mexico.  Adopted  by  the  Constitu- 
tional convention,  held  at  Santa  Fe,  N.  M.  from  October  3  to 
November  21,  1910.  (Santa  Fe?  1910)  41p. 

The  constitution  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico.  Adopted  by  the  constitu- 
tional convention,  held  at  Santa  Fe  from  October  3  to  November 


CHECKLIST  135 

21,  1910.  (Santa  Fe,  1910)  41p.  At  head  of  title:  Supplement  to 
New  Mexican  review 

Constitution  of  New  Mexico.  Message  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  transmitting  copy  of  the  constitution  of  New  Mexico  with 
formal  approval  thereof,  and  recommending  the  approval  of  the 
same  by  Congress.  .  .  .  Washington,  Govt.  print,  oif.,  1911.  47  p. 
(61st  cong.  3d  sess.  sen.  doc.  835)  Referred  to  the  Committee  on 
the  territories  and  ordered  printed,  Feb.  24,  1911.  Includes  the 
certificate  of  the  canvassing  board  for  the  constitution,  which  was 
submitted  to  the  people  of  the  territory  on  Jan.  21,  1911.  Adopted 
with  31,742  votes  for  and  13,399  against 

Proceedings  of  the  Constitutional  convention  of  the  proposed  state  of 
New  Mexico  held  at  Santa  Fe,  October  3rd,  1910,  to  November  21st, 
1910.  Albuquerque,  Press  of  the  Morning  Journal,  1910.  292p. 

Procedimientos  de  la  Convencion  constitucional  del  propuesto  estado  de 
Nuevo  Mexico,  tenida  en  Santa  Fe,  Nuevo  Mexico,  octubre  3,  1910 
hasta  Noviembre  21,  1910.  East  Las  Vegas,  N.  M.,  The  Optic 
publishing  company,  1911.  312p. 

New  Mexico  constitutional  convention  book;  containing  photographs 
and  biographical  sketches  of  the  members  who  were  elected  by  the 
voters  of  New  Mexico  and  who  attended  the  convention  in  Santa 
Fe,  N.  M.  Oct.  3  to  Nov.  21,  1910.  Peterson,  n.  d.  98p. 

Rules  of  the  Constitutional  convention  formed  for  the  purpose  of 
framing  a  constitution  for  the  proposed  state  of  New  Mexico. 
1910.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  company,  1910.  15p. 

Constitution  of  New  Mexico.  Full  text  of  the  document  as  finally 
adopted  by  the  convention.  Des  Moines,  N.  M.  1910.  (8)  p.  At 
head  of  title:  Supplement  to  the  Swastika,  Des  Moines,  N.  M., 
Dec.  2, 1910. 

Constitution  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico  adopted  by  the  constitutional 
convention  held  at  Santa  Fe,  N.  M.  from  Oct.  3  to  Nov.  21,  1910. 
Santa  Fe,  1910.  68  leaves.  One  of  a  few  lithographed  copies  with 
facsimile  signature  of  the  officers  and  members  of  the  convention. 

Annotated  constitution  and  Enabling  act  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico, 
comprising  the  Enabling  act  for  the  territory  of  New  Mexico,  ap- 
proved June  20,  1910;  the  constitution  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico, 
adopted  by  the  Constitutional  convention,  November  21,  1911, 
ratified  by  the  people  at  the  election  therefor,  January  21,  1911 ; 
the  act  of  Congress  for  admission  to  statehood,  approved  August 
21,  1911.  Annotated  and  indexed,  compiler  .  .  .  Arthur  G.  Whit- 
tier.  Santa  Fe,  Whittier,  1911.  174p. 

The  constitution  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  adopted  by  the  Constitu- 
tional convention  held  at  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico  from  October  3 
to  November  21,  1910,  and  as  amended,  November  6th,  1911.  Pre- 
pared for  publication,  in  English  and  Spanish,  by  secretary  of 
state.  Santa  Fe,  La  Voz  del  pueblo  print,  1912.  105p.  In  English 
and  Spanish. 


136  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  constitution  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico.  Adopted  by  the  constitu- 
tional convention  .  .  .  1910,  and  as  amended  November  6th,  1911, 
and  November  5,  1912.  Prepared  for  publication,  in  English  and 
Spanish,  by  Secretary  of  state.  Santa  Fe,  1914.  68p.  Inserted: 
Constitutional  amendments  .  .  .  1914. 

Constitution  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  1915.   Santa  Fe,  1915.  79p. 

The  constitution  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico.  Adopted  by  the  constitu- 
tional convention  .  .  .  1910,  and  amended  November  6th,  1911, 
November  5,  1912,  and  November  3,  1914.  Prepared  for  publica- 
tion by  the  Secretary  of  state.  Santa  Fe,  1917.  81p. 

New  Mexico  constitution,  1931-32.  n.  p.  n.  d.  38p. 

The  constitution  of  New  Mexico,  ratified  1912  and  as  amended  to 
January  1,  1934.  Issued  by  the  secretary  of  state,  Mrs.  Marguerite 
P.  Baca.  Santa  Fe  (New  Mexican  publishing  corporation,  1934) 
30p. 

The  constitution  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico.  As  amended  by  the  people 
in  general  election  1912  to  1936.  Prepared  under  supervision  of 
Mrs.  Elizabeth  F.  Gonzales,  secretary  of  state  (Santa  Fe;  1936?) 
71p. 

The  constitution  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico.  As  amended  by  the 
people  in  general  election  1912  to  1939.  Prepared  under  supervi- 
sion of  Mrs.  Jessie  M.  Gonzales,  secretary  of  state  (Santa  Fe; 
1939)  72p. 

The  constitution  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico.  As  amended  by  the  people 
in  general  election,  1912  to  1941.  Prepared  under  supervision 
of  Mrs.  Jessie  M.  Gonzales,  secretary  of  state  (Santa  Fe?  1941?) 
70p. 

The  constitution  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico.  As  subsequently  amended 
by  the  people  in  general  election,  19;12  to  1944.  Prepared  under 
supervision  of  Mrs.  Cecilia  Tafoya  Cleveland,  Secretary  of  state 
(Santa  Fe,  1945)  72p. 


CHECKLIST  137 

OFFICIAL  PUBLICATIONS  OF  NEW  MEXICO 

New  Mexico  was  visited  by  the  Spaniards,  1536 ;  subject 
to  Spain,  1598-1821;  part  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  1821- 
1846;  ceded  by  Mexico  to  U.  S.  1848,  and  under  American 
military  rule,  1846-1850 ;  as  a  state  Jan.  6,  1912. 

Adjutant  general's  office. 

Appointed  by  the  governor;  makes  reports  as  may  be 
required  by  the  governor;  issues  all  orders  from  the  com- 
mander-in-chief,  has  charge  of  the  militia  under  the 
governor  and  serves  as  quartermaster-general,  commissary 
general  and  inspector  general  in  time  of  peace.  It  is  the  duty 
of  the  Adjutant  general  and  his  staff  to  train,  supervise  and 
administer  the  activities  of  all  military  forces  in  the  state 
and  to  maintain  the  records  of  all  men  and  women  who  have 
served  in  the  armed  forces  from  New  Mexico.  There  has 
been  an  Adjutant  general  since  1861,  but  before  1881  the 
office  had  been  largely  ornamental  and  social.  Max  Frost 
(1881-83)  accomplished  a  little,  but  nothing  of  any  conse- 
quence was  in  evidence  until  the  appointment  of  Col.  E.  L. 
Bartlett,  who  served  from  March  1,  1883,  to  Nov.  1899.1 
By  an  act  of  the  Legislature  Feb.  12,  1941,  the  New  Mexico 
State  Guard  was  organized  to  replace  the  National  guard, 
which  had  existed  under  one  name  or  another  since  the  days 
of  Kearny.  They  were  utilized  as  a  portion  of  the  expedition 
into  Cuba  during  the  Spanish-American  War,  where  the 
New  Mexico  volunteers  were  a  part  of  Roosevelt's  Rough 
Riders,  were  used  in  the  Mexican  border  trouble  in  1916  and 
played  a  notable  part  in  World  War  I  and  II. 

Report  of  Edward  L.  Bartlett  .  .  .  March  1,  1882  to  Jan.  1,  1884. 

Santa   Fe,   1884.   87p.    (E&S)    also   in   Official   reports.    1882-83. 

p.  62-144. 
Reporte  bienal  de  al  Ayudante  general,  1887/88  (E.  L.  Bartlett)  Santa 

Fe,  1890.  17p.  (covers  Dec.  7,  1886-Dec.  15,  1888) 
Biennial  report  of  the   adjutant  general    (E.   L.   Bartlett)    of   New 

Mexico  for  the  years  1887  and  1888;  with  roster  of  troops.  Santa 

Fe,  1889.  15p. 

Dec.  15, 1888-Dec.  31,  1890  (E.  W.  Wyncoop) 


1.     Twitchell,  R.  E.  Leading  facts  of  New  Mexican  history  v.  5.  p.  363. 


138  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Jan.  1,  1891-Dec.  31,  1892  17p.  (W.  S.  Fletcher) 

Jan.  1, 1892-Dec.  31, 1894  16p.  (G.  W.  Knaebel) 

Jan.  1, 1894-Dec.  31, 1896  25p.  (G.  W.  Knaebel) 

Jan.  1,  1898-Dec.  31,  1898  (W.  H.  Whiteman)  (E&S)  lOp.  also 
in  House  and  Council  Journal,  1899,  and  in  Appendix  to  Mes- 
sage of  Governor  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  33d  legislative  assembly, 
1899.  "Exhibit"  F  p.  185-191. 

Jan.  1, 1900-Dec.  31, 1900  (W.  H.  Whiteman) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  34th  legislative  assembly, 
1901  "Exhibit"  G  p.  155-169. 

Jan.  1,  1902-Dec.  31,  1902  12p.  (W.  H.  Whiteman) 

Also  in  appendix  of  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  35th  Legis- 
lative assembly,  1903.  "Exhibit"  K  lip. 

Jan.  1,  1903-Dec.  31,  1904  (W.  H.  Whiteman) 

Also  in  appendix  to  the  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  36th  Leg- 
islative assembly,  1905.   "Exhibit"  K  13p. 

Jan.  1, 1905-Dec.  31, 1906  13p.  (A.  P.  Tarkington) 

Also  in  appendix  to  Message  of  H.  J.  Hagerman  to  the  37th 
Legislative  assembly,  1907.  "Exhibit  9" 

Nov.  11,  1913-Nov.  30,  1914  47p.  (H.  T.  Herring) 

Nov.  30,  1914-Nov.  30,  1916  41p.  (H.  T.  Herring) 

Nov.  30, 1916-Nov.  30,  1918  72p.  (H.  T.  Herring) 

Nov.  30,  1918-Nov.  30,  1920  (J.  B.  Baca) 

1920-1921  (J.  B.  Baca)  mimeo 

1921-1922  (H.  R.  Brown)  mimeo 

Dec.  1924-June  30,  1926  16p.  (V.  J.  Jaeger) 

July  1,  1926-Dec.  30,  1928  118p.  (W.  G.  Halthusen) 
Code  of  military  laws  of  the  state  of  N.  M.  p.  85-118 

June  30,  1929-June  30,  1930  21p.  (W.  G.  Halthusen)  mimeo 

Jan.  31,  1931-Dec.  31,  1931  12p.  (0.  C.  Wood) 

None  published  1934-1935 

Jan.  1, 1935-Dec.  31,  1935  27p.  (R.  C.  Charlton)  mimeo 

None  published  1936-1945 

May  1,  1946-Dec.  31,  1947  6p.  (C.  G.  Sage) 

Title  varies  slightly.   Report  year  irregular 
Circular  June  20,  1865.  Santa  Fe,  1865 
Circular,  1868.  Santa  Fe,  1868.  8  nos. 
Circular  letter  no.  1.  Santa  Fe,  Feb.  1,  1897.  Ip. 
Distances  from  Kansas  City  to  Santa  Fe.  Santa  Fe,  1864.  19p. 
Distribution  of  troops  serving  in  the  District  of  New  Mexico  Santa  Fe, 

Q.  M.  print,  1871.   Broadside  17^x12  in. 
General  orders  1862-68.  Santa  Fe,  1862-68,  72  nos. 
Index  to  general  orders,  general  field  orders  and  circulars  of  the 

District  of   New   Mexico   1882-83.    Santa   Fe,   Acting   assistant 

general's  office,  1881-83.  49  leaves 
Military  defense  map  of  New  Mexico.  1931. 


CHECKLIST  139 

New  Mexico  National  guard  code.   Santa  Fe,  1941.  40p.  mimeo 

New  Mexico  State  guard;  its  purposes  and  functions,  by  Brig.  gen. 
Ray  Andrew.  7p. 

Official  register  of  New  Mexican  volunteers.  Santa  Fe,  John  T.  Rus- 
sell, 1862.  3p. 

Organization  and  minutes  of  encampments  .  .  .  for  the  years  1883-4-5. 
Las  Vegas,  J.  A.  Carruth,  1885. 

Roster  of  troops  serving  in  the  District  of  New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe, 
Acting  assistant  adjutant  general's  office,  1872-1881.  10  pams. 

Synopsis  of  Indian  Scouts  and  their  results  for  the  year  1863.  Santa 
Fe,  1864.  16p. 

Table  of  distances  published  for  the  information  of  the  troops,  serving 
in  the  District  of  New  Mexico  .  .  .  Acting  assistant  Adjutant 
general's  office,  headquarters,  District  of  New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe, 
Jan.  1,  1878.  27p. 

Table  of  distances;  published  for  the  information  of  the  troops  serving 
in  the  District  of  New  Mexico,  with  remarks  and  information 
necessary  for  the  camping  parties.  Rev.  ed.  Santa  Fe,  1881.  29p. 

Attorney  general. 

Established  in  1846;  legal  advisor  of  all  state  officials 
and  district  attorneys ;  represents  the  state  in  all  cases  before 
the  Supreme  court  to  which  the  state  is  a  party;  prepares 
forms  for  contracts,  bonds  and  other  legal  instruments  re- 
quired for  state  use.  The  office  was  declared  vacant  from 
Feb.  14,  1880  to  June  22,  1881.  The  office  was  abolished  and 
the  office  of  Solicitor  general  was  created  Feb.  15,  1889  and 
was  discontinued  March  16,  1905,  at  which  time  the  Office  of 
Attorney  general  was  recreated. 

Informe  del  procurador  general  desde  marzo  7,  1898,  hasta  Diciembre 
26,  1898.   Santa  Fe,   Compania  impresora  del   Nuevo  Mexicana, 
1899.  7p.  (E.  L.  Bartlett) 
Biennial  report  of  the  Solicitor  general. 

March  7,  1898-Dec.  26,  1898  (E.  L.  Bartlett) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  33d  Legislative  assembly, 

January  16,  1899.  "Exhibit  E"  p.  181-184. 

in  House  and  Council  Journal,  33d  session,  1899.    "Exhibit  E" 

p.  181-184. 
Dec.  27,  1898-Dec.  27,  1900  (E.  L.  Bartlett) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  34th  Legislative  assembly, 

January  21,  1901.   Exhibit  "F"  p.  149-153. 
Dec.  27,  1900-Dec.  27,  1902  (E.  L.  Bartlett) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  35th  Legislative  assembly, 

January  19,  1903.  Exhibit  "C"  9p. 


140  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Dec.  27, 1902-Dec.  27, 1904  (G.  W.  Prichard) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  36th  Legislative  assembly, 

January  16,  1905.    Exhibit  "C"  6p.     (E.  L.  Bartlett  died  Oct. 

1904;  G.  W.  Prichard  appointed  March  16,  1905,  and  held  office 

untilJune  1, 1906) 
Biennial  report  of  Attorney  general. 

Dec.  27,  1904-Dec.  27,  1906  (W.  C.  Reid) 

in  Message  of  H.  J.  Hagerman  to  the  37th  Legislative  assembly, 

Jan.  21, 1907.  Exhibit  4.  51p. 
1907-1908 — no  report  or  opinions  published. 
Report  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  1912-1948.  20v. 

March  20,  1909-Feb.  15, 1912  241p.  (F.  W.  Clancy) 
Feb.  15,  1912-Dec.  31,  1912 

contains  "Special  report  on  State  boundary" 
Jan.  15, 1912-Dec.  31, 1913  355p.  (F.  W.  Clancy) 
Jan.  1,  1914-Dec.  31,  1914  293p.  (F.  W.  Clancy) 
Jan.  1,  1915-Dec.  1,  1916  477p.  (F.  W.  Clancy) 
Jan.  1, 1917-Dec.  31, 1918  213p.  (H.  L.  Patton) 
Jan.  1,  1919-Dec.  31,  1920  242p.  (O.  0.  Askren) 
Jan.  1, 1921-Dec.  31, 1922  248p.  (H.  S.  Bowman) 
Jan.  1,  1923-Dec.  31,  1924  174p.  (M.  J.  Helmick) 
Jan.  1,  1925-Dec.  31, 1926  91p.  (J.  W.  Armstrong) 

(J.  W.  Armstrong  died  Jan.  1926;  F.  E.  Wilson  appointed  by 

Governor.) 

1927-28  never  published 

Jan.  1,  1929-Dec.  31,  1930  263p.  (M.  A.  Otero,  Jr.) 
Jan.  1,  1931-Dec.  31,  1932  181p.  (E.  K.  Neumann) 
Jan.  1,  1933-Dec.  31,  1934  164p.  (E.  K.  Neumann) 
Jan.  1,  1935-Dec.  31, 1936  146p.  (F.  H.  Patton) 
Jan.  1,  1937-Dec.  31,  1938  283p.  (F.  H.  Patton) 
Jan.  1, 1939-Dec.  31, 1940  150p.  (F.  M.  Sedillo) 
Jan.  1, 1941-Dec.  31,  1942  295p.  (E.  P.  Chase) 
Jan.  1,  1943-Dec.  31,  1944  383p.  (C.  C.  McCulloh) 
Jan.  1, 1945-Dec.  31, 1946  309p.  (C.  C.  McCulloh) 
Jan.  1, 1947-Nov.  1, 1948  191p.  (C.  C.  McCulloh) 

Title  varies:  Reports  and  opinions,  1909-24;  Annual  report  and 

official  opinions,  1925-26;   Opinions,  1929-30;    Report,   1931   to 

date. 

Opinions  of  Charles  P.  Cleaver,  Attorney  general  for  New  Mexico, 
upon  the  question  "Whether  or  not,  the  Hon.  W.  F.  M.  Arny  is 
by  law  the  Secretary  of  New  Mexico  at  this  time"  given  to  the 
House  of  Representatives  now  in  session  Dec.  20,  1866.  Santa  Fe, 
Manderfield  and  Tucker,  New  Mexican  office,  1867  (13p.)  also 
in  Journal  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  1866  p.  95-114. 


CHECKLIST  141 

Auditor. 

Established  in  1846 ;  the  accountant  of  the  state ;  passes 
upon  the  legality  of  expenditures  of  various  state  agencies. 

Report 

Nov.  15,  1853-Nov.  15,  1854  (H.  L.  Dickinson) 

in  Diario  del  Consejo,  1854/55 
Nov.  15,  1860-Nov.  15,  1861  (A.  De  Marie) 

in  Journal  of  House,  1861  p.  23-37 
Nov.  15,  1861-Nov.  15,  1862  (Demetrio  Perez) 

in  Diario  del  Consejo,  1862  p.  157-59 
Nov.  16, 1862-Nov.  15,  1863  (M.  E.  Pino) 

in  Journal  of  the  House,  1863  p.  28-40 
Nov.  16,  1863-Nov.  15,  1864  (M.  E.  Pino) 

in  Journal  of  the  House,  1864  p.  32-48 
Nov.  16, 1864-Nov.  15, 1865  (M.  E.  Pino) 

in  Journal  of  the  House,  1865  p.  325-334 
Nov.  16, 1865-Nov.  15,  1866  (Epifanio  Vigil) 

in  Journal  of  House,  1866  p. 
Nov.  16,  1866-Nov.  15,  1867  (Epifanio  Vigil) 
Nov.  16,  1867-Nov.  15,  1868  (Epifanio  Vigil) 

in  Diario  de  la  Camara,  1868-69  p.  53 
Dec.  16,  1881-Dec.  31,  1883  (Trinidad  Alarid) 

in  Official  reports.  1882/83. 

Dec.  16,  1886-Dec.  15,  1888  37p.  (Trinidad  Alarid) 
Dec.  16,  1888-Dec.  3, 1890  56p.  (Trinidad  Alarid) 
Dec.  3,  1890-Dec.  3,  1892  50p.  (Demetrio  Perez) 
Dec.  4, 1892,  Dec.  1, 1894  87p.  (Demetrio  Perez) 
Dec.  2,  1894-Nov.  28,  1896  96p.  (Marcelino  Garcia) 
Dec.  1,  1896-Dec.  3,  1898  91  p.  (Marcelino  Garcia) 

also  in  Message  of  Gov.   M.  A.   Otero  to  the  33d   Legislative 

assembly,  Jan.  16, 1899.  Exhibit  "A"  p.  3-91 
Dec.  5, 1898-Dec.  1, 1900  55p.  (L.  M.  Ortiz) 

also  in  Message  of  Gov.  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  34th  Legislative 

assembly,  Jan.  21, 1901.  Exhibit  "B"  p.  59-113 
Dec.  1,  1900-Nov.  30,  1902  63p.  (W.  G.  Sargent) 

also  in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  35th  Legislative  assembly, 

Jan.  19,  1903.  Exhibit  "B"  63p. 
Dec.  1, 1902-Nov.  30, 1904  58p.  (W.  G.  Sargent) 

also  in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  36th  Legislative  assembly, 

Jan.  16, 1905.  Exhibit  "B"  58p. 
Dec.  1,  1904-Nov.  30,  1906  75p.  (W.  G.  Sargent) 

also  in   Message  of  H.   J.   Hagerman  to  the  37th   Legislative 

assembly,  Jan.  21,  1907.  Exhibit  2.  75p. 
Dec.  1, 1906-Nov.  30, 1908  53p.  (W.  G.  Sargent) 
Dec.  1, 1908-Nov.  30,  1911  39p.  (W.  G.  Sargent) 


142  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Dec.  1,  1911-Nov.  30,  1912  16p.  (W.  G.  Sargent) 
Dec.  1, 1912-Nov.  30, 1914  36p.  (W.  G.  Sargent)  1-2  fiscal  year 
Dec.  1,  1914-Nov.  30,  1916  40p.  (W.  G.  Sargent)  3-4  fiscal  year 
Dec.  1, 1916-Nov.  30,  1918  40p.  (W.  G.  Sargent)  5-6  fiscal  year 
Dec.  1, 1918-Nov.  30, 1920  44  p.  (Edward  Sargent)  7-8  fiscal  year 
Dec.  1,  1920-Nov.  30,  1922  69p.  (E.  L.  Safford)  9-10  fiscal  year 
Dec.  1,  1922-Nov.  30,  1924  84p.  (J.  N.  Vigil)  11-12  fiscal  year 
Dec.  1, 1924-June  30, 1926  47p.  (M.  A.  Otero,  jr.)  13-14  fiscal  year 
July  1,  1926-June  30,  1928  94p.  (M.  A.  Otero,  jr.)  15-16  fiscal  year 
July  1, 1928-June  30, 1930  145p.  (V.  Ulibarri)  17-18  fiscal  year 
July  1, 1930-June  30, 1932  164p.  (A.  Velarde)  19-20  fiscal  year 
July  1,  1932-June  30,  1934  176p.  (A.  Velarde)  21-22  fiscal  year 
July  1, 1934-June  30,  1936  210p.  (J.  O.  Garcia)  23-24  fiscal  year 
July  1, 1936-June  30,  1938  187p.  (J.  0.  Garcia)  25-26  fiscal  year 
July  1,  1938-June  30,  1940  235p.  (E.  D.  Trujillo)  27-28  fiscal  year 
July  1,  1940-June  30,  1942  245p.  (E.  D.  Trujillo)  29-30  fiscal  year 
July  1, 1942-June  30, 1944  286p.  ( J.  D.  Hannah)  31-32  fiscal  year 
July  1,  1944-June  30, 1946  262p.  (J.  D.  Hannah)  33-34  fiscal  year 
Triennial,  1909/11;  annual,  1911/12;  biennial,  1912/14-Report  year 

irregular. 

1936/38  report  has  Supplement  to  Auditor's  biennial  report,  25th 
and  26th  fiscal  year. 

Classification  of  counties.   Santa  Fe,  1938. 

Informe   del   intendente   territorial  .  .  .  1853/54;    1861/62;    1867/68; 
1881/83;  1886/88. 

Board  of  cosmetology. 

Created  in  1937  to  supervise  and  regulate  the  cosmetol- 
ogy and  beauty  culture  industry  of  the  state ;  may  act  as  a 
mediator  and  arbitrator  whenever  necessary. 

An  act  to  regulate  the  occupation  of  hairdressers  and  beauty  culturists 
.  .  .     1937.   Santa  Fe,  1940.  36p. 

Board  of  dental  examiners. 

Created  in  1893 ;  examines  all  persons  not  registered  on 
the  books  of  the  Board. 

Report 

April  17-18,  1903  Ip.  (C.  N.  Lord) 

in  Report  of  the  Governor  of  New  Mexico  to  the  Secretary  of 

the  Interior.  1903  p.  644 
April  17,  1903-June  4,  1904.  5p.  (C.  N.  Lord) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  ...  to  the  36th  Legislative  assembly. 

Jan.  16,  1905.  Exhibit  "A4"  5p. 


CHECKLIST  143 

May  22,  1905-Jan.  1,  1907.  (C.  N.  Lord) 

in   Message  of  H.  J.   Hagerman  ...  to  the   37th   Legislative 
assembly.  Jan.  21,  1907.  Exhibit  21.  6p. 
Annual  minutes  of  the  Board  for  fiscal  year  July  1  to  July  1.  v.  p. 

1940-  typewritten 

June  26-29,  1940  Albuquerque 

June  23-26,  1941  Santa  Fe 

June  15-19, 1942  Santa  Fe 

1943  Santa  Fe 

June  19-22,  1944  Santa  Fe 

June  26-29,  1945  Santa  Fe 

June  24-28,  1946  Santa  Fe 

April  2-5, 1947  Santa  Fe 

Each  includes  the  annual  report  for  the  fiscal  year. 
Application  for  license  to  practice  dentistry  in  the  state,  n.  p.  n.  d.  (2) p. 
Official  act  creating  a  Board  of  Dental  examiners,  and  regulating  prac- 
tices of  dentistry  in  the  state  of  New  Mexico.   Chapter  37  of  1929 

Compiled  laws  as  amended  by  Chapter  62,  Laws  of  1937.  n.  p.  n.  d. 

(H)p. 
Official  list  of  dentists  registered  in  New  Mexico  for  the  year  ending 

June,  1915-date. 

issued  annually 
Rules  adopted  by  the  Board  of  dental  examiners.  Deming,   n.d.  3p. 

Board  of  embalmers. 

Established  1909 ;  regulates  the  practices  of  embalming, 
issues  licenses  and  renewals. 

Circulars  no.  1-16;  April  1,  1932-May  15,  1947. 

Laws,  rules  and  regulations  governing  embalmers;  preparation  and 

transportation  of  dead  human  bodies,  and  a  list  of  embalmers 

holding  a  valid  license,  n.  p.,  1920.  14p. 

1929 

1931  44p. 
The  laws,  rules  and  regulations  governing  embalmers  preparation  and 

transportation  of  dead  human  bodies.    Regulations  of  Bureau  of 

public  health,  n.  p.,  1935. 

1937  40p. 

Santa  Fe,  1940  43p. 
Laws  of  1947  for  State  Board  of  embalmers  and  Funeral  directors. 

17p.  (Chap.  71) 

New  Mexico  licensed  embalmers  valid  until  April  1,  1941.  8p. 
The  rules  governing  embalmers,  preparation,  and  transportation  of 

dead  human  bodies.  Tucumcari,  1920.  (18)  p. 
The  rules  governing  embalmers,  preparation,  and  transportation  of 

dead  human  bodies.  1929. 


144  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  rules  governing  embalmers,  preparation  and  transportation  of 
dead  human  bodies  and  list  of  embalmers  holding  a  valid  license. 
1931  (12)  p. 

Board  of  equalization. 

Created  in  1893 ;  classified  property  for  purpose  of  taxa- 
tion ;  had  very  little  power  except  in  the  matter  of  railroads 
and  collateral  properties;  had  been  powerless  in  territorial 
days  to  correct  the  inequalities  which  had  existed  for  many 
years. 

Report 

1897-98  (D.  C.  Hobart,  pres.,  T.  Hughes,  sec.) 

in  Council  and  House  journals,  1899  p.  266-267. 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  33d  Legislative  assembly. 

Jan.  16,  1899.  "Exhibit  M"  p.  266-267. 
Jan.  1901  (J.  W.  Poe,  sec.  p.  t.) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  34th  Legislative  assembly. 

Jan.  21,  1901.  Exhibit  "N"  p.  315-18. 
Sept.  1901-Nov.  30,  1902.  (J.  S.  Duncan,  pres.,  V.  Jaramillo,  sec.) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  35th  Legislative  assembly. 

Jan.  19,  1903.  Exhibit  "F"  8p. 
Jan.  1903-Nov.  30,  1904.  (V.  Jaramillo,  sec.) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  36th  Legislative  assembly. 

Jan.  16,  1905.  Exhibit  "F"  9p. 

Jan.  11-15,  1904  Ip.  (J.  S.  Duncan,  pres.,  V.  Jaramillo,  sec.) 
Sept.  1905  Ip.  (J.  S.  Duncan,  pres.,  V.  Jaramillo,  sec.) 
Sept.  10-14, 1906  Ip.  (J.  S.  Duncan,  pres.,  V.  Jaramillo,  sec.) 
Jan.  8,  1906  Ip.  (J.  S.  Duncan,  pres.,  V.  Jaramillo,  sec.) 
Jan.  14, 1907  Ip.  (J.  S.  Duncan,  pres.,  V.  Jaramillo,  sec.) 
Sept.  9-12, 1907  Ip.  (J.  S.  Duncan,  pres.,  R.  J.  Palen,  sec.) 
Sept.  14-17, 1908  Ip.  ( J.  F.  Hinkle,  pres.,  R.  J.  Palen,  sec.) 
Sept.13-16, 1909  lOp.  (J.  F.  Hinkle,  pres.,  B.  Spitz,  sec.) 
Jan.  10, 1910  Ip.  (J.  F.  Hinkle,  pres.,  J.  M.  Cunningham,  sec.) 
Jan.  9, 1911  Ip.  (J.  F.  Hinkle,  pres.,  E.  P.  Jones,  sec.  p.  t.) 
Sept.  11-12, 1911  Ip.  (J.  F.  Hinkle,  pres.,  B.  Spitz,  sec.) 
Sept.  9-27,  1912  23p.  (W.  C.  McDonald,  pres.,  W.  G.  Sargent,  sec.) 

includes  adjourned  session  for  Oct.  7,  21,  1912 
Jan.  session,  1913  18p.  (F.  W.  Clancy,  pres.,  Howell  Ernest,  sec.) 
March  session,  1913   (4)  p.   (F.  W.  Clancy,  pres.,  Howell  Ernest, 

sec.) 

July  session,  1913  78p.  (F.  W.  Clancy,  pres.,  Howell  Ernest,  sec.) 
Jan.  session,  1914  (F.  W.  Clancy,  pres.,  Howell  Ernest,  sec.) 
July  session,  1914  35p.  (F.  W.  Clancy,  pres.,  Howell  Ernest,  sec.) 
Title  varies:  Report  1898-1904;  Proceedings,  1904-1914. 


CHECKLIST  145 

Reporte  del  cuerpo  territorial  de  igualamiento  por  los  anos  fiscales  48vo 

y  49  vo.  Enero  14,  1898.  Santa  Fe,  1899.  5p. 
(Resolutions  passed  at  the  January  session,  1913)    (Santa  Fe,  1913) 

(3)p. 
Values  fixed  by  the  board  on  various  classes  of  property  subject  to 

taxation  for  the  ensuing  year.  Jan.  1899. 

Board  of  examiners  for  architects. 
Created  in  1931 ;  issues  certificates. 

Annual  report  of  the  New  Mexico  Board  of  examiners  for  architects 

for  the  examination  and  registration  of  architects  in  the  state  of 

New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe,  1932- 

June  25,  1932-August  5,  1933  9p.   (W.  M.  Brittelle)   mimeo. 
Contains  laws  for  1931. 

Aug.  5, 1933-June  20,  1934  4p.  (J.  G.  Meem)  mimeo. 

June  30, 1934-Sept.  29, 1935  5p.  (J.  G.  Meem)  mimeo. 

Jan.  1937-April  30,  1938  (15)  p.  (A.  W.  Boehning) 

Contains  By-laws,  Rules  and  regulations,  Registration  law. 
(Laws  of  1931  creating  a  State  Board  of  examiners  for  architects. 

Santa  Fe,  1931)  6  leaves  (Typewritten) 
Rules  and  regulations  of  the  State  Board  of  Examiners  for  architects 

of  New  Mexico.  (Santa  Fe,  1931)  5  leaves  (Typewritten) 
New   Mexico   architectural   law;    1941    Statutes   annotated.    Art.    14. 

n.  p.  n.  d.  8p. 

Board  of  exposition  managers. 

Acts  of  1897,  1915  provided  for  maintenance  of  exhibits. 

Informe  de  los  comisionados  por  Nuevo  Mejico  a  la  exposicion  cen- 
tenaria  e  internacional  de  Tennessee,  1899.    Santa  Fe,  Compania 
Impresora  del  Nuevo  Mexicano,  1899.  8p.  (J.  J.  Leeson,  secretary) 
Report 

1897-98  (J.  J.  Leeson) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  33d  Legislative  assembly. 
Jan.  16,  1899.  "Exhibit  J"  p.  251-59) 

(Report  on  Transmississippi  exposition  and  Tennessee  Centen- 
nial and  international  exposition) 
Reporte  de  los  Comisionados  de  la  exposicion  Trans-Mississipiana,  1899. 

Santa  Fe,  Compania  Impresora  del  Nuevo  Mexicano,  1899.  7p. 
New  Mexico,  the  land  of  opportunity  .  .  .  official  data  on  the  resources 
and  industries  of  New  Mexico — the  sunshine  state.  (Albuquerque, 
A.  E.  Koehler,  jr.,  c!915) .  84,  240p. 

Official  souvenir  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico  at  Panama-Califor- 
nia exposition,  San  Diego,  1915. 
New  Mexico,  the  land  of  opportunity.  Official  data  on  the  resources  and 


146  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

industries   of    New   Mexico — the    Sunshine   state.     Albuquerque, 
N.  M.,  Press  of  the  Albuquerque  morning  journal,  c!915.  84,  240p. 
Official  souvenir  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico  at  Panama-Califor- 
nia  exposition,   San    Diego,    1915.     Editor's   foreword   signed: 
A.  E.  Koehler,  jr.,  editor  and  publisher. 

Board  of  Louisiana,  purchase  exposition  managers. 

Created  in  1901 ;  repealed  in  1903 ;  re-established  March 
19, 1903 ;  discontinued  March  4,  1905. 

Report 

1902  (Thos.  Hughes) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  35th  Legislative  assembly. 

Jan.  19,  1903.  Exhibit  "J"  5p. 
May  18,  1903-Dec.  31,  1904  (W.  B.  Walton) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  36th  Legislative  assembly. 

Jan.  16,  1905.  Exhibit  "J"  7p. 

The  land  of  sunshine ;  a  handbook  of  the  resources,  products,  industries 
and  climate  of  New  Mexico ;  compiled  and  edited  by  Max  Frost  and 
Paul  A.  F.  Walter.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1904. 
299,  (3) p.  Cover-title:  To  the  land  of  sunshine.  Originally  com- 
piled and  published  by  authority  of  the  territorial  Bureau  of 
immigration.  To  this  edition  is  added  an  introduction  in  regard 
to  New  Mexico's  exhibit  at  the  Louisiana  purchase  exposition. 

Board  of  optometry. 

Established  in  1905;  gives  examinations  and  issues  cer- 
tificates of  registration. 

Report 

April  17, 1905-Nov.  30, 1906  (0.  G.  Myhre) 

in  Message  of  H.  J.  Hagerman  to  the  37th  Legislative  assembly. 
Jan.  21,  1907.  Exhibit  48.  6p. 

New  Mexico  law  approved  March  11,  1929.  n.  p.  1929.  (17) p. 
Reissued  1938  (19)  p. 

Includes  list  of  optometrists  registered  to  practice  in  the  State 
of  New  Mexico;  revised  August  1,  1936. 

Board  of  osteopathy. 

Established  in  1905 ;  issues  certificates  to  those  eligible  to 
practice  osteopathy. 

Report 

April  3, 1905-Nov.  30, 1906  (G.  A.  Wheelon) 

in  Message  of  H.  J.  Hagerman  to  the  37th  Legislative  assembly. 
Jan.  21,  1907.  Exhibit  37.  6p. 


CHECKLIST  147 

Constitution  and  by-laws  of  the  Board  of  Osteopathy  of  New  Mexico 
n.  p.  n.  d.  8p.  (N.  M.  Laws,  statutes,  etc.  Laws  of  1905  chap.  68) 

Board  of  pharmacy. 

Established  in  1889 ;  registers  pharmacists. 

March  20,  1898-Dec.  1,  1898  v.  9  (W.  C.  Porterfield) 

in  House  and  Council  journal,  1899  "Exhibit  O"  p.  271-290. 
in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  33d  Legislative  assembly 
Jan.  16,  1899.  "Exhibit  0"  p.  271-290. 

Previous  reports  have  usually  been  confined  to  typewritten  re- 
ports to  the  governor  only. 

in  Report  of  the  governor  of  N.  M.  to  the  Secretary  of  the  in- 
terior. 1899.  p.  271-276. 

Oct.  17,  1900-Dec.  1,  1900  v.  11  (W.  C.  Porterfield) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  34th  Legislative  assembly; 
Jan.  21,  1901.  Exhibit  "Q"  p.  339-344. 

Jan.  15,  1902-Nov.  30,  1902  (W.  C.  Porterfield) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  35th  Legislative  assembly. 
Jan.  19,  1903.  Exhibit  "R"  4p. 

Oct.  17, 1902-March  10, 1903  (A.  J.  Fischer) 

in  Report  of  the  Governor  of  N.  M.  to  the  Secretary  of  the  In- 
terior. 1903  p.  645-46. 

Aug.  1902-Nov.  30,  1904  (A.  J.  Fischer) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  36th  Legislative  assembly. 
Jan.  16,  1905.  Exhibit  "R"  6p. 

July  11, 1904-Jan.  14, 1907  (A.  J.  Fischer) 

in  Message  of  H.  J.  Hagerman  to  the  37th  Legislative  assembly. 
Jan.  21,  1907.   Exhibit  22.  lip. 
Informe  anual  del  Cuerpo  de  Farmacia  de  Nuevo  Mejico,  con  abstractos 

del   Registrado;    Leyes   de  farmacia.    Hasta   Diciembre    1,   1898. 

Santa  Fe,  Compania  Impresora  del  Nuevo  Mexicano,  1899.  21p. 
New  Mexico  pharmacy  and  food  and  drug  laws.  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Pharmaceutical  association,  1935.  18p. 
New  Mexico  pharmacy  and  food  and  drug  laws.  N.  M.  State  Board  of 

Pharmacy,  1942.   30p. 

Board  of  water  commissioners. 

Established  in  1907;  appointed;  held  hearings  and  de- 
termined appeals  from  the  actions  and  decisions  of  the  State 
engineer.  Board  was  abolished  in  1923. 

Report  .  .  .  Nov.  30,  1914.  (Santa  Fe,  1914)  7p. 

Scott  Etter,  president. 

Irrigation  laws  of  the  State  of  New  Mexico  with  an  index  of  decisions 
of  the  State  board  of  water  commissioners  and  of  opinions  ren- 


148  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

dered  by  the  Attorney  general ;  comp.  by  the  State  board  of  water 
commissioners,  March  19>14.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  The  Eagle  print, 
(1914)  67p. 

Scott  Etter,  chairman. 

Irrigation  laws  of  the  State  of  New  Mexico,  with  an  index  of  decisions 
of  the  State  board  of  water  commissioners  and  of  opinions  rendered 
by  the  Attorney  general ;  comp.  by  the  State  board  of  water  com- 
missioners, March,  1914.  .  .  .  Carlsbad,  Argus  book  and  job  office 
(1914)  66p. 

Bureau  of  child  welfare. 

Established  in  1921  under  Board  of  public  welfare;  in 
1935  N.  M.  Relief  and  Security  authority  was  established 
to  integrate  the  various  forms  of  relief ;  this  agency  admin- 
istered the  welfare  program  for  dependent  children,  child 
welfare  services,  etc.  until  the  passage  of  the  public  welfare 
act  of  1937,  which  created  the  Department  of  public  welfare. 

Biennial  report 

Dec.  1,  1921-June  30,  1922  v.  1  (M.  Reeves) 

Dec.  1, 1922-June  30, 1924  v.  2  9p.  (M.  Reeves)  mimeo. 

Dec.  1,  1924-June  30,  1926.  v.  3  34p.  (M.  Reeves) 

Bulletin 

no.  1  The  organization  of  the  State  child  welfare  work,  by  Mon- 
tana Hastings.  Santa  Fe,  1921.  32p. 

Child  welfare  news.  Santa  Fe,  1925-1931? 

Bureau  of  immigration. 

Established  Feb.  15,  1880 ;  organized  April  15,  1880. 

Biennial  Report 

Feb.  27,  1882-Feb.  16, 1884.  16p.  (E&S) 

also  in  Official  report,  1882/83 
in  Informes  oficiales,  1882/83  p.  3-18 
June  12,  1889-Dec.  31,  1890.  12p.  (Max  Frost) 
April  1897-Dec.  31,  1898.  (Lorion  Miller) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  33d  Legislative  assembly.     Jan. 

16, 1899.  "Exhibit  K"  p.  260-261. 

in  Council  and  House  Journal,  1899.  "Exhibit  K"  p.  260-261. 
Jan.  1, 1899-Dec.  1, 1900.  (Max  Frost) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  34th  Legislative  assembly.  Jan.  21, 

1901.  Exhibit  "L"  p.  298-311. 
Dec.  1,  1900-Nov.  30,  1902.  (Max  Frost) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  35th  Legislative  assembly. 

Jan.  19, 1903.  "Exhibit  H"  8p. 


CHECKLIST  149 

Dec.  1, 1902-Nov.  30, 1904.  8p.  (Max  Frost) 

also  in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  36th  Legislative  assembly. 
Jan.  16, 1905.  Exhibit  "H"  15p. 

Dec.  1, 1904-Nov.  30, 1906.  (Max  Frost) 

in  Message  of  H.  J.  Hagerman  to  the  37th  Legislative  assembly. 
Jan.  21,  1907.  Exhibit  23.  19p. 
Informe   del   Euro   de   immigracion   desde   Abril,    1897,   hasta   enero 

1898.  4p. 

Informe  del  bufete  de  immigracion  por  1899  y  1900.  14p. 
Bulletin 

no.     1 

no.     2  Agriculture  and  horticulture.  1898.  47p. 

no.     3  Santa  Fe  county  1901.  43p. 

no.     4 

no.     5 

no.     6 

no.     7 

no.  8  San  Miguel  county.  1901  39p. 

no.  9  Grant  county.  1901  40p. 

no.  10 

no.  11  Socorro  county.  1901  24p. 

no.  12 

no.  13  Lincoln  county.  1902  30p. 

no.  14  San  Juan  county.  1902  40p. 

no.  15  Union  county.  1902  12p. 

no.  16  Guadalupe  county.  1902  24p. 

no.  17  Sierra  county.  1902  40p. 

no.  18  Taos  county.  1902  39p. 

no.  19  Mora  county.  1902  24p. 

no.  20  McKinley  county.  1902  12p. 

no.  21  Rio  Arriba  county.  1902  23p. 

no.  22  Santa  Fe  county.  1902  55p. 

no.  23  Valencia  county.  1902  32p. 

no.  24  Coif  ax  county.  1902  48p. 
Bernalillo  county,  a  description  of  the  smallest  and  richest  county 

of  New  Mexico.  (Santa  Fe,  N.  M.)  1906.  45p. 
Bernalillo  county,  New  Mexico.  The  most  populous  and  wealthiest  of 

New  Mexico  counties.  (Santa  Fe)  J.  S.  Duncan  (1903?)  32p. 
Bernalillo  county,  New  Mexico.   The  richest  and  most  populous  county 

in  the  Sunshine  territory.    Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co., 

1901.  24p. 
The  Central  Rio  Grande  Valley  of  New  Mexico,  with  a  sketch  of  the 

counties  of  Bernalillo,  Sandoval  and  Valencia,  a  magnificent  em- 
pire  of   10,000   square   miles,   rich   beyond   estimate   in   natural 

resources;  by  H.  B.  Hening  .  .  .  (Albuquerque?  1908)  48p. 


150  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Chaves  County,  New  Mexico.  An  imperial  domain  with  a  magnificent 
stock  range  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1901.  24p. 

Climatology  and  mineral  spring  of  New  Mexico — health  and  pleasure 
resorts.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1900.  lOOp. 
Cover-title :  Climate  is  fate ;  New  Mexico,  the  health  resort  of  the 
continent. 

Coif  ax  County,  New  Mexico,  known  because  of  its  tremendous  resources 
as  the  kingdom  of  Colfax.  (Albuquerque)  1910.  36p. 

Coif  ax  County,  New  Mexico.  One  of  the  richest  counties  in  the  territory 
of  New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1902.  48p. 
(Its  Bulletin,  no.  24). 

Compilation  of  facts  concerning  the  Pecos  Valley.  Resume  of  the  im- 
provement being  made  in  southeastern  New  Mexico,  embracing  the 
magnificent  Pecos  Valley  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing 
co.,  1891.  20p. 

Condensed  compilation  of  facts  concerning  the  territory  in  answer  to 
numerous  inquiries.  (Santa  Fe,  1880?)  8p. 

Dona  Ana  County,  her  people  and  resources  by  Albert  J.  Fountain, 
commissioner.  Las  Cruces,  Rio  Grande  Republican  print,  1885.  20p. 

Dona  Ana  County  in  New  Mexico,  containing  the  fertile  Mesilla  Valley, 
garden  spot  of  the  great  Southwest,  where  modern  irrigation  is 
now  being  brought  to  its  highest  development.  Comp.  by  Dr.  R.  E. 
McBride.  .  .  .  (Albuquerque?)  1908.  54p. 

Dona  Ana  County,  New  Mexico.  The  fertile  Mesilla  Valley-mineral 
wealth  in  the  Organ,  San  Andreas  and  Black  mountains — a  mag- 
nificent range,  ideal  climate.  The  garden  spot  of  New  Mexico.  .  . 
(Santa  Fe)  J.  S.  Duncan,  1904.  48p. 

Dry  farming  in  New  Mexico,  by  J.  D.  Tinsley.  Albuquerque,  1909.  20p. 

Eddy  County,  New  Mexico.  Home  of  the  Carlsbad  project  of  the  Na- 
tional reclamation  service  and  of  the  greatest  artesian  wells  on 
earth.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  1908.  48p. 

Eddy  County,  New  Mexico.  The  most  southeastern  county  in  the  terri- 
tory. .  .  .  An  ideal  agricultural,  horticultural  and  stock  country. 
(Santa  Fe)  J.  S.  Duncan,  (1903?)  55p. 

Epitome  of  the  economic  geology  of  N.  M.  by  Fayette  A.  Jones.  Albu- 
querque. By  Direction  of  the  N.  M.  Bur.  of  Immigration,  1908.  47p. 

Facts  and  figures  concerning  New  Mexico.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexi- 
can printing  co.,  1891.  20p. 

Farming  by  irrigation  in  New  Mexico,  n.  p.,  1897.  76p. 

Grant  County,  New  Mexico.  Rich  in  gold,  silver,  copper  .  .  .  and  other 
minerals.  Thousands  of  cattle  on  a  thousand  hills.  Advanced,  enter- 
prising, prosperous  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co., 
1901.  40p.  (Its  Bulletin  no.  9) 

Guadalupe  County,  New  Mexico.  Leads  in  sheep  industry.  .  .  .  Santa 
Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1902.  24p.  (Its  Bulletin,  no.  16) 

Ho!  To  the  land  of  sunshine,  comp.  by  Max  Frost,  Santa  Fe,  n.  d.  42p. 


CHECKLIST  151 

Ho !  to  the  land  of  sunshine  .  .  .  comp.  and  written  by  Max  Frost  and 
Paul  A.  F.  Walter;  2nd  ed.  Santa  Fe,  n.  d.  446p.  (200  illus.) 

Ho !  to  the  land  of  sunshine  .  .  .  comp.  and  written  by  Max  Frost  and 
Paul  A.  F.  Walter.  Santa  Fe,  n.  d.  46p. 

Ho!  to  the  land  of  sunshine;  a  guide  to  New  Mexico  for  the  settler 
and  the  immigrant.  The  public  lands  and  the  laws  under  which 
they  can  be  obtained — general  information  for  the  homeseeker.  .  .  . 
Max  Frost,  secretary.  3d  rev.  ed.  (Santa  Fe)  1906.  51p. 

Ho!  to  the  land  of  sunshine:  a  guide  to  New  Mexico  for  the  settler 
and  the  immigrant.  The  public  lands  and  the  laws  under  which 
they  can  be  obtained.  General  information  for  the  homeseeker; 
5th  rev.  ed.  Albuquerque,  1907.  54p. 

Ho!  to  the  land  of  sunshine:  a  guide  to  New  Mexico  for  the  home- 
seeker.  Public  lands  and  the  laws  and  regulations  under  which  they 
can  be  obtained.  General  information  for  the  settler  and  immi- 
grant; 7th  rev.  ed.  (Albuquerque?)  1907.  70p. 

10th  rev.  ed.  Albuquerque,  1909.  54p. 

Ho!  To  the  land  of  sunshine;  a  homeseekers'  guide  to  New  Mexico; 
12th  ed.  revised  to  March  1,  1911.  60p. 

How  I  cured  myself  of  consumption  in  New  Mexico,  by  Roscoe  C. 
Bonney;  edited  by  Max  Frost.  25p. 

Illustrated  New  Mexico;  Hon.  William  G.  Ritch;  3d  ed.  Santa  Fe,  New 
Mexican  printing  and  publishing  co.,  1883.  140p. 

Illustrated  New  Mexico,  by  Hon.  William  G.  Ritch;  4th  ed.  Rev.  and 
enl.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  and  publishing  co.,  1883. 
140p.  with  N.  M.  Ter.  Official  reports.  Santa  Fe,  1884. 

Illustrated  New  Mexico,  historical  and  industrial,  by  Wm.  G.  Ritch  .  .  . 
5th  ed.  Rev.  and  enl.  Santa  Fe,  Bureau  of  immigration,  1885.  234p. 

The  land  of  sunshine,  a  handbook  of  the  resources,  products,  industries 
and  climate  of  New  Mexico.  Comp.  and  ed.  by  Max  Frost  and  Paul 
A.  F.  Walter.  Santa  Fe,  J.  S.  Duncan  (1904)  299p. 

The  land  of  sunshine ;  a  handbook  of  the  resources,  products,  industries 
and  climate  of  New  Mexico.  Comp.  and  edited  by  Max  Frost  and 
Paul  A.  F.  Walter.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1906. 
445p.  on  cover :  2d  ed. 

The  land  of  sunshine ;  a  handbook  of  the  resources,  products,  industries 
and  climate  of  New  Mexico.  Pub.  under  and  by  the  authority  of 
the  New  Mexico  Board  of  managers  of  the  Louisiana  purchase 
exposition.  Comp.  and  ed.  by  Max  Frost  and  Paul  A.  F.  Walter. 
Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1904.  299p.  Originally  comp. 
and  pub.  by  authority  of  the  territorial  Bureau  of  immigration.  To 
this  edition  is  added  an  introduction  in  regard  to  New  Mexico's 
exhibit  at  the  Louisiana  purchase  exposition. 

Leonard  Wood  County,  New  Mexico.  A  leader  in  the  stock  industry. 
.  .  .  (Santa  Fe)  J.  S.  Duncan,  (1904?)  31p. 

Formed  in  1903  from  parts  of  Guadalupe  and  Valencia  counties. 


152  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Lincoln  County,  New  Mexico.  Principally  a  mining  and  stock  country, 
possessing  also  beautiful  orchards,  fertile  farms  .  .  .  and  other 
attractions  and  resources.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing 
co.,  1902.  30p.  (Its  Bulletin  no.  13) 

Lincoln  County,  New  Mexico.  .  .  .    (Albuquerque?)  1909.  28p. 

Luna  County,  New  Mexico.  For  many  years  one  of  the  great  stock 
growing  divisions  of  the  land  of  sunshine — now  being  invaded  and 
reclaimed  by  the  homebuilder.  .  .  .  (Albuquerque?)  1908.  32p. 

Luna  County,  New  Mexico.  One  of  the  leading  stock  and  range  sections 
of  the  Southwest;  a  heavy  mineral  producer  and  a  railroad  center. 
.  .  .  (Santa  Fe)  J.  S.  Duncan,  (1903?)  32p. 

McKinley  County,  New  Mexico.  The  leading  coal  producer.  .  .  .  Santa 
Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1902.  12p.  (Its  Bulletin  no.  20) 

Mines  and  minerals  of  New  Mexico,  with  some  reference  to  the  geologi- 
cal associations  in  the  various  camps  of  the  territory.  .  -.  .  Santa 
Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1901.  136p. 

The  mines  of  New  Mexico.  Inexhaustible  deposits  of  gold  and  silver, 
copper,  lead,  iron  and  coal.  A  mineral  area  unequaled  in  any  state 
or  territory  for  the  extent  and  value  of  its  mines.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe, 
New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1896.  80p. 

Mora  County,  New  Mexico.  Productive  and  picturesque.  One  of  the 
richest  agricultural  sections.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  print- 
ing co.,  1902.  24p.  (Its  Bulletin  no.  19) 

New  Mexico  .  .  .  Fall  edition,  1886.   Santa  Fe,  (1886)  24p. 

New  Mexico  .  .  .  Winter  edition;  ed.  by  H.  C.  Burnett.  Las  Vegas, 
J.  A.  Carruth,  1889.  48p. 

New  Mexico,  its  resources  and  advantages.  1881 

New  Mexico.  Its  resources,  climate,  geography  and  geological  condition. 
Official  publication  of  the  Bureau  of  immigration,  ed.  by  Max 
Frost.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1890.  216p. 

New  Mexico.  Its  resources,  climate,  geography,  geology,  history,  statis- 
tics, present  condition  and  future  prospects.  Official  publication 
of  the  Bureau  of  immigration.  Arranged,  comp.,  and  ed.  by  Max 
Frost,  secretary  of  the  bureau.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing 
co.,  1894.  343p. 

New  Mexico  mines,  a  storehouse  of  precious  and  base  ores  and  minerals. 
Review  of  mining  activity  in  the  territory.  (Santa  Fe?  1904?) 
56p. 

New  Mexico  mines.  A  storehouse  of  precious  and  base  ores  and  min- 
erals. Review  of  mining  activity  in  the  territory.  (Santa  Fe, 
1906?)  56p. 

New  Mexico  the  coming  country!  Facts  and  figures,  by  the  Bureau 
of  immigration.  (Santa  Fe,  1890?)  8p.  (With  its  New  Mexico.  Its 
resources.  .  .  Santa  Fe,  1890) 

New  Mexico  mines  and  minerals  by  Fayette  Alexander  Jones.  Pub. 
by  the  Bureau  of  immigration  of  New  Mexico  under  and  by  per- 
mission of  the  author.  (Santa  Fe)  1905.  349p. 


CHECKLIST  153 

New  Mexico:  an  attractive  field  for  mining  investment  by  Fayette  A. 

Jones.  Albuquerque,  1909.  (4)  p. 

New  Mexico.  The  resources,  development  and  prospects  of  a  great  terri- 
tory. Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1895.  48p. 
Pertinent  facts,  practical  information,  reliable  figures  in  regard  to 

New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1895  48p. 
Quay  County,  New  Mexico.  A  new  county  which  excels  in  range  and 

live  stock  industry.   Traversed  by  three  railroads.    (Santa   Fe) 

J.  S.  Duncan,  (1903?)  lip. 

Report  for  Colfax  county  by  Harry  Whigham.   Santa  Fe,  Era  South- 
western, 1880.  13p. 
Report  as  to  Grant  county.  .  .  .  W.  H.  Lawrence,  Commissioner.  Silver 

City,  W.  Cardnell,  1881.  31p. 
Report  as  to  Mora  county.  .  .  .  William  Kroenig,  Commissioner.    Las 

Vegas,  Daily  Gazette,  1881.  (7)  p. 
Report  as  to  Rio  Arriba  county.  .  .  .  Samuel  Eldodt,  Commissioner. 

Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico  book  and  job  printing  dept.,  1881.  4p. 
Report  as  to  Socorro  County;  this  report  was  prepared  by  M.  Fischer 

and  Antonio  Y.  A.  Abeytia,  commissioners.  .  .  .  Socorro,  Socorro 

Daily  News  office,  1881.  8p. 
Report  as  to  Taos  County.  Santa  Fe,  1881.  lip. 
Report  of  Dona  Ana  County  by  Albert  J.   Fountain,  commissioner. 

Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  print,  1882.  34p. 
Report  of  San  Miguel  County  by  G.  W.  Prichard,  Commissioner.  Santa 

Fe,  New  Mexican  print,  1882.  16p. 
Report  of  San  Miguel  County  by  G.  W.  Prichard,  Commissioner.   Las 

Vegas,  Carruth  &  Layton,  1882.  30p. 
Report  of  the  commissioner  of  immigration  for  Colfax  county  by  Harry 

Whigham.  Santa  Fe,  1880.  13p. 
Report  on  Bernalillo  County.  June  22,  1881.  William  C.   Hazeldine, 

Commissioner.    New  Albuquerque,   Daily   Journal   book   and   job 

office,  1881.  31p. 
Second  annual  report  on  Bernalillo  county  (April  20,  1883)  William 

C.    Hazeldine,    Commissioner.    Albuquerque,    New    Mexico    Daily 

journal  steam  printing  house,  1883.  27p. 
Report  to  the  Bureau  of  immigration  of  New  Mexico  by  Theo.  C.  Camp. 

Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico  book  and  job  printing  department,  1881.  lip. 

At  head  of  title :  Taos  county 
Resources  of  New  Mexico.  Prepared  under  the  auspices  of  the  Bureau 

of  immigration,  for  the  Territorial  fair,  to  be  held  at  Albuquerque, 

N.  M.  October  3d  to  8th,  1881.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  book  and 

job  printing  department,  1881.  64  (i.  e.  68)  p.  (an  extra  leaf,  paged 

12a-12b,  and  an  unpaged  leaf  are  inserted  between  p.  12  and  13) 

Contains  Chronological  annals  of  New  Mexico  p.  13-45  and  Official 

register  of  1881. 

(1882?)  32p. 


154  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Resources  of  New  Mexico.  New  Albuquerque,  1881 

Rio  Arriba  County,  New  Mexico.  Great  agricultural  resources — large 
areas  of  timber  lands.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co., 
1902.  23p.  (Its  Bulletin  no.  21) 

San  Juan  County,  New  Mexico.  An  ideal  agricultural  section  with 
plenty  of  water  for  irrigation  and  land  for  homeseekers.  Written 
by  Granville  Pendleton.  (Santa  Fe)  1906.  69p. 

San  Juan  County,  New  Mexico.  The  best  watered  of  all  the  counties 
of  New  Mexico.  A  typical  agricultural  and  horticultural  section 
in  the  arid  West.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1902. 
40p.  (Its  Bulletin  no.  14) 

San  Juan  county  in  New  Mexico.  A  land  of  abundant  water  and  deep, 
rich  soil,  ideal  climate  and  generous  return  for  labor,  land  of 
opportunity  for  the  homeseeker.  Albuquerque,  Albuquerque  morn- 
ing journal,  1908.  48p. 

San  Juan  county,  New  Mexico ;  its  resources,  agricultural,  horticultural 
and  mineral,  climate,  schools,  etc.  comp.  by  Women's  auxiliary  com- 
mittee. World's  Columbia  exposition  for  San  Juan  county.  Chicago, 
Rand  McNally  &  co.,  printer,  1893.  14p. 

San  Miguel  county,  New  Mexico.  .  .  .  Compiled  under  the  direction  of 
the  Commercial  club  of  Las  Vegas.  Edited  by  George  A.  Fleming, 
secretary.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1907.  83p. 

San  Miguel  county,  New  Mexico.  An  empire  in  itself.  One  of  the 
greatest  wool  growing  and  agricultural  sections  in  the  territory. 
.  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  company,  1901.  39p.  (Its 
Bulletin  no.  8) 

San  Miguel  County,  New  Mexico,  larger  in  area  than  many  of  the 
states,  offering  all  forms  of  agriculture,  vast  mineral  wealth  and 
a  perfect  climate.  (Albuquerque?  1908)  64p. 

San  Miguel  county;  illustrated.  Its  health,  wealth,  resources  and  ad- 
vantages. Prepared  for  the  World's  Exposition  at  New  Orleans  in 
1884-85,  by  T.  B.  Mills,  First  ed.  Las  Vegas,  Carruth,  1895.  50p. 

Sandoval  County,  New  Mexico.  Stock  raising,  agriculture  and  mining 
are  its  diverse  industries.  .  .  .  (Santa  Fe)  J.  S.  Duncan,  (1903?) 
21p. 

Santa  Fe:  ancient  and  modern;  including  its  resources  and  industries 
with  numerous  illustrations  and  a  map  of  the  county.  Edited  by 
W.  G.  Ritch.  Adolph  Seligman,  Commissioner  of  immigration  for 
Santa  Fe  co.  Santa  Fe,  1885.  3p. 

Santa  Fe  County,  New  Mexico.  Albuquerque,  1909.  66p. 

Santa  Fe  County.  The  heart  of  New  Mexico,  rich  in  history  and 
resources.  Written  by  Max  Frost  and  Paul  A.  F.  Walter.  .  .  . 
( Santa  Fe)  1906. 145p. 

Santa  Fe  county,  N.  M.  Magnificent  and  health  giving  climate,  a  fine 
agricultural  and  fruit  section,  stock  raising,  mining  of  precious 
metals  and  coal  among  its  leading  industries.  Santa  Fe,  New 
Mexican  printing  co.,  1901.  43p.  (Its  Bulletin  no.  3) 


CHECKLIST  155 

Santa  Fe  County,  New  Mexico.  Magnificent  and  health  giving  climate. 
.  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  company,  1902.  55p.  (Its 
Bulletin  no.  22) 

Sierra  County,  New  Mexico.  Rich  in  gold  and  silver.  Leads  in  Angora 
goat  raising.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  company, 
1902.  40p.  (Its  Bulletin  no.  17) 

Socorro  County,  New  Mexico.  The  largest  and  the  richest  in  resources 
of  New  Mexico  counties.  (Santa  Fe)  J.  S.  Duncan,  1904.  36p. 
(Earlier  edition  pub.  as  no.  11  of  its  Bulletin) 

Socorro  County,  New  Mexico.  The  largest  county  in  the  territory. 
Possesses  great  mineral  riches.  Stock  ranges  as  large  as  a  Euro- 
pean kingdom.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  company, 

1901.  24p.  (Its  Bulletin  no.  11) 

Taos  County,  New  Mexico.  A  beauty  spot.  Rich  in  gold,  copper  and 
other  minerals.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  company, 

1902.  39p.  (Its  Bulletin  no.  18) 

Union  County,  New  Mexico.  A  prosperous  and  growing  section.  Lead- 
ing in  the  sheep  industry.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing 
company,  1902.  12p.  (Its  Bulletin  no.  15) 

Valencia  county,  New  Mexico.  Great  undeveloped  resources — agricul- 
ture, horticulture,  stock  raising,  precious  minerals.  .  .  .  Santa  Fe, 
New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1902.  32p.  (Its  Bulletin  no.  23) 

(To  Be  Continued) 


Notes  and  Documents 


The  following  letters  are  a  continuation  of  the  Reverend  Ashley 
correspondence  printed  in  the  REVIEW,  January,  1949 : 

Oct.   5,   1887 

I  have  now  entered  by  72nd  year.  I  have  much  to  be  thankful  for. 
I  retain  all  my  senses  almost  as  acute  as  ever,  but  soon  tire.  I  do  at 
times  a  little  carpentering  work,  or  painting  around  my  house,  but  soon 
tire  at  it  and  am  not  so  ready  to  take  long  journeys  as  I  was;  but  I 
have  to  take  one  the  last  of  this  week.  I  shall  have  to  be  up  on  Sat- 
urday morning  at  2:30  to  take  the  railway  to  Carthage,  a  small  mining 
town  96  miles,  where  there  are  many  English  and  Scotch  miners. 
I  shall  not  reach  there  until  10:30,  as  I  have  to  change  roads  on  my 
way.  That  day  I  shall  visit  from  house  to  house:  and  on  Sunday 
preach  twice.  They  have  had  no  preaching  for  months.  I  leave  there 
at  4  o'clock  on  Monday  for  San  Antonio,  where  I  shall  have  to  wait 
three  hours  for  a  train  and  reach  Solono  at  8:30  P.  M.,  here  to  make 
my  way  about  Mission  work  etc.  I  shall  leave  Solono  on  Tuesday  at 
10/45  A.  M.  for  Belen  47  miles,  where  I  am  superintending  the  building 
of  a  school  house  for  Mexican  children;  stay  there  until  noon  the  next 
day,  then  leave  for  Los  Lunas  10  miles  to  see  how  the  Mexican  School 
is  getting  along  with  its  new  teacher,  and  leave  there  for  home  at 
11:45  that  night  and  get  home  about  12:45.  That  will  end  the  trip. 
Our  Schools  in  the  Mexican  villages  are  doing  good  work  and  we 
have  openings  for  more  than  we  have  funds  to  support.  The  priests 
are  bitter  against  them  and  it  is  hard  work  to  get  them  started,  but 
when  we  get  the  children  interested,  the  priest  cannot  keep  them  away. 
It  is  trying  work  for  the  teachers,  they  cannot  live  as  the  Mexicans  do 
on  (Chili  con  Carne)  mutton  stewed  in  red  pepper,  and  their  bread 
is  hoosed,  so  they  have  to  teach  and  board  themselves  and  have  no 
agreeable  society.  My  eldest  daughter  (Mrs.  Rood)  has  taught  3  years 
at  Los  Lunas,  she  got  at  last  so  nervous  she  had  to  leave,  greatly  to 
the  regret  of  children  and  people.  .  .  . 

Dec.  31,  1887 

The  first  six  days  of  this  month,  we  had  Mr.  Hammond  the  reviv- 
alist here  and  since  then  we  have  had  every  day  a  morning  and  evening 
service,  and  apparently  great  good  has  been  done,  not  so  much  in 
converting  of  sinners,  as  the  quickening  of  all  protestant  Churches. 
It  has  been  a  saying  that  New  Mexico  was  beyond  the  saving  grace 
of  God  and  indeed  it  has  appeared  as  if  it  was,  for  it  is  the  wickedest 
part  of  the  U.  S.  A. 

The  native  population  with  very  few  exceptions,  are  all  Catholics 
and  they  may  be  guilty  of  the  worst  and  vilest  of  sins,  if  only  they  pay 

156 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  157 

their  Church  dues  and  the  priests  are  very  little  better  than  the  people. 
Worse  than  many.  Then  those  that  come  from  elsewhere,  a  large  part 
of  them  are  the  worst  elements  of  society,  so  that  there  has  been  a 
depressing  influence  on  the  better  ones  and  that  has  come  as  they  have 
to  meet  and  do  business  with  all  kinds.  But  we  hope  these  meetings 
will  have  a  lasting  influence  for  good.  I  was  obliged  to  leave  here  on 
the  23rd  for  Carthage.  There  I  married  a  Scotch  lad  and  lass  on  the 
24th,  preached  on  the  25th  and  attended  and  spoke  at  the  Christmas 
Tree  on  the  26th,  it  being  put  off  until  that  date  on  account  of  the 
wedding  and  I  did  not  get  back  here  until  nearly  1  o'clock  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  28th  and  had  to  preach  that  evening.  On  our  way  up,  near 
midnight  an  attempt  was  made  to  stop  and  rob  our  railway  train.  It 
was  frustrated  by  the  fireman  knocking  the  leading  robber  off  the 
train  by  a  lump  of  coal  and  the  engineer  putting  on  steam.  This 
frightened  the  others  and  they  jumped  from  the  train.  We  have  a 
great  many  worthless  creatures  in  this  country,  unwilling  to  work 
and  when  they  are  obliged  to,  they  spend  what  they  get  on  whiskey. 
No  steady  industrious  man  need  to  idle.  There  is  work  to  do;  next 
door  to  me  live  two  men  who  have  recently  come  from  Canada  and 
they  both  have  steady  work.  It  is  the  worthless  only  who  are  tramps 
here.  Yet  I  am  thankful  that  I  came  to  this  Country  when  my  children 
were  young,  for  they  have  a  better  education  than  they  could  have 
had  in  England  and  better  opportunities  and  I  feel  no  anxiety  about 
them.  Everyone  wonders  at  my  holding  out  so  well,  think  I  am  only 
about  60,  when  I  am  in  my  72nd  year.  .  .  . 

Feb.  24,  1888 

I  am  afraid  you  will  have  but  few  more  letters  of  my  travels.  I 
do  not  have  the  ambition  to  travel,  I  once  had.  Last  Sunday  I  got  the 
Presbyterian  Minister  to  go  to  Carthage  96  miles  away  to  preach  and 
I  stayed  and  preached  in  his  Church,  morning  and  evening.  It  was  a 
change  for  him  and  a  rest  for  me. 

As  I  cannot  therefore  give  you  an  item  of  travel,  I  give  you  two 
extracts  from  the  Quarterly  report  of  one  of  our  Missionaries  amongst 
the  Mexicans.  They  send  their  reports  to  me,  that  I  may  see  how  they 
are  doing  and  I  then  send  them  with  such  remarks  as  I  think  good  to 
our  Home  Missionary  Society  in  New  York  City,  as  they  trust  me  to 
look  after  their  Mexican  Mission  work.  I  do  not  think  it  advisable  to 
change  their  field,  but  have  just  made  one,  bringing  one  in  from  75 
miles  W  and  placing  him  in  Old  Albuquerque,  and  sending  one  from 
Old  Albuquerque  to  work  out  west.  These  two  men  are  Mexicans, 
one  from  Old  Mexico.  They  can  speak  English,  but  not  enough  to 
preach  in  it,  and  you  would  be  amused  if  you  saw  some  of  their  efforts 
to  write  in  English ;  they  put  as  we  say  sometimes,  the  cart  before  the 
horse,  and  use  high  sounding  words  that  they  pick  out  of  the  dic- 
tionary. They  are  good  sincere  Christians  and  do  their  best  to  enlighten 
their  benighted  fellow  countrymen. 


158  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Besides  the  Mexican  Missionaries,  I  have  four  schools  and  with 
five  teachers  in  the  Mexican  Villages  to  look  after.  These  teachers 
are  all  well  educated  ladies  from  the  Eastern  States.  There  are  no 
Mexican  women  that  can  teach,  not  one  in  twenty  can  read  and  write. 

We  have  had  beautiful  weather  ever  since  Christmas  until  the  last 
three  days,  and  it  has  been  on  these  days  windy  with  light  showers  of 
rain  in  the  Valley  but  the  Mountains  around  us  have  on  them  several 
feet  of  snow  and  where  the  clouds  lift  and  the  sun  shines  on  them, 
they  are  very  beautiful  to  see.  We  have  a  Cockney  here,  so  I  see  a 
London  paper  every  week. 

Extract — 

As  the  mode  of  celebrating  Christmas  by  the  Mexican  people  is 
quite  different  from  the  people  in  the  East,  perhaps  a  little  description 
of  it  may  be  quite  interesting  to  you.  For  nine  nights  before  Christ- 
mas, fires  were  built  in  front  of  most  of  the  houses  in  town  and  each 
night  a  procession  of  women  marched  along  the  street,  the  leaders 
carrying  an  image  which  they  call  the  Ninos  Dios  (child  God)  and 
as  they  moved  along  sung  a  song  about  St.  Mary  asking  lodging  for 
her  child.  On  Christmas  Eve  the  procession  composed  mostly  of  women 
carrying  lanterns,  came  up  the  street,  the  Nino  Dios,  lying  in  a  cradle 
over  which  was  an  arch  of  artificial  flowers.  As  the  procession  stopped 
in  front  of  a  house  a  woman  came  out  carrying  hot  coals  of  fire  on  a 
shovel  and  knelt  down  in  front  of  the  idol  and  offered  incense  to  it 
and  then  went  back  into  the  house;  the  procession  then  came  up  to 
the  door  chanting  a  hymn  asking  lodging  for  the  Nino  Dios,  but  from 
within  came  the  response  that  the  house  was  full  and  that  there  was 
no  room  for  the  child.  They  then  proceeded  to  another  house,  where 
the  same  performance  was  gone  through,  until  they  came  to  one  where 
they  were  admitted  and  the  idol  was  placed  on  an  altar  prepared 
for  it  and  then  they  all  knelt  down  and  worshipped  the  image.  I  went 
then  to  the  Church,  where  another  part  of  the  people  were  singing 
praises  to  Joseph  and  Mary  and  the  Child.  About  10  o'clock  a  stalwart 
Mexican  in  full  Commanche  Indian  dress  entered  and  taking  his  bow 
and  arrows  from  his  back,  threatened  to  shoot  the  image  of  the  Child. 
Several  persons  told  him  not  to  shoot  and  one  young  lady  knelt  down 
in  front  of  the  image,  while  the  leader  of  the  singers  explained  to  the 
Indian  that  the  Child  was  the  King  of  Kings  and  Lord  of  Lords,  and 
that  the  Angels  and  Archangels  did  him  reverence.  The  Indian  then 
kissed  the  image  of  the  Child  and  left.  I  left  soon  after  and  had  just 
got  home,  when  I  heard  a  great  noise,  and  going  out  saw  what  seemed 
to  be  a  number  of  Indians  chasing  a  woman  (our  next  door  neighbor) 
and  all  of  them  followed  her  into  the  house,  the  woman  had  stolen  the 
image  from  the  house  I  mentioned  first,  and  they  had  chased  her  to 
recover  it,  and  recovering  it  they  had  a  grand  dance.  The  image  was 
afterward  taken  back  to  the  house  from  which  it  was  stolen  and  then 
they  danced  again,  I  suppose  for  joy. 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  159 

Extract  2 

About  two  years  ago,  the  wife  of  a  young  Mexican  left  him.  His 
mother  took  an  idol  which  she  worshipped  and  hid  it  and  said,  she 
would  not  bring  it  out  again  until  her  son's  wife  returned.  Perhaps 
the  image  did  not  like  to  be  hid,  for  about  two  months  since,  the  way- 
ward wife  returned  to  live  with  her  husband  again;  then  the  mother- 
in-law  brought  the  idol  out  of  its  hiding  place,  and  danced  through 
the  street  with  it  until  she  came  to  the  house  of  an  intimate  friend, 
which  she  entered  with  the  image;  the  people  present  then  all  knelt 
down  with  her  and  gave  thanks  to  the  image  for  bringing  back  the 
wayward  wife. 

Postscript  to  letter. 

You  have  in  these  a  specimen  of  the  superstition  and  idolatry  of 
the  natives  here  and  the  priests  keep  them  so.  ... 

June  18,  1888 

I  do  not  remember  which  wrote  last  you  or  I,  but  as  you  like  to 
hear  of  my  travels,  and  I  have  been  traveling  some  the  last  3  months, 
I  thought  I  would  write  for  your  entertainment.  In  March  our  Home 
Missionary  Society  appointed  me  as  its  general  Missionary  and  acting 
superintendent  of  its  Missions  in  the  two  territories  of  New  Mexico 
and  Arizona.  Either  one  of  them  is  larger  than  England,  Scotland 
and  Wales  put  together;  so  that  I  have  under  my  care  a  vast  amount 
of  territory,  but  I  am  sorry  to  say  not  many  Mission  Stations.  We 
cannot  get  good  men  for  the  work.  I  sometimes  wish  I  could  come  to 
England  and  pick  out  a  few. 

I  left  here  March  24th  at  7  A.  M.  for  Carthage  96  miles  by  rail- 
way, preached  there  twice  on  the  25th,  then  on  Monday  26th  left  there 
about  1  P.  M.  for  White  Oaks  90  miles.  We  had  a  stage  full  of 
passengers.  We  first  crossed  a  range  of  low  Mountains,  then  came  to 
a  vast  shady  plain,  called  the  journey  of  Death,  because  so  many  had 
perished  on  it  for  want  of  water.  But  12  miles  from  Carthage  a  man 
has  dug  a  well  near  90  ft.  deep  and  here  we  watered  horses  and  took 
water  ourselves.  This  was  the  first  place  where  a  human  being  lived. 
We  had  not  got  more  than  three  miles  from  there,  when  it  commenced 
snowing  and  when  we  got  to  the  next  house  32  miles  from  Carthage 
at  9  o'clock  at  night,  the  snow  was  6  inches  deep.  At  this  place  we 
took  supply,  changed  horses  and  at  10  o'clock  were  away  on  our  route. 
The  snow  and  darkness  hid  everything  around  us  and  the  driver  must 
have  been  well  acquainted  with  the  road,  or  he  would  not  have  found 
his  way  over  the  Mountains  and  Lava  beds.  About  5  in  the  morning 
we  reached  the  next  stage  station  being  about  7  hours  going  30  miles. 
At  that  time  it  was  blowing  heavy  gale  and  the  snow  blinding  so  we 
got  breakfast  and  waited  till  7  o'clock  when  there  appeared  a  lull  in 
the  storm.  We  had  not  got  more  than  5  miles  when  it  awoke  again 
in  all  its  fury.  To  make  it  worse,  the  track  was  covered  with  snow 


160  NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

so  deep,  it  was  impossible  to  see  where  to  drive.  Remember  this  is 
a  wild  country,  where  there  are  no  regular  roads,  and  often  deep  ruts 
it  was  so  dangerous  to  get  into.  Into  one  of  these  ruts  at  last  we 
sank  and  it  did  seem  as  though  we  should  have  to  remain  there  until 
the  storm  was  over,  if  we  lived  so  long.  The  gale  was  furious,  the 
snow  blinding,  and  the  cold  intense  and  no  house  or  help  for  many 
miles.  This  was  at  an  altitude  of  about  8000  ft.  above  sea  level,  hence 
the  cold.  After  about  two  hours  hard  work  we  at  last  got  out  of  the 
rut  and  on  our  way,  and  at  about  1  o'clock  came  to  the  first  farm 
house.  Here  we  had  to  stop  and  feed  the  horses,  for  they  were  about 
worn  out.  While  waiting  here  the  wind  went  down  and  the  storm 
cleared  off  and  it  became  pleasant  overhead.  The  roads,  however,  were 
bad  and  the  snowdrift  heavy.  We  rested  here  until  about  4  P.  M. 
and  then  started  for  the  rest  of  our  journey,  12  miles,  which  we 
reached  between  7  and  8  P.  M.  being  thus  30  hours  on  our  journey  of 
90  miles. 

It  was  the  hardest  and  roughest  journey,  I  have  ever  had  in  my 
life.  I  had  intended  to  start  back  on  Thursday  night  the  29th.  I 
preached  on  Wednesday  night,  but  on  account  of  fatigue  and  bad 
roads,  waited  until  Monday  April  2nd.  I  preached  twice  and  addressed 
the  Sunday  School  on  Sunday  and  left  for  home  at  7  A.  M.  on  Monday. 
It  was  a  very  pleasant  morning  and  the  evidence  of  the  storm  was 
all  gone  except  water  and  mud  holes  here  and  there.  We  rode  along 
nicely,  saw  thousands  of  cattle  grazing  here  and  there,  and  the 
Mountain  tops  in  different  directions  covered  with  snow  which  they 
had  been  all  the  winter.  Near  noon  we  came  to  the  first  stage  station. 
Here  we  got  our  dinner  and  changed  horses.  Soon  we  came  to  a  scene, 
which  would  have  filled  you  with  amazement.  At  some  previous  his- 
tory of  the  world,  a  volcano  had  belched  out  a  black  stream  of  lava, 
which  had  flowed  down  the  Valley  30  miles  or  more  and  was  from 
two  to  five  mile  wide.  As  it  had  cooled  it  had  broken  up  into  thousands 
of  fantastic  shapes,  with  deep  pits  and  hollows,  with  rough  rugged 
edges,  that  neither  man  or  beast  could  cross  except  in  one  place.  There 
it  was  so  rough  that  passengers  generally  preferred  to  walk  the  two 
miles  across,  rather  than  ride,  for  indeed  it  was  dangerous  for  the 
stage  in  places.  Having  crossed  this  we  had  about  15  miles  of  plain, 
then  came  to  the  Oscuro  (dark)  Mountains,  then  it  was  a  climb  up 
and  down,  thro'  narrow  passages  and  steep  places  such  as  you  in 
England  could  not  conceive,  that  it  was  possible  for  a  stage  to  go 
up  or  through.  I  must  say  that  even  with  my  experience  in  some 
places  I  was  nervous.  Well,  at  about  6  P.  M.  we  reached  the  end  of 
the  days  journey  and  stopped  at  a  stage  station,  which  was  hid  in 
the  foothills  of  the  Mountain,  far  from  any  other  house.  Here  I  took 
the  opportunity  of  cutting  some  cacti  for  walking  canes.  I  wish  I  had 
the  opportunity  of  sending  some  to  you,  they  would  be  a  novelty.  We 
stayed  there  until  7  o'clock  the  next  morning,  and  for  a  miserable 
supper,  bed  and  breakfast  paid  6/. 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  161 

When  off,  in  a  few  miles  we  were  clear  of  the  Mountains  and 
again  upon  the  "journey  of  death."  For  about  12  miles  not  a  living 
thing  to  be  seen  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach  except  now  and  then 
a  bird.  We  then  came  to  the  well  12  miles  from  Carthage,  here  after 
watering  our  horses  and  filling  our  water  bottles,  we  leisurely  con- 
tinued our  journey,  reaching  Carthage  in  time  to  take  the  railway 
train  and  reached  home  at  1  o'clock  the  next  morning. 

Except  soreness  and  stiffness  I  did  not  seem  the  worse  for  the 
journey  there,  but  I  have  felt  its  effects  since. 

April  8th  I  preached  twice  in  Albuquerque;  on  the  15th  led  the 
Y.  M.  C.  A.  meeting  at  4  p.  m.  and  gave  an  address  in  its  interest  in 
the  Presbyterian  Church  at  8  P.  M.  Then  on  the  16th,  took  the  railway 
to  Cubero  72  miles.  Was  met  at  the  station  by  one  of  our  Mexican 
preachers,  who  took  me  to  the  village  5  miles.  Here,  after  enquiring 
into  the  progress  of  the  work  and  ordering  an  additional  room  to  be 
built  to  the  Mission  Houses,  I  was  ready  for  the  next  morning.  The 
next  morning,  the  Mexican  preacher  taking  me  in  his  wagon,  we 
started  for  San  Rafael.  For  the  first  12  miles  the  road  (for  natural 
roads,  that  is  roads,  the  hand  of  man  has  never  done  anything  to)  was 
good.  The  weather  was  fine  and  the  scenery  all  around  grand.  At  the 
end  of  the  12  miles,  we  struck  into  the  spurs  of  the  Mountains  and 
amongst  the  Lava  beds  called  here  Mai  Pais  (badland)  and  we  were 
three  and  a  half  hours  going  13  miles.  It  was  so  rough  at  times,  it  was 
pleasanter  to  walk  than  ride.  At  my  journey's  end  I  was  very  tired. 
The  scenery  was  very  attractive  and  at  different  places  the  shepards 
were  attending  to  the  lambing  of  the  sheep,  and  the  antics  of  the 
young  lambs  was  often  amusing.  At  the  end  of  the  journey  we  had 
a  pleasant  reception  from  our  Missionary  and  Missionary  teachers. 
They  suffer  a  great  deal  of  persecution  from  the  wicked  old  Roman 
priest.  We  had  to  go  to  another  house  to  sleep  and  the  beds  were  so 
infested  with  bugs,  that  neither  my  Mexican  brother  or  I  got  a  wink 
of  sleep  all  night,  and  in  the  morning  was  ill  prepared  for  the  32  mile 
wagon  road  before  me  but  had  to  take  it.  The  first  five  miles  was 
tolerably  good,  then  20  very  good  and  at  the  end  of  that  we  expected 
to  find  water;  but  the  springs  were  dry  and  we  had  to  eat  our  lunch 
without  drink.  The  rest  of  the  road  was  tolerable  except  where  we  had 
to  climb  up  one  side  of  the  spur  of  a  Mountain  and  down  the  other. 
Two  miles  from  our  journey's  end  we  called  on  a  wealthy  Mexican.  He 
was  busy  attending  to  his  lambing  and  shearing  sheep.  He  has  about 
50,000  sheep.  He  told  me  that  he  lost  5,000  by  the  severity  of  last 
winter.  The  lowest  part  of  his  sheep  range  is  over  7,000  ft.  above  sea 
level  and  the  Mountains  in  it  run  over  12,000  ft.,  so  the  winters  here 
are  often  severe  and  there  are  heavy  falls  of  snow.  Reaching  the  vil- 
lage, we  made  inquiry  about  the  Mission  and  School  work  and  some 
arrangements  for  the  future,  then  had  to  preach  to  a  full  house, 
headaching  for  want  of  sleep  the  previous  night  and  the  fatigues  of 
travel.  I  was  not  in  fit  condition  to  do  it,  cut  therefore  the  sermon 


162  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

short  and  gave  my  Mexican  time  to  speak  in  Spanish.  The  next  day 
rode  27  miles  in  the  wagon  to  the  railroad.  Had  to  wait  there  8  hours 
for  the  Cars,  then  95  miles  on  them  to  Albuquerque,  which  we  reached 
at  10  o'clock  next  morning.  So  ends  the  second  journey. 

The  third  was  an  uneventful  one  to  Carthage  and  return  192 
miles  by  railroad;  preached  there  twice  April  29th  and  returned  home 
on  the  morning  of  May  1st.  May  llth  left  for  my  fourth  and  last 
journey.  Reached  Los  Lunas  21  miles  by  railroad  at  8:30  A.  M. 
Visited  the  School,  teacher  and  some  friends;  left  by  next  train  for 
Belen  10  miles,  enquired  into  School  matters,  ordered  some  improve- 
ments on  the  Schoolhouse  and  left  at  8  o'clock  next  morning  for 
Deming  31 3  miles,  which  we  reached  at  4  P.  M. — Addressed  the  Sunday 
School  and  preached  twice  at  Deming  on  the  13th.  Left  on  Monday 
at  3:30  P.  M.  for  Benson  177  miles,  reached  at  10:30  P.  M.  Paid  here 
4/.  English  for  night  lodging  and  2/.  for  a  very  poor  breakfast.  I 
then  left  for  Tucson,  Arizona  53  miles.  Got  to  our  Missionaries,  where 
I  got  good  entertainment.  This  place  is  near  the  borders  of  old  Mexico, 
one  of  the  oldest  places  in  the  United  States ;  about  half  the  population 
are  Mexicans.  Preached  on  Wednesday  night  and  attended  a  Chinese 
singing  School.  They  sang  gospel  hymns,  some  in  Chinese,  some  in 
English,  and  seemed  to  enjoy  it.  There  were  about  15  Chinamen 
present.  Left  on  Thursday  night  for  Deming,  which  I  reached  on 
Friday  morning.  It  was  a  hard  night's  ride,  could  not  get  any  sleep 
at  all.  On  the  19th  I  attended  a  Sunday  School  picnic  at  Deming, 
addressed  the  Sunday  School  and  preached  there  twice  on  the  20th. 
I  left  on  Monday  21st  at  noon  for  Socorro,  on  my  way  home,  which  I 
reached  at  8  P.  M.  and  then  home  the  next  day.  On  this  trip  I  traveled 
over  900  miles  by  railroad.  The  scenery  was  not  so  grand  as  that 
described  in  my  previous  trips  so  I  have  not  tried  to  describe  it.  In 
the  two  months  taken  for  these  journeys,  I  have  traveled  1264  miles 
by  railroad,  and  270  by  stage  and  wagon.  I  preached  17  times,  gave 
three  Sunday  School  addresses  and  attended  8  prayer  meetings.  This 
was  too  hard  work  for  an  old  man  nearly  72  years  of  age  and  I  have 
come  home  worn  out.  My  zeal  has  outrun  my  discretion  and  I  have 
been  confined  to  the  house  and  part  of  the  time  in  bed,  for  over  3  weeks. 
But,  I  am  getting  better,  but  knowing  that  while  I  was  under  com- 
mission from  the  Missionary  Society,  I  should  be  tempted  to  enter  on 
other  journeys,  I  have  sent  in  my  resignation  and  intend  to  try  and 
take  it  easier  the  rest  of  my  life. 

I  therefore  consider  these  journeys  will  end  my  travels,  so  I  have 
given  you  a  full  account  of  them,  as  I  am  not  likely  to  have  any  more 
such  to  give  you.  This  is  a  long  letter  and  I  have  taken  several  days 
to  write  it  and  written  a  piece  at  a  time,  as  I  have  been  able  to  sit  up 
to  do  it. 

I  have  no  disease  on  me,  only  broken  down  with  travel,  exposure 


3.     Deming  is  closer  to  200  miles  from  Belen. 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  163 

and  cold.  The  Doctor  thinks  that  with  care,  I  should  gather  strength 
and  be  good  for  years  to  come.  But  let  the  Master  call  me  when  He 
may,  I  trust  I  shall  be  found  ready.  I  cannot  say  that  death  has  any 
terrors  for  me,  for  I  have  hope  beyond  the  grave.  I  have  nothing  to 
boast  of  in  my  54  years  service.  I  might  have  been  more  faithful  and 
true,  but  I  know  He  will  not  leave  me  in  my  old  age.  Altho  we  are 
not  likely  to  see  each  other  in  the  flesh,  I  hope  to  meet  with  you  and 
the  rest  upon  the  Shining  Shore. 

Dec.  7th,  1888 

I  was  very  sick  after  I  wrote  you  in  June.  .  .  .  As  you  are  inter- 
ested in  my  travels  I  will  try  to  describe  my  journey  to  Colorado  and 
back.  Leaving  here  at  1:40  A.  M.  July  llth  we  reached  the  Glorieta 
Divide  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  at  5:30,  altitude  7,537  ft.,  a  deep  valley 
on  our  left  and  the  Mountains  rising  several  thousand  feet  higher  on 
our  right.  Through  the  valley  runs  the  Pecos  River  and  by  it  about 
20  miles  further  on,  and  about  5  from  the  railroad  is  the  ruins  of  what 
is  believed  to  be  the  oldest  Church  in  America,  built  nearly  400  years 
ago.  Tradition  says  that  the  Pueblo  Indians  came  to  this  place  from 
the  Great  Salt  Lakes  led  by  Montezuma,  he  riding  on  the  back  of  an 
Eagle.  Here  the  first  Spanish  explorers  found  them  and  compelled 
them  at  the  point  of  the  sword  to  be  Baptized  and  to  build  the  church. 
A  tragic  scene  enacted  some  time  after,  a  few  miles  further  on,  on  a 
high  isolated  Mountain  top.  Some  Spaniards  fled  to  the  top  from  a 
band  of  Indians.  The  Indians  surrounded  the  Mountain  and  kept  them 
there,  until  they  starved  to  death,  and  this  is  pointed  out  to  the  passen- 
gers on  the  railroad,  as  Starvation  Point. 

At  9  A.  M.  we  reached  Las  Vegas  132  miles  from  Albuquerque. 
Here  my  son  Walter's  wife  met  me,  with  a  well  filled  lunch  basket  (he 
had  gone  on  before  me  to  Colorado)  for  I  could  not  stop  off.  From 
Glorieta  to  Las  Vegas  we  had  a  down  grade  of  over  1000  ft.  and  the 
grade  continued  to  5,839  ft.  Then  we  began  to  ascend  the  Raton 
Mountains,  crossed  the  line  261  miles  from  Albuquerque  into  Colorado, 
passed  through  a  tunnel  into  Raton  Pass  at  an  altitude  of  7,861  ft. 
Then  we  descended  1827  ft.  in  about  20  miles  reaching  Trinidad  at 
3:40  P.  M.  I  was  by  this  time  so  worn  out,  that  I  had  to  leave  the 
train  for  a  rest,  which  I  did  until  8  P.  M.  I  then  took  the  Denver  and 
Rio  Grande  narrow  gauge  railroad  for  Denver  251  miles,  reaching 
there  at  7:45  the  morning  of  the  12th.  This  was  an  all  night  ride  and 
a  miserable  one.  The  coaches  were  narrow  and  uncomfortable  and  full 
of  passengers  and  I  made  up  my  mind  I  would  not  return  by  that 
railroad. 

At  8  A.  M.  I  took  the  railroad  to  Golden,  18  miles  and  there  found 
my  daughter  waiting  for  me  with  carriage  and  two  horses  and  soon 
we  were  on  the  road  to  her  home  11  miles,  reaching  there  in  time  for 
dinner.  The  scenery  was  grand  the  whole  way  from  Albuquerque  to 
Trinidad.  The  rest  of  the  journey  being  by  night  I  did  not  see,  but  I 


164  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

am  told  by  those  who  have  travelled  over  it  in  the  day  time,  that  it  is 
very  grand.  I  came  back  to  Trinidad  by  another  road  by  night  so 
cannot  well  describe  that  country.  West  of  Trinidad  are  the  Spanish 
Peaks,  3  Mountains  over  13,000  ft.  high,  and  other  Mountains  may  be 
seen  from  there. 

My  daughter's  home  is  in  the  lower  Mountains.  Where  she  met 
me  was  only  5  miles  over  the  Mountain  to  her  home,  but  we  had  to 
go  around  the  Mountain  11  miles  to  get  there.  She  had  come  alone  to 
meet  me  and  it  needed  an  expert  driver,  to  drive  on  the  narrow  Moun- 
tain road  in  places,  but  she  was  equal  to  the  task.  They  have  a  good 
farm  of  160  acres,  two  mules  and  two  horses  to  do  the  work,  6  cows, 
calf,  pigs.  The  hawks  sometimes  come  after  the  chickens,  then  if  her 
husband  is  not  at  home,  she  takes  the  gun  and  can  shoot  them  on 
the  wing.  I  could  go  to  the  top  of  the  Mountain,  back  of  their  house 
and  see  in  July  snow  on  the  high  Mountains  beyond  and  such  deep 
valleys  and  rocks  that  you  can  form  no  conception  of.  I  enclose  you 
some  views  of  Colorado.  My  health  at  present  is  remarkably  good,  and 
it  appears  as  if  I  was  good  for  some  time  to  come,  but  I  tire  out 
sooner  than  I  used  to  do  and  my  hearing  is  not  quite  so  good.  .  .  . 

Nov.  3rd,  1889 

In  some  respects  this  year  has  been  an  eventful  one  to  me.  Mr. 
Glaister,  my  youngest  daughter's  husband,  died  in  January,  and  after 
taking  him  to  Michigan  to  be  buried  there  in  the  family  vault,  she 
came  to  live  with  me,  as  she  rented  the  farm  she  owns,  for  two  years. 
Her  trouble  with  her  mother's  sickness  and  death  and  then  her  hus- 
band's seriously  impaired  her  health,  but  rest  and  change  has  greatly 
improved  it.  She  has  the  use  of  one  house  on  the  farm  and  the  1st  of 
July  we  went  to  it,  and  soon  my  eldest  daughter  and  my  second 
daughter  and  her  husband  and  child  met  us  there  and  we  spent  several 
weeks  together  and  had  a  very  pleasant  time. 

While  there  I  received  one  of  your  letters,  forwarded  to  me  from 
here,  and  I  was  under  the  impression  I  answered  it,  but  I  may  not 
have  done  so,  for  we  were  10  miles  from  a  post  office  and  often  ne- 
glected to  write  until  we  had  an  opportunity  to  send  it.  Some  times 
when  we  had  the  opportunity,  we  had  not  the  letter  written  and  not 
time  to  write  one.  The  farm  is  about  540  miles  by  railroad  from  here; 
20  from  Denver  in  the  State  of  Colorado.  It  lies  about  7,000  ft.  above 
sea  level  and  is  surrounded  by  Mountains.  The  scenery  all  around  is 
very  fine  and  it  is  much  cooler  there  in  the  summer  than  it  is  here. 
There  are  large  tall  pine  trees  near  the  house,  and  it  was  pleasant  in 
the  middle  of  the  day  to  go  and  rest  in  their  shade.  With  two  horses 
and  carriage  we  could  often  take  a  pleasant  ride.  There  is  a  nice  little 
Church  about  a  mile  from  the  house  built  by  the  people  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, not  belonging  to  any  denomination,  for  there  are  not  enough 
members  of  one  denomination  to  sustain  it.  I  preached  in  it  nine 
Sundays  out  of  the  thirteen  we  were  there.  A  severe  thunderstorm 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  165 

with  rain  prevented  my  doing  it  one  Sunday,  and  the  last  Sunday 
I  did  not  expect  to  be  there  so  they  sent  for  another  preacher. 

My  daughter  and  I  returned  here  September  20th.  Whether  we 
shall  remain  here  any  length  of  time  we  do  not  know.  ...  Was 
with  son  Walter  who  was  principal  of  the  Academy  at  Las  Vegas, 
New  Mexico,  for  nine  years,  building  it  up  from  nothing  to  the  finest 
educational  institution  in  New  Mexico.  He  resigned  last  July  to 
re-enter  the  Ministry.  He  is  now  pastor  of  the  Congregational  Church 
at  Shelbourne  Falls,  Massachusetts,  not  far  from  the  Atlantic  Shore; 
so  it  would  not  surprise  me,  if  he  remains  there,  if  some  summer  he 
takes  a  trip  over  to  England  to  see  you.  All  the  rest  of  my  family 
are  well.  .  .  . 

Our  Church  here  is  building  a  very  fine  House  of  Worship  for 
this  Country  and  it  is  going  to  try  them  greatly  to  pay  for  it.  ... 

(The  End) 


Single  copies  of  the  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW, 
Vol.  II,  No.  1,  are  now  available,  and  can  be  secured  from 
Mr.  Albert  G.  Ely,  Museum  of  New  Mexico,  Santa  Fe. 

The  Farmington  Times  Hustler  for  February  11,  1949, 
carries  a  brief  story  on  the  history  of  the  Navajo  Methodist 
Mission,  located  at  Hogback  (Jewett),  New  Mexico. 


Book  Reviews 

The  Exchange  Media  of  Colonial  Mexico.  Wilbur  T.  Meek, 
New  York,  King's  Crown  Press,  Columbia  University, 
1948.  Pp.  114.  $2.50. 

The  great  significance  in  general  economic  theory  im- 
puted during  the  last  two  decades  to  monetary  and  related 
factors,  and  the  dominant  influence  in  economic  fluctuations 
now  attributed  to  monetary  and  fiscal  policy,  naturally  has 
directed  economic  historians  to  detailed  appraisals  of  price 
trends,  credit  policy,  and  other  monetary  and  fiscal  relations 
of  the  past.  Mr.  Wilbur  T.  Meek  indicates  that  he  intended 
to  make  "a  comprehensive  monetary  and  economic  interpre- 
tation of  New  Spain"  when  he  undertook  research  upon 
which  he  based  his  study,  The  Exchange  Media  of  Colonial 
Mexico.  The  climate  of  ideas  within  which  men  of  authority 
in  New  Spain  viewed  their  environment,  however,  was 
markedly  different  from  our  own.  Their  reports  and  letters 
apparently  refer  only  casually  to  price  trends,  wage  rates, 
and  other  relations  which  modern  analysts  consider  funda- 
mental to  an  understanding  of  economic  and  social  develop- 
ments. Mr.  Meek  concluded,  obviously  after  painstaking 
review  of  many  original  sources,  that  "no  statistics  dealing 
with  the  economy  of  the  colony  as  a  whole  (were)  adequate" 
to  fulfil  his  original  purpose. 

Instead,  he  has  provided  a  detailed  description  of  the 
various  exchange  media  used  in  the  Spanish-American  colo- 
nies, along  with  some  discussion  of  the  comparative  values 
of  these  media,  and  changes  in  their  functions  which  accom- 
panied the  growth  of  the  colonies.  Chapter  I,  "The  Colonial 
Policy  of  Spain,"  describes  the  colonial  administrative  units 
and  their  functions.  Chapters  II  through  VII  describe  "Na- 
tive Media  of  Exchange,"  "Money  Media  from  the  Conquest 
to  the  Establishment  of  the  Mint,"  "The  Mexico  City  Mint," 
"Spanish  Silver  Coinage  in  New  Spain,"  "Spanish  Gold  and 
Copper  Coinage  in  New  Spain,"  and  "Other  Media  of  Ex- 
change." These  chapters  reflect  laborious  review  of  original 

166 


BOOK  REVIEWS  167 

source  materials.  Their  detail  constitutes  the  principal  con- 
tribution of  the  study.  The  short  concluding  Chapter  VIII, 
"An  Appraisal,"  is  commented  on  hereafter. 

I  am  not  a  student  of  the  history  of  the  Spanish- American 
colonies,  but  on  the  basis  of  limited  acquaintance  with 
sources  in  English,  I  believe  the  central  descriptive  chapters 
of  Mr.  Meek's  study  contribute  significantly  by  filling  in 
details  concerning  media  of  exchange  used  in  New  Spain. 
There  are,  however,  several  deficiencies  in  analysis  and  pre- 
sentation in  these  chapters.  The  relative  importance  of  the 
different  exchange  media  and  the  areas  of  New  Spain  in 
which  they  were  used  are  not  made  clear.  The  chronology 
of  their  use  also  is  indefinite.  Trends  of  prices,  variations 
in  quantities  of  exchange  media,  and  effects  of  these  upon 
the  economy  of  the  colony  are  not  considered  adequately. 
Here,  perhaps,  sources  are  too  sketchy  to  permit  definitive 
statistical  statements,  but  generalizations  might  appropri- 
ately have  been  made.  In  addition,  inadequacies  in  tabular 
headings  and  occasional  difficulties  in  prose  structure  impair 
the  text. 

A  more  important  criticism  is  that  the  opportunities  of 
the  study  are  not  fully  exploited.  I  believe  a  cogent  interpre- 
tation of  the  interrelations  of  monetary  policy  and  economic 
trends  in  New  Spain  could  have  been  constructed  from  the 
materials  which  Mr.  Meek  incorporates  in  his  study,  despite 
their  inadequacies.  Interrelation  of  the  discussion  in  Chap- 
ter I  concerning  the  administrative  procedures  in  New 
Spain  with  the  comments  elsewhere  in  the  study  concerning 
management  of  the  exchange  media,  would  have  established 
more  clearly  that  the  monetary  chaos  in  the  colony  arose 
largely  from  uncertain  delegation  of  powers  and  from  incom- 
petence of  administrators.  A  full  appraisal  of  the  relations 
between  New  Spain  and  the  mother  country,  between  the  pol- 
icy of  the  Crown  and  monetary  disorder  in  the  colony,  and 
between  monetary  conditions  and  general  economic  develop- 
ments would  seem  to  have  been  feasible  and  undoubtedly 
highly  profitable,  although  conclusions  necessarily  would 
have  been  qualified,  and  perhaps  tentative.  Chapter  VIII, 
"An  Appraisal,"  performs  these  functions  in  part,  but  much 


168  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

too  briefly, .  barely  sketching  the  dominant  influences  and 
relations  in  the  economy  of  the  colony. 

Mr.  Meek  has,  of  course,  anticipated  this  criticism.  His 
introduction  points  out,  as  I  have  said,  that  deficiencies  in 
sources  prevented  comprehensive  appraisal  of  the  colony's 
monetary  and  related  economic  functions.  But  this  seems  to 
me  an  insufficient  excuse.  The  economic  historian  discovers 
almost  invariably  that  available  sources  do  not  provide  exact 
data  upon  which  a  complete  appraisal  can  be  based.  His 
problem,  therefore,  is  to  synthesize  available  information 
and  construct  a  pattern  of  relations  from  which  the  complex 
story  of  the  past  can  be  generalized.  Mr.  Meek  has  not  suc- 
ceeded in  this  broad  purpose.  He  has,  however,  presented 
information  which  will  assist  others  in  doing  so.  That  itself 
is  a  commendable  contribution. 

Southern  Methodist  University  RICHARD  B.  JOHNSON 


Footprints  on  the  Frontier:  A  History  of  the  Sisters  of  Saint 
Joseph  (Concordia,  Kansas).  Sister  M.  Evangeline 
Thomas,  C.S.J.  Westminster,  Maryland:  The  Newman 
Press,  1948.  Pp.  xiv,  400.  Illustrations,  appendices,  bibli- 
ography and  index.  $5.00. 

In  this  study  Sister  M.  Evangeline,  of  the  Sisters  of  Saint 
Joseph,  Concordia,  Kansas,  presents  for  the  first  time  an 
integrated  account  of  the  "pioneering  effort  on  the  part  of 
five  Religious  Sisters  of  the  Congregation  of  Saint  Joseph 
to  extend  the  frontiers  of  the  Kingdom  of  Christ  from  New 
York  State  into  what  at  the  time  was  the  hinterland  of 
Kansas."  It  is  the  story  of  the  building  and  the  growth  of 
only  one  Motherhouse  of  the  Sisters  of  Saint  Joseph  and  rep- 
resents only  a  portion  of  the  history  of  this  Congregation  of 
nearly  fifteen  thousand  members. 

Sister  Evangeline  interprets  the  term  frontier  of  the 
Turnerian  thesis  in  its  broadest  sense — as  a  challenge. 
Pointing  out  that  the  religious  phase  of  the  frontier  thesis 
has  been  neglected,  she  endeavours  to  seek  out  the  influences 
of  religion  on  the  frontier  and  the  influence  of  the  frontier 


BOOK  REVIEWS  169 

on  religion.  She  does  this  with  creditable  success  and  has 
produced  a  volume  of  merit  which  could  well  serve  as  a  model 
for  the  study  of  other  religious  congregations. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  preface  the  author  writes: 
"There  will  be  much  attention  given,  therefore,  to  historical 
background  and  little  to  the  anecdotal  and  the  emotional  in 
this  work."  However,  she  places  her  characters,  including 
the  founder  of  the  Congregation,  J.  P.  Medaille,  S.J.,  in 
Chapter  I  in  front  of  the  richest  tapestry  of  history — that 
period  extending  from  the  religious  wars  following  the 
Reformation  to  the  end  of  the  French  Revolution,  a  period 
rich  in  anecdote  and  overwhelmingly  emotional. 

The  contents  of  the  book  belie  the  author's  statement 
mentioned  above,  for  in  numerous  passages  in  the  book  there 
is  marked  evidence  of  curious  incidents,  fragments  of  inter- 
est, brief,  detached  facts  intermingled  with  the  fears,  loves, 
hopes,  worries,  disappointments  and  intrigues.  All  this, 
when  woven  together  into  Footprints  on  the  Frontier,  pro- 
duces not  only  a  historical  study  of  this  particular  Mother- 
house  of  the  Congregation  of  the  Sisters  of  Saint  Joseph, 
but  also  a  warm  and  vital  study  of  courageous  women  on  the 
frontier. 

This  book,  outstanding  in  scholarly  approach  and  docu- 
mental evidence,  is  quite  different  from  Sister  Blandina's,  At 
the  End  of  the  Santa  Fe  Trail,  which,  in  relating  purely 
human  and  personal  experiences,  might  also  be  used  as  a 
model  in  religious  orders.  To  the  layman,  Sister  Evangeline's 
volume  opens  new  vistas  for  understanding  the  challenges 
which  confronted  the  religious  in  an  unsettled  country 
and  the  manner  in  which  these  challenges  were  met  and 
conquered. 

The  book  consists  of  thirteen  chapters,  organized  in  two 
general  divisions.  Part  I  consists  of  chapters  on  the  Euro- 
pean and  French  background,  the  Mississippi  Valley  in  the 
early  nineteenth  century,  and  Western  New  York,  with  spe- 
cific references  to  the  cities  of  Canandaigua,  Buffalo,  and 
Rochester,  New  York.  The  chapters  of  Part  II  treat  pri- 
marily the  Administrations  of  Reverend  Mothers  Stanislaus 
Leary,  Antoinette  Cuff,  Mary  Rose  Waller,  and  Mary  Chry- 


170  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

sostom  Wynn  in  Kansas  in  the  late  nineteenth  century  and 
up  to  the  present  day.  It  also  includes  an  excellent  chapter 
on  the  problems  and  efforts  in  securing  Papal  Approbation. 
Sister  Evangeline  bases  her  account  on  manuscript 
sources,  diligently  pursued  in  diocesan  archives  and  in  those 
of  the  various  motherhouses,  and  on  numerous  newspapers, 
books,  articles  and  interviews.  The  highest  standard  of 
scholarship  is  maintained  throughout  the  book,  which  is  care- 
fully edited,  illustrated,  and  published  in  an  attractive  form. 

Loretto  Heights  College  CLIFFORD  P.  WESTERMEIER 

Loretto,  Colorado. 


ic  Ubrary 

3  Cjty,  MO. 


<JVLexico 


Historical  "Review 


July,  1949 


Editors 

FRANK  D.  REEVE  PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

• 

Associates 

PERCY  M.  BALDWIN  GEORGE  P.  HAMMOND 

FRANCE  V.  SCHOLES  THEODOSIUS  MEYER,  O.F.M. 

ARTHUR  J.  0.  ANDERSON 

VOL.  XXIV  JULY,  1949  No.  3 


CONTENTS 

Page 


Spanish-American  Slave  Trade  in  the  Great  Basin,  1800-1853 

Leland  Hargrave  Creer 171 


New  Mexico  in  Transition      ....     Arnold  L.  Rodriguez  184 

Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publications     .       .    Wilma  Loy  Shelton  223 

Notes  and  Documents 236 

Book  Reviews  .  255 


THE  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  is  published  jointly  by  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  University  of  New  Mexico.  Subscription  to  the  quarterly  is 
$3.00  a  year  in  advance ;  single  numbers,  except  those  which  have  become  scarce,  are 
$1.00  each. 

Business  communications  should  be  addressed  to  Mr.  P.  A.  F.  Walter,  State 
Museum,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. ;  manuscripts  and  editorial  correspondence  should  be 
addressed  to  Prof.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  University  of  New  Mexico,  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico 
UNIVERSITY  PRESS,  ALBUQUERQUE,  N.  M. 


"  Mo> 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

VOL.  XXIV  JULY,  1949  No.  3 


SPANISH-AMERICAN  SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE 
GREAT  BASIN,  1800-1853 

By  LELAND  HARGRAVE  CREER* 

GOLD,  glory,  gospel — the  three  G's — these  were  the  objec- 
tives that  lured  the  Spanish  conquistadors  across  the 
Atlantic  Ocean  to  the  New  World  beyond.  They  came  at  the 
close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  more  than  a  hundred  years 
before  their  English,  French  and  Dutch  rivals.  By  1600, 
more  than  250,000  Spaniards  were  in  possession  of  Central 
America,  the  West  Indies,  two-thirds  of  Mexico  and  a  goodly 
portion  of  South  America.  Beyond  Mexico  stretched  the 
fabulous  Northern  Mystery,  whither  went  hundreds  of 
Spanish  explorers,  chief  among  whom  were  De  Soto,  Cabeza 
de  Vaca,  Narvaez,  Ponce  de  Leon,  Coronado,  Espejo,  Ferrelo, 
Cabrillo  and  Vizcaino,  to  mention  only  a  few.  They  were 
looking  for  a  pot  of  gold  at  the  end  of  the  rainbow  which, 
according  to  Indian  legend,  was  to  be  found  at  the  Chicora 
Villages,  home  of  the  giant  king  Datha,  or  at  the  fabulous 
Gran  Quivira.  They  were  also  searching  for  the  mythical 
Strait  of  Anian,  a  legendary  waterway,  flowing  from  east 
to  west,  which  was  supposed  to  separate  the  North  American 
Continent,  thus  affording  a  shorter  and  more  expeditious 
route  to  India. 

But  the  vast  wastelands  to  the  North  yielded  neither  gold 
nor  strait  and  the  disappointed  Spaniards  turned  their  atten- 
tion from  this  area  and  directed  their  interests  thenceforth 
almost  exclusively  to  the  fabulous  treasure  houses  of  Mexico 
and  Peru.  And  only  when  their  foreign  rivals  threatened  to 


*  Professor  of  History,  University  of  Utah. 

171 


172  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

invade  these  regions  and  thus  challenge  the  security  of  the 
Spanish  claim,  did  Spain  retaliate  by  occupying  the  Border- 
lands as  defensive  outposts.  Thus  when  the  French  under 
Ribaut  and  Laudonierre  attempted  to  found  a  Huguenot 
colony  on  St.  John's  River  in  northern  Florida,  the  Spaniards 
under  Menendez  retaliated  by  founding  St.  Augustine 
(1565)  ;  when  Robert  de  La  Salle  projected  a  Gulf  colony 
at  La  Bahia,  near  Galveston,  Texas,  the  excited  Spanish 
officials  sent  Alonzo  de  Leon,  Domingo  Ramon  and  the  Mar- 
quis de  Aguayo  into  far  eastern  Texas  to  Los  Adaes  (1716- 
1722)  ;  when  the  Spaniard  Marino  falsely  reported  that  Sir 
Francis  Drake,  the  great  English  buccaneer,  had  discovered 
the  Strait  of  Anian  and  had  already  returned  to  England 
by  entering  that  waterway  and  sailing  eastward,  Onate  met 
what  appeared  to  be  a  real  English  threat  by  leading  a  band 
of  colonists  into  New  Mexico  (1598)  ;  finally,  when  the  Rus- 
sians dispatched  a  number  of  expeditions  down  the  Pacific 
Coast  in  the  interests  of  furs,  Jose  de  Galvez,  Visitador- 
General  of  New  Spain,  with  the  king's  consent,  sent  Portola, 
governor  of  Baja  California,  northward  to  occupy  Alta 
California,  particularly  that  area  about  the  long-sought-for 
Bay  of  Monterey  (1769).  Thus  the  sole  purpose  of  Spanish 
occupancy  within  the  present  limits  of  the  United  States 
was  defense  and  the  sole  result  of  the  Spanish  efforts,  before 
the  winning  of  American  independence  in  1776,  was  the  suc- 
cessful founding  and  holding  of  five  strategic  provinces  as 
defensive  outposts — St.  Augustine  (Florida)  ;  Los  Adaes 
and  San  Antonio  (Texas)  ;  Santa  Fe  (New  Mexico)  ;  Pi- 
meria  Alta,  south  of  the  Gila  River  (Arizona)  ;  and  San 
Diego  and  Monterey  (California). 

Of  all  these  frontiers,  California  proved  to  be  the  most 
difficult  to  occupy.  It  was  the  most  isolated  of  all  the  prov- 
inces. Great  distances  separated  it  from  the  Mexican  fron- 
tier. There  was  no  adequate  supply  route.  The  direct  water 
route  from  San  Bias  was  altogether  too  precarious  and  the 
overland  route  from  Baja  California  was  unsatisfactory. 
To  obviate  this  difficulty,  Juan  Baptista  Anza  had  opened 
up  a  trail  directly  westward  from  Tubac  on  the  Sonora 
border,  but  this  proved  even  more  unsatisfactory  than  the 


as  City,  Mo. 

SLAVE  TRADE  IN   THE  GREAT  BASIN,   1800-1853        173 

other  two,  principally  because  of  the  Apache  menace,  and 
within  a  few  years  it  was  discontinued.  In  1775,  one  of 
Anza's  guides,  Father  Francisco  Garces,  attempted  to  find 
a  better  route  to  Monterey  by  crossing  the  country  to  the 
south  and  west  of  Santa  Fe.  Going  along  the  Mojave  River 
and  through  Cajon  Pass,  he  was  the  first  white  man  to  tra- 
verse the  route  through  San  Joaquin  Valley  now  followed 
by  the  Santa  Fe  Railroad.  But  the  Garces  route  proved  too 
long  and  difficult  to  compete  in  usefulness  with  the  Baja 
California,  or  even  the  Anza  route,  and  it  was  soon  discarded. 

In  1776,  the  government  of  New  Spain  projected  a  new 
expedition  in  an  attempt  to  find  a  better  route  to  Monterey. 
This  time  an  effort  was  made  to  discover  a  route  to  the  north 
and  west  of  Santa  Fe.  The  expedition  was  entrusted  to  two 
friars,  Fathers  Silvestre  Velez  de  Escalante  and  Francisco 
Atanacio  Dominguez.  The  party,  ten  in  number,  left  Santa 
Fe  July  29,  and  after  following  a  circuitous  route  of  approx- 
imately eighteen  hundred  miles  through  western  Colorado, 
central  Utah  and  northern  Arizona,  returned  to  the  New 
Mexican  capital  on  January  2,  1777,  without  having  accom- 
plished its  major  objective. 

Moreover,  Spanish  officials  did  nothing  to  follow  up  the 
work  of  the  Dominguez-Escalante  Expedition  with  further 
efforts  to  open  up  a  route  from  Santa  Fe  to  Monterey.  Nor 
did  they  attempt  to  establish  missions  among  the  Yutah 
Indians  as  Escalante  had  promised  the  natives  he  would  do. 
Instead,  the  government's  attention  was  diverted  to  compli- 
cated European  problems,  occasioned  by  the  outbreak  of  the 
war  of  American  Independence  and  soon  thereafter  by  the 
costly  French  Revolution.  It  was  necessary  also,  because  of 
complications  and  involvements  with  Russia,  England, 
France  and  the  United  States,  to  devote  more  attention  to 
the  important  provinces  of  Texas,  Louisiana,  Florida  and 
California,  for  upon  the  successful  defense  of  these  depended 
the  very  safety  of  the  Spanish  Empire  in  North  America. 

But  while  the  government  did  nothing  officially  in  the 
interests  of  the  Great  Basin  after  1776,  it  was  not  so  with 
the  Spanish  traders  who  knew  nothing  and  were  little 
concerned  with  international  affairs.  These  unscrupulous 


174  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

individuals  were  concerned  not  primarily  with  the  fur  trade 
but  with  the  inhumane  traffic  in  Indian  children,  for  which 
they  exchanged  fire-arms,  intoxicating  liquors,  and  Califor- 
nia horses.  Such  trade  continued  uninterruptedly,  although 
very  little  documentary  evidence  until  1805  appears  to  con- 
firm this  assumption.  An  important  letter  dated  September 
1,  1805,  written  by  Joaquin  de  Real  Alencaster,  Governor 
of  New  Mexico,  to  the  Commandant-General,  refers  to  the 
trading  activities  of  Manuel  Mestas  among  the  Yutahs.  It 
seems  that  Mestas,  spoken  of  as  an  interpreter  of  fifty  years 
experience,  had  set  out  for  the  purpose  of  recovering  horses 
stolen  from  the  Spaniards  by  the  Comanches  and  retaken  by 
the  Yutahs.  A  second  letter  dated  November  20,  1805,  cor- 
roborates this  fact  and  definitely  mentions  the  Timpanogos 
region  as  the  area  visited.  These  communications  suggest 
more  or  less  continual  intercourse  between  the  Spaniards  of 
New  Mexico  and  the  Yutahs  of  the  Utah  Lake  region.1 

Further  mention  of  Spanish  traders  enroute  to  Los  An- 
geles, California,  from  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  by  way  of  the 
Great  Basin,  is  made  by  David  Coyner,  western  newspaper 
correspondent,  in  his  book,  The  Lost  Trappers.  According 
to  Coyner,  two  English  trappers,  James  Workman  and  Sam- 
uel Spencer,  with  eighteen  others,  left  St.  Louis  in  the  spring 
of  1807  under  the  leadership  of  Ezekiel  Williams.  They  were 
attacked  by  the  Indians  on  the  Arkansas  River :  Williams  es- 
caped and  subsequently  reached  St.  Louis;  Workman  and 
Spencer  descended  the  Colorado  River  in  the  summer  of 
1809 ;  all  others  were  killed.  Near  Moab,  the  two  lost  trap- 
pers met  with  a  Spanish  caravan,  enroute  from  Santa  Fe 
to  Los  Angeles  over  the  Old  Spanish  Trail.2  Says  Coyner: 

The  caravan  was  going  towards  Pueblo  de  los  Angeles,  a  town  in 
Upper  California,  near  the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  in  which  region  of 
country  they  expected  to  be  engaged  in  trading  until  the  following 


1.  See  Hill,  Joseph  J.,  "Spanish  and  Mexican  Exploration  and  Trade  Northwest 
from   New  Mexico   into  the   Great  Basin,    1765-1853,"    Utah   Historical   Quarterly,    III, 
No.  1,  January,  1930,  pp.  16-17.    The  original  letters  are  found  in  Twitchell,  Spanish 
Archives  of  New  Mexico,  II,  478,  487,  Nos.   1881  and  1925 ;  photostat  copies  are  filed 
in  the  Bancroft  Library,  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  California. 

2.  The  Old  Spanish  Trail,  according  to  Hill,  before  1830,  led  to  the  Great  Basin 
only.    "It  was  developed  as  a  result  of  the  Spanish  trade  with  the  Yutahs.  ...  It  was 
not  until  the  winter  of  1830-31,  when  Wolfskill  led  a  party  to  California  by  this  north- 


SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  GREAT  BASIN,  1800-1853   175 

spring,  when  they  expected  to  return  to  Santa  Fe  with  horses  and 
mules.  Part  of  the  company  were  men  who  lived  in  Upper  California, 
but  they  had  accompanied  a  caravan  the  last  spring  to  Santa  Fe,  and 
were  not  returning  home.  Workman  and  Spencer  determined  to  join 
the  company  and  go  to  California,  where  they  would  spend  the  ap- 
proaching winter,  and  in  the  spring  return  with  them  to  New  Mexico, 
whence  they  hoped  some  opportunity  would  present  itself  of  getting 
back  to  the  United  States.  They  were  therefore  regularly  taken  into 
the  service  of  the  company,  which  was  under  the  direction  of  a 
captain,  and  furnished  with  mules  and  articles  as  they  needed.3 

More  significant  is  the  account  of  an  expedition  to  Utah 
Lake  and  southward  in  1813.  In  this  year  seven  men  under 
the  command  of  Mauricio  Arze  and  Lagos  Garcia  penetrated 
the  very  heart  of  the  Great  Basin.  They  were  gone  four 
months,  leaving  Abiquiu  on  March  16  and  returning  on  July 
12.  The  account  gives  no  particulars  as  to  the  route  followed. 
On  September  1,  the  Governor  of  New  Mexico,  having  re- 
ceived information  regarding  the  affair,  ordered  the  mem- 
bers of  the  party  to  appear  before  Manuel  Garcia,  Alcalde 
of  the  Villa  de  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Canada,  and  file  notarized 
accounts  concerning  details  of  the  trip.  "In  the  main,"  says 
Hill,  who  claims  to  have  discovered  this  document  filed  with 
the  Alcalde,  and  which  is  now  in  the  Spanish  Archives  at 
Santa  Fe,4  "these  affidavits  duplicate  each  other,  with  only 
here  and  there  a  unique  detail."  The  company  remained  at 
the  lake  of  the  Timpanogos  three  days  carrying  on  a  little 
trade  while  waiting  for  the  Indians  of  two  rancherias  to 
come  together.  When  all  were  assembled  a  council  was  held, 
but,  if  we  may  rely  upon  the  statement  of  the  Spaniards  in 

era  trail,  that  the  Old  Spanish  Trail  was  thought  of  as  extending  to  California.  But 
Wolfskill  was  an  American  and  he  led  an  American  expedition.  The  misnomer,  how- 
ever, was  of  perfectly  normal  development.  Parties  going  to  California  by  this 
northern  route  set  out  from  New  Mexico  along  the  Old  Spanish  Trail  to  the  Great 
Basin,  and  so  it  was  perfectly  natural  to  speak  of  their  having  gone  to  California 
by  way  of  the  Old  Spanish  Trail.  The  term,  therefore,  soon  became  applied  not  only 
to  the  trail  leading  to  the  Great  Basin  but  also  to  the  branch  of  that  trail  leading  to 
California."  Ibid.,  p.  3.  The  reference,  however,  to  Workman  and  Spencer  traversing 
the  trail,  all  the  way  to  California,  seems  to  imply  that  Spanish  caravans  were  regu- 
larly travelling  this  route  by  1807.  The  Great  Basin,  of  course,  was  a  part  of  Alta 
California. 

3.  Coyner,  David,  The  Lost  Trappers,  passim;  extracts  quoted  by  Alter,  J.  Cecil, 
Utah:  The  Storied  Domain,  I,  10-11. 

4.  Twitchell,   Spanish   Archives     ...  II,    577,    No.    2511 ;   photostat   copy   in    the 
Bancroft  Library,  University  of  California. 


176  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

their  affidavits  the  Indians  would  trade  nothing  but  Indian 
slaves,  as  "they  had  done  on  other  occasions"  At  this  rebuff, 
the  report  says,  the  Indians  began  killing  the  horses  of  the 
Spaniards.  After  eight  horses  and  a  mule  had  been  killed, 
the  chief  succeeded  in  quieting  them.  "Warned  by  this  in- 
jury," continues  Hill,  "the  Spaniards  collected  their  remain- 
ing horses  and,  after  standing  guard  over  them  all  night,  set 
out  on  the  following  day  for  Rio  Sebero  (Sevier  River)." 
Here  among  the  Bearded  Indians  whom  Escalante  earlier 
had  encountered,  they  were  greeted  with  the  same  hostile  re- 
ception. One  evening,  "the  Spaniards  overheard  the  Indians 
discussing  a  plan  by  which  they  proposed  to  kill  their  visi- 
tors." Taking  advantage  of  this  information,  the  traders 
foiled  the  redskins  by  stealing  away  southward  to  the  Colo- 
rado. Here  again  they  met  with  the  same  kind  of  treatment. 

This  time,  however,  the  commandant,  having  been  informed  of  the 
extremity  of  the  resentment  of  the  Indians,  called  his  men  together 
and  gave  them,  permission  to  purchase  the  slaves,  "in  order  .  .  .  not  to 
receive  another  injury  like  the  first  one."  As  a  result  of  this  decision, 
twelve  slaves  were  bought,  after  which,  the  Spaniards  continued  their 
journey  with  no  other  incident  worthy  of  note  except  the  loss  of  a 
mule  and  a  horse  by  drowning  in  crossing  the  Colorado.  .  .  .  Besides 
the  slaves  mentioned  above,  the  Spaniards  collected  on  their  trip  a 
total  of  one  hundred  and  nine  pelts.  This,  however,  was  stated  to  be 
"but  a  few."  None  of  the  statements  tell  what  kind  they  were.  And, 
concludes  Hill :  That  the  country  over  which  the  company  had  traveled 
was  fairly  well  known  seems  to  be  implied  from  the  fact  that  nothing 
to  the  contrary  is  stated  and  that  no  difficulties  regarding  the  route 
are  mentioned.  The  only  place  where  they  speak  of  having  had  a  guide 
was  from  the  Rio  Sebero  to  the  Bearded  Indians.  Two  members  of  the 
party,  however,  understood  the  language  of  these  Indians  sufficiently 
well  to  be  referred  to  as  interpreters.  These  Indians,  it  was  stated, 
were  unknown  to  the  traders,  which  seems  to  imply  that  the  traders 
were  at  least  somewhat  acquainted  with  the  others  whom  they  visited.5 

The  Old  Spanish  Trail  became  the  established  route  of 
the  Spanish  slave  trader.  Before  1830,  the  name  was  applied 
to  the  route  which  led  from  Santa  Fe  to  the  Great  Basin  only, 


6.  Hill,  "Spanish  and  Mexican  Exploration  and  Trade  Northwest  from  New 
Mexico  into  the  Great  Basin,  1765-1858,"  Utah  Historical  Quarterly,  III,  No.  1. 
January,  1930,  pp.  17-19  ;  see  also  Snow,  William  J.,  "Utah  Indians  and  the  Spanish 
Slave  Trade,"  Utah  Historical  Quarterly,  II,  No.  3,  68-69. 

Some  lines  in  quotations  used  in  this  paper  are  italicized  by  the  author. 


SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  GREAT  BASIN,  1800-1853    177 

but  after  that  date  when  the  California  trade  became  increas- 
ingly popular  the  Old  Spanish  Trail  was  thought  of  as  the 
established  route  of  trade  between  Santa  Fe  and  Los  Angeles 
by  way  of  the  Great  Basin.6  The  Trail  entered  Utah  near 
Moab.  After  crossing  the  Green  River  near  the  modern  town 
of  Green  River,  it  extended  through  Emery  County  and  over 
the  Wasatch  Mountains  through  Salina  Canyon  to  Sevier 
Valley.  Thence  it  proceeded  southward  through  Marysvale 
Canyon  to  the  modern  town  of  Spry,  where  it  diverted  west- 
ward, crossing  over  the  mountains  to  Paragoonah  by  way  of 
Bear  Valley.  From  Paragoonah  it  proceeded  southwest- 
wardly  by  way  of  the  modern  towns  of  Parowan  and  Cedar 
City,  through  the  Mountain  Meadows  to  the  Santa  Clara 
River.  From  this  point  in  extreme  southwestern  Utah  the 
Trail  continued  southwestwardly  to  Las  Vegas,  Nevada,  and 
thence  to  San  Gabriel  Mission  and  the  Pueblo  of  Los  An- 
geles.7 It  is  important  to  note  that  the  trade  was  confined 
mainly  to  the  Indians  of  the  southern  part  of  the  state,  and 
chiefly  to  those  of  Sevier  Valley,  a  favorite  rendezvous  of 
the  redskins  and  the  point  where  the  Old  Spanish  Trail 
emerged  into  the  valley  at  Salina.  Only  occasionally  did  a 
caravan  divert  northward  and  visit  the  Indians  of  the  Tim- 
panogos  or  Utah  Lake  region.  The  Arze-Garcia  Expedition, 
already  noted  above,  is  a  case  in  point. 

In  1830,  an  American  by  name  of  William  Wolf  skill  led 
a  band  of  trappers  over  the  Old  Spanish  Trail  to  California. 
The  party  suffered  many  hardships  in  Castle  and  Sevier 
Valleys,  but  finally  emerged  into  beautiful  Utah  Dixieland, 
which  they,  through  their  chroniclers  George  C.  Yount  and 
Orange  Clark,  enthusiastically  describe.  Since  this  is  the 
earliest  detailed  description  of  the  Indians  of  the  southern 
part  of  the  State,  particularly  those  of  the  Pahvant  and 
Sevier  valleys,8  both  traversed  by  the  Old  Spanish  Trail,  and 


6.  Supra,  footnote  2. 

7.  Not  all   travellers    California   bound   over   the   Old   Spanish    Trail   crossed   the 
mountains   by   way  of   Bear   Valley   west  of   Spry.     No   doubt   Borne   crossed   through 
Clear  Creek  Canyon,  the  route  followed  by  Jedediah   S.   Smith   in   1826,   others   by  a 
route  still  farther  south.    It  is  more  accurate  to  say  that  the  route  west  from   Spry 
to  Paragoonah  by  way  of  Bear  Valley  was  the  most  travelled  one. 

8.  The  first  description  of  any  of  the  Indians  who  inhabited  Utah  of  which  we 
have  any  knowledge  is  that  contained  in  the  journal  of  Father  Escalante.    However. 


178  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

since  the  aborigines  of  these  areas  constituted  the  tribes  with 
whom  the  Spaniards  plied  their  inhumane  traffic  in  slaves, 
a  portion  of  the  illuminating  report  of  the  chroniclers  is 
deemed  important  enough  to  insert  in  this  narrative.  After 
crossing  the  Green  River,  the  trappers  shaped  their  course 
in  a  southwest  direction  to  a  place  then  known  as  St.  Joseph's 
Valley  (perhaps  the  modern  Castle  Valley),  which  they 
found  "to  be  the  most  desolate  and  forlorn  dell  in  the  world. 
Everything  about  it  was  repulsive  and  supremely  awful. 
Unanimously  they  resolved  to  abandon  so  dreary  a  region 
and  rather  than  sojourn  there,  forego  the  acquisition  of  any 
benefit  in  the  world."9  Two  days  march,  however,  brought 
them  to  a  place  entirely  the  reverse  of  it,  to  which  they  gave 
the  name  of  Pleasant  Valley  (Sevier) . 

Describing  the  Indians  of  Sevier  Valley,  Clark  says : 

These  people  are  an  anomaly — apparently  the  lowest  species  of 
humanity,  approaching  the  monkey.  Nothing  but  their  straight  form 
entitles  them  to  the  name  of  man.  They  had  not  a  hatchet,  or  any 
instrument  to  cut  or  perforate  the  softest  wood.  One  discovery  they 
had  made,  or  had  learned  it  from  the  more  intelligent  savage, — they 
would  get  fire  by  rubbing  together  pieces  of  hard  wood,  but  it  was 
a  long  and  tedious  process.  They  have  but  few  words  and  communicate 
chiefly  by  signs.  They  live  in  little  clans  scattered  over  a  great  extent 
of  country.  A  traveller  who  has  been  among  them  within  a  few 
months  informs  us  that  they  have  now  become  the  most  adroit  thieves 
in  the  world.  Their  food  consists  of  occasionally  a  rabbit,  with  roots 
and  mice,  grasshoppers  and  insects  such  as  flies,  spiders  and  worms  of 
every  kind.  Where  nuts  exist,  they  gather  them  for  food.  They  also 
luxuriate  and  grow  fat  when  they  find  a  patch  of  clover.  On  many 
kinds  of  grass,  they  feed  like  cattle.  They  love  to  be  covered  with  lice 
because  they  appropriate  these  for  food.10 

That  the  traffic  in  Indian  slaves  was  no  uncommon  or 
isolated  phenomenon  along  the  Old  Spanish  Trail  is  attested 
by  various  authorities  and  accredited  instances.  Uncle  Dick 
Wootton,  an  old  frontiersman  of  the  early  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, makes  this  comment:  "It  was  no  uncommon  thing  in 

Escalante  was  more  interested  in  the  Indiana  of  the  Timpanogros  Lake  region,  far  off 
the  route  of  the  Old  Spanish  Trail. 

9.  Alter,  Utah:  the  Storied  Domain,  I,  23-24. 

10.  Idem.  Alter  in  turn  cites  the  California  Historical  Quarterly,  II,  No.  1,  April, 
1923. 


PERIODICAL 


SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  GREAT  BASIN,  1800-1853   179 

those  days  (decade  of  the  30's)  to  see  a  party  of  Mexicans  in 
that  country  (Great  Basin)  buying  children  and  while  we 
were  trapping  there  I  sent  a  lot  of  peltries  to  Taos  by  a 
party  of  those  same  slave  traders." 

Thomas  J.  Farnum,  noted  western  traveller  who  visited 
the  territory  of  southern  Utah  in  1839,  describes  the  Indians 
of  this  area  and  notes  the  trading  activities  of  the  Spaniards 
among  them.  The  following  citation  appears  in  his  illuminat- 
ing book,  published  in  London,  1843 : 

Between  this  river  and  the  Great  Salt  Lake,  there  is  a  stream 
called  Severe  River,  which  rises  in  the  high  plateaux  to  the  southeast 
of  the  lake,  and  running  some  considerable  distance  in  a  westerly 
course,  terminates  in  its  own  lakes.  On  the  banks  of  this  river  there 
is  said  to  be  some  vegetation,  as  grasses,  trees,  and  edible  roots.  Here 
live  the  "Piutes"  and  "Land  Pitches,"  the  most  degraded  and  least 
intellectual  Indians  known  to  the  trappers.  They  wear  no  clothing  of 
any  description — build  no  shelters.  They  eat  roots,  lizards,  and  snails. 
Their  persons  are  more  disgusting  than  those  of  the  Hottentots.  They 
provide  nothing  for  future  wants.  .  .  .  These  poor  creatures  are 
hunted  in  the  spring  of  the  year,  when  weak  and  helpless,  by  a  certain 
class  of  men,  and  when  taken,  are  fattened,  carried  to  Santa  Fe  and 
sold  as  slaves  during  their  minority.  "A  likely  girl"  in  her  teens  brings 
oftentimes  £60  or  £80.  The  males  are  valued  less.12 

Similar  incidents  are  recorded  by  the  noted  Indian  scout 
and  interpreter,  Daniel  W.  Jones.  Writing  in  1851,  he  says : 

Thus  we  find  that  the  people  of  New  Mexico  .  .  .  were  making 
annual  trips,  commencing  with  a  few  goods,  trading  on  their  way  with 
either  Navajoes  or  Utes  (generally  with  the  Navajoes)  for  horses, 
which  they  sold  very  cheap,  always  retaining  their  best  ones.  These 
used-up  horses  were  brought  through  and  traded  to  the  poorer  Indians 
for  children.  .  .  .  This  trading  was  continued  into  Lower  California, 
where  the  children  bought  on  the  down  trip  would  be  traded  to  the 
Mexican-Calif ornians  for  other  horses,  goods  or  cash.  .  .  .  All  children 
bought  on  the  return  trip  would  be  taken  back  to  New  Mexico  and  then 
sold,  boys  fetching  on  an  average  $100,  girls  from  $150  to  $200.  .  .  . 
This  slave  trade  gave  rise  to  the  cruel  wars  between  the  native  tribes 
of  this  country,  from  Salt  Lake  down  to  the  tribes  in  southern  Utah. 
Walker  and  his  band  raided  on  the  weak  tribes,  taking  their  children 


11.  Conrad,  Howard  Lewis,  Uncle  Dick  Wootton,  the  Pioneer  Frontiersman  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  75ff. 

12.  Farnum,    Thomas    Jefferson,    "Travels    in    the    Great    Western    Prairies,    the 
Anahuac  and   Rocky   Mountains,   and  in  the  Oregon   Country,"   in   Thwaites,   Reuben 
Gold,  Early  Western  Travels,  1748-1846,  XXVIII,  248-249. 


180  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

prisoners  and  selling  them  to  the  Mexicans.  Many  of  the  lower  classes, 
inhabiting  the  southern  deserts,  would  sell  their  own  children  for  a 
horse  and  kill  and  eat  the  horse.  The  Mexicans  were  as  fully  estab- 
lished and  systematic  in  this  trade  as  ever  were  the  slavers  on  the 
seas  and  to  them  it  was  a  very  lucrative  business.13 

William  J.  Snow  cites  the  journal  of  James  G.  Bleak  as 
further  evidence  regarding  this  shameful  traffic  conducted 
by  Spaniards.  Mr.  Bleak,  sent  as  a  Mormon  missionary  to 
labor  among  the  Indians  of  southern  Utah  in  1854,  writes : 

The  first  day  they  (the  missionaries)  camped  on  the  present  site 
of  Toquerville,  and  had  an  interview  with  the  Indian  chief,  Toquer, 
they  found  the  band  very  friendly.  The  following  day  the  missionaries 
continued  their  journey  south  and  camped  on  the  Rio  Virgin,  opposite 
the  present  site  of  Washington.  Here  they  found  another  camp  of 
Indians.  They  were  very  timid.  The  women  and  children  secreted 
themselves  in  the  brush  while  the  men  approached  the  newcomers  in 
a  very  cautious,  hesitating  manner,  trembling  as  they  shook  hands 
with  the  whites.  The  cause  of  their  fear  it  was  found  arose  from  the 
fact  that  bands  of  Utes  and  Mexicans  had  repeatedly  made  raids  upon 
them  and  had  taken  their  children  to  California  and  Mexico  and  sold 
them  for  slaves.14 

It  is  interesting  to  note  from  the  above  testimony,  that 
this  nefarious  traffic  in  human  beings  was  not  confined  solely 
to  the  Spaniards  or  Mexicans,  but  was  conducted  by  the 
different  tribes  of  Indians  themselves,  the  stronger  tribes 
preying  on  the  weaker  and,  if  we  believe  the  testimony  of 
Jones,  that  even  the  celebrated  chief  Walker  was  a  leader  in 
this  sordid  affair.  Even  an  occasional  American  trapper  was 
sometimes  known  to  engage  in  this  trade.  This  conclusion 
is  verified  by  reference  to  a  second  quotation  from  Farnum, 
who  quotes  his  friend  Dr.  Lyman  of  Buffalo,  who  travelled 
over  the  Old  Spanish  Trail  in  1841  and  who  observed :  "The 
New  Mexicans  capture  the  Piutes  for  slaves ;  the  neighboring 
Indians  do  the  same;  and  even  the  bold  and  usually  high 
handed  old  beaver  hunter  sometimes  descends  from  his  legiti- 


13.  Jones,  Daniel  W.,  Forty  Years  Among  the  Indiana,  49-50.    A  small  party  of 
slave  traders  were  encountered  at  Parowan,   notice  of  which  appears  in  the  Deseret 
News,  December  13,  1851. 

14.  Bleak,  Journal  History  of  Dixie,  20.   (typewritten  MS.  in  the  Brigham  Young 
University  Library)  ;   cited  by   Snow,   William  J.,   "Utah   Indians  and   Spanish   Slave 
Trade,"  Utah  Historical  Quarterly,  II.  July,  1929,  No.  8,  p.  70. 


SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  GREAT  BASIN,  1800-1853   181 

mate  labor  among  the  mountain  streams   to    this  mean 
traffic."15 

The  Mormons  became  aware  of  this  trade  as  soon  as  they 
entered  the  valley.  Bancroft  records : 

During  the  winter  of  1847-48,  some  Indian  children  were  brought 
to  the  [old  Salt  Lake]  fort  to  be  sold.  At  first  two  were  offered,  but  the 
settlers  peremptorily  refused  to  buy  them.  The  Indian  in  charge  said 
that  the  children  were  captured  in  war,  and  would  be  killed  at  sunset 
if  the  white  men  did  not  buy  them.  Thereupon  they  purchased  one  of 
them,  and  the  one  not  sold  was  shot.  Later,  several  Indians  came  in 
with  two  more  children,  using  the  same  threat;  they  were  bought  and 
brought  up  at  the  expense  of  the  settlers." 16 

Peter  Gottf redson  adds : 

"Soon  after  the  Mormons  arrived  in  the  valley,  a  number  of  Indians 
were  encamped  at  Hot  Springs,  north  of  Salt  Lake  City.  A  little  girl 
whom  they  had  stolen  from  another  tribe  was  offered  for  a  rifle.  The 
colonists  at  first  refused  to  buy,  whereupon  the  Indians  began  to  torture 
her,  declaring  that  they  would  kill  her  unless  the  rifle  was  forthcoming. 
In  the  face  of  this  cruelty  and  threat,  one  of  the  men  parted  with  his 
only  gun."17 

A  few  years  later,  about  1853,  the  noted  Mormon  scout 
and  interpreter  Daniel  Jones  was  an  eye-witness  to  the  fol- 
lowing incident  which  occurred  near  Provo,  Utah : 

They  (Walker's  band)  were  in  the  habit  of  raiding  on  the  Pahutes 
and  low  tribes,  taking  their  children  prisoners  and  selling  them.  Next 
year  when  they  came  up  and  camped  on  the  Provo  bench,  they  had  some 
Indian  children  for  sale.  They  offered  them  to  the  Mormons  who  de- 
clined buying.  Arapine,  Walker's  brother,  became  enraged  saying  that 
the  Mormons  had  stopped  the  Mexicans  from  buying  these  children; 
that  they  had  no  right  to  do  so,  unless  they  bought  them  themselves. 
Several  of  us  were  present  when  he  took  one  of  these  children  by  the 


15.  Farnum,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Life,  Adventures,  and  Travels  in  California,  312, 
371,  390.    On  August  16,   1844,  John  Charles  Fremont  enroute  to  the  east  from  Cali- 
fornia met  a  band  of  Utah  Indians  headed  by  Chief  Walker.    "They  were  journeying 
slowly  towards  the  Spanish  Trail  to  levy  their  annual  tribute  upon  the  Great  California 
caravan.    They  were  robbers  of  a  higher  order  than  those  of  the  desert.    They  conducted 
their  depredations  with  form,  and  under  the  color  of  trade  and  toll  for  passing  through 
their  country.    Instead  of  attacking  and  killing,  they  affect  to  purchase,  taking  horses 
they  like  and  giving  something  nominal  in  return."    See  Fremont,  Report  of  the  Explor- 
ing Expeditions  to  the  Rocky  Mountains  in  the  year  1842,  and  to  Oregon  and  California 
in  the  Years  1843-44,  p.  272. 

16.  Bancroft,  Hubert  Howe,  History  of  Utah,  278. 

17.  Gottfredson,  Peter,  Indian  Depredations  in  Utah,  passim;  Gottf  redson  quotes 
from  the  Journal  of  Solomon  Kimball,  15-16. 


182  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

heels  and  dashed  its  brains  out  on  the  hard  ground,  after  which  he 
threw  the  body  toward  us,  telling  us  we  had  no  hearts,  or  we  would 
have  bought  it  and  saved  its  life.  This  was  a  strange  argument,  but 
it  was  the  argument  of  an  enraged  savage.  I  never  heard  of  any 
successful  attempts  to  buy  children  afterwards  by  the  Mexicans.  If 
done  at  all  it  was  secretly.18 

But  the  slave  trade  did  continue  to  exist,  at  least  until 
1860,  for  in  that  year,  Indian  agent  Garland  H.  Hurt  offi- 
cially reported : 

"So  vigorously  is  it  prosecuted  that  scarcely  one-half  of 
the  Py-eed  children  are  permitted  to  grow  up  in  the  band; 
and  a  large  majority  of  those  being  males,  this  and  other 
practices  are  tending  to  depopulate  their  bands  very 
rapidly.19 

The  people  of  Utah  were  profoundly  shocked  by  the  knowl- 
edge of  these  inhumane  practices  and  Brigham  Young  at  once 
determined  to  put  an  end  to  the  whole  sordid  business.  He 
therefore  issued  a  proclamation,  dated  April  23,  1853,  warn- 
ing the  people  of  the  southern  settlements  and  dispatching 
a  detachment  of  thirty  men  "to  apprehend  all  such  strolling 
Mexicans  and  keep  them  in  custody  until  further  warned."20 

Over  a  year  before,  on  January  31,  1852,  the  Utah  terri- 
torial legislature  had  attempted  to  solve  the  problem  by  pass- 
ing a  law  prohibiting  the  slave  trade  entirely,  but  this  the 
Mexicans  with  complete  indifference  had  evidently  ignored. 
The  law  legalized  the  enforced  apprenticeship  of  Indian  chil- 
dren, but  "only  for  the  purpose  of  inducing  the  brethren  to 
purchase  those  who  would  otherwise  have  been  sold  or  aban- 
doned by  their  parents."21 

The  immediate  occasion  for  the  above  legislation  was  the 
arrival  of  a  party  under  Pedro  Leon  in  Manti,  Sanpete  Val- 
ley, attempting  to  trade  horses  for  Indian  children.22  Leon 
held  a  license  signed  by  Governor  James  S.  Calhoun  and 

18.  Jones,  Forty  Years  Among  the  Indians,  63. 

19.  Report  of  Garland  H.  Hurt  in  Simpson,  Captain  George,  Explorations  Across 
the  Great  Basin  of  Utah,  Appendix  O. 

20.  Snow,    op.   cit.,    71-72.     See   also    Bancroft,    op.    cit.,    475-476 ;    also   Whitney, 
History  of  Utah,  I,  612. 

21.  Acts,   Resolutions  and  Memorials    (Salt   Lake   City,    1866)  ;   also    Utah   State 
Historical  Quarterly,  II,  July,  1929,  No.  3,  pp.  85-86. 

22.  The  Deseret  News,  November  15,  1851,  carried  an  announcement  and  editorial 
about  this  incident. 


SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  GREAT  BASIN,  1800-1853   183 

dated  Santa  Fe,  August  14,  1851.  The  arrival  of  Leon  and 
his  party  caused  considerable  concern  and  later  eight  of  the 
group,  including  Leon,  were  arrested  and  tried  before  the 
Justice  of  the  Peace  at  Manti.  Subsequently  they  came  be- 
fore Judge  Zerubbabel  Snow  in  the  First  District  Court  at 
Salt  Lake  City. 

"This  was  quite  a  noted  case,"  says  Jones.  "I  was  employed  as 
interpreter.  George  A.  Smith  defended  the  prisoners,  and  Colonel  Blair 
prosecuted  with  great  wisdom  and  tact,  he  knowing  all  about  the  Mexi- 
can character,  having  been  in  the  Texan  War.  A  good  deal  of  prejudice 
and  bitter  feeling  was  manifested  toward  the  Mexicans.  Governor 
Young,  seeing  this  used  all  his  influence  that  they  might  have  a  fair 
trial  and  the  law  be  vindicated  in  a  spirit  of  justice  and  not  in  the 
spirit  of  prosecution.  The  defense  made  by  the  Mexicans  was  that  the 
Indians  had  stolen  a  lot  of  horses  from  them  and  they  had  followed 
and  overtaken  them.  On  coming  to  camp,  they  found  that  the  Indians 
had  killed  and  eaten  the  horses.  The  only  remuneration  they  could  get 
was  to  take  some  children  which  the  Indians  offered  in  payment,  saying 
they  did  not  mean  to  break  their  promise.  This  defense  had  some 
weight,  whether  true  or  not."23 

The  court  decided  against  the  Mexicans  and  a  squaw  and 
eight  children  were  set  free.  The  Mexicans  were  ordered  to 
leave  the  territory.  They  did  so  but  not  without  avenging 
themselves  by  stirring  up  the  savages  against  the  settlers. 
The  resultant  Walker  War,  1853-1854,  can  be  traced  directly 
to  this  episode. 

It  appears  perfectly  evident  from  all  the  facts  herewith 
presented  that  that  part  of  the  Great  Basin  south  of  the 
Sevier  River  traversed  by  the  Old  Spanish  Trail  was  fre- 
quently visited  during  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century 
by  unscrupulous  Spanish  and  Mexican  traders  who  acquired 
Indian  children  whom  they  sold  into  slavery;  that  some  of 
the  Indians  themselves  and  occasionally  also  a  few  avaricious 
American  trappers  engaged  in  this  sordid  business ;  and  that 
the  trade  did  not  cease  until  the  Mormon  colonists  passed 
legislation  prohibiting  it,  and  furthermore,  the  attempt  to 
regulate  the  trade  resulted  only  in  further  ingratiating  both 
Spaniard  and  Indian  and  therefore  served  as  a  pretext  for 
future  wars. 


23.     Jones,  op.  eit.,  50  ;  see  also  Whitney,  op.  cit.,  I,  510-511. 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION 
By  ARNOLD  L.  RODRIGUEZ,  O.F.M.* 

CHAPTER  I 
The  Land  and  the  People 

ON  December  4, 1852,  the  Secretary  of  War  of  the  United 
States,  Charles  M.  Conrad,  in  presenting  to  Congress  a 
plan  for  administering  the  newly-acquired  territory  of  New 
Mexico,  said  that  the  region  was  ".  .  .  so  remote  and  inac- 
cessible, and  holds  out  so  little  inducement  to  emigration, 
that  the  struggle  between  the  two  races  [Indians  and 
Whites]  is  destined,  in  all  probability,  to  continue  there  long 
after  it  shall  have  ceased  in  every  other  portion  of  the  con- 
tinent."1 He  revealed  that  the  annual  upkeep  of  the  army  in 
New  Mexico  alone  amounted  to  one  million  dollars,  and  he 
felt  that  this  was  a  waste  of  money,  since  Indian  depreda- 
tions continued,  in  spite  of  military  protection.  He  stated 
that  the  total  value  of  the  real  estate  in  that  region  was 
estimated  at  about  $2,700,000  and  that  to  protect  the  small 
white  population  of  61,000 

...  we  are  compelled  to  maintain  a  large  military  force,  at  an  annual 
expense  nearly  equal  to  half  the  value  of  the  whole  real  estate  of  the 
Territory.  Would  it  not  be  better  to  induce  the  inhabitants  to  aban- 
don a  country  which  seems  hardly  fit  for  the  habitation  of  civilized 
man,  by  remunerating  them  for  their  property  in  money  or  in  lands 
situated  in  more  favored  regions  ?  Even  if  the  Government  paid  for  the 
property  quintuple  its  value,  it  would  still,  merely  on  the  score  of 
economy,  be  largely  the  gainer  by  the  transaction,  and  the  troops  now 
stationed  in  New  Mexico  would  be  available  for  the  protection  of  other 
portions  of  our  own  and  of  the  Mexican  territory.2 

Conrad  was  led  to  this  expedient  by  correspondence  he 
had  maintained  with  Colonel  Edwin  V.  Sumner,  commander 
of  the  New  Mexico  military  department.  In  a  letter  dated 


*  This  work  was  originally  done  as  a  dissertation  for  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts 
in  the  Graduate  School  of  Arts  and   Sciences  of  the  Catholic  University  of  America. 

1.  Congressional  Globe,  32  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  Appendix,  p.  6. 

2.  Ibid. 

184 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  185 

May  27,  1852,  for  instance,  Sumner  forwarded  a  report  to 
Conrad  containing  a  scathing  criticism  of  the  people  of  New 
Mexico  and  expressing  the  conviction  that  there  was  no  hope 
of  ever  bettering  their  condition.3  The  plan  of  Conrad  to 
give  New  Mexico  back  to  the  Indians  might  have  been  well- 
intentioned,  but  it  evoked  protests  and  severe  criticism  from 
various  parts  of  the  country.  Particularly  bitter  was  the 
abolitionist  newspaper,  the  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  at  the 
time  the  only  newspaper  in  the  Territory.  After  refuting 
the  Secretary  of  War's  assertions,  one  editorial  stated :  "Mr. 
Conrad  .  .  .  knows  almost  nothing  of  our  Territory.  His 
.  .  .  policy  would  not  be  a  bad  one  for  our  Territory,  pro- 
vided we  did  not  have  to  sell  out  at  his  estimate."*  Three 
weeks  later  the  same  paper  commented : 

When  the  Secretary  was  advertising  us  for  sale,  generosity  should 
have  induced  him  to  state  the  whole  truth,  in  regard  to  our  condition, 
bad  as  it  may  be.  If  we  are  worth  but  little,  we  have  a  personal  pride 
in  bringing  our  full  value.  He  ought  at  least  to  have  told  the  world 
that  the  census  returns  show  the  real  and  personal  estate  of  this  people 
to  be  $5,174,471  in  value,  and  that  it  would  be  neither  just  nor  gracious, 
to  take  our  land  away  and  leave  our  personal  property,  supported  from 
our  lands,  on  our  hands,  to  starve.5 

The  attitude  of  Conrad  toward  New  Mexico  was  typi- 
cal of  the  current  feeling  in  the  United  States  at  the  time. 
Contemporary  American  writers  manifested  a  lack  of  under- 
standing of  the  people  of  the  newly-acquired  Territory  and 
almost  a  total  ignorance  of  its  topography,  resources,  and 
extent.  Popular  conception  of  that  vast  land  ranged  from  a 
paradise  where  all  sorts  of  plants  grew,  to  a  desert  land, 
unfit  for  agricultural  purposes.  One  reason  for  these  false 
views  was  that  for  some  years  after  the  occupation  of  New 
Mexico  the  Washington  government  failed  to  undertake  a 
systematic  survey  of  the  region.  This  neglect  was  bitterly 
resented  by  New  Mexicans,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  repeated 
editorials  on  the  subject  which  appeared  in  the  Santa  Fe 
Weekly  Gazette.  One  editorial  said : 

.  .  .  One  instance  of  neglect,  to  mention  no  more,  consists  in  leaving 

3.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  March  5,  1853. 

4.  Ibid.,  January  29,  1853. 

5.  Ibid.,  February  19,  1853. 


186  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

our  country  unexplored.  .  .  .  The  map  of  New  Mexico  is  but  little  more 
than  a  map  of  the  Rio  Grande,  for  almost  all  other  parts  of  the  vast 
region  are  marked  with  the  words,  "unknown"  or  "unexplored."  And 
whilst  this  gross  neglect  of  our  geographical  and  geological  explora- 
tion of  the  very  heart  and  center  of  our  empire,  on  the  part  of  the 
General  Government,  we  find  her  laboriously  and  expensively  engaged 
in  exploring  foreign  countries  and  distant  seas.  Whilst  vast  regions  of 
our  country  remain  not  only  unsettled,  but  unexplored,  we  find  the 
Government  favoring  with  the  public  purse  the  exploration  of  the 
valley  of  the  Amazon,  in  South  America.  .  .  .6 

As  late  as  1874  the  resources  of  New  Mexico  were  un- 
known in  the  United  States,  and  in  a  testimony  before  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, General  William  T.  Sherman  said  that  New  Mexico 
was  of  no  value  to  the  Union.  The  best  thing  that  could  be 
done  with  it,  he  added,  would  be  to  "prevail  on  Mexico  to 
take  it  back."7 

Only  the  few  Americans  who  had  lived  in  New  Mexico 
for  some  years  and  had  attempted  to  understand  the  people, 
held  any  hopes  for  the  region.  They  recognized  the  value 
of  the  Territory  for  its  undeveloped  resources  of  a  pastoral 
and  mineral  character,  and  regarded  the  inhabitants  as 
intelligent  and  capable  of  becoming  loyal  American  citizens.8 

In  the  period  under  consideration,  namely  from  1830 
to  1860,  New  Mexico  had  an  area  of  about  240,000  square 
miles  and  included  what  we  now  know  as  New  Mexico,  Ari- 
zona, and  the  southeastern  part  of  Colorado.  It  was  a  land  of 
contrasts,  with  a  variety  of  climate,  topography,  and  people. 
Semi-arid  for  the  most  part,  the  region  had  high  mountains, 
fertile  valleys,  and  vast  deserts.  Through  it  ran  the  Rio 
Grande  which  today  serves  for  1,250  miles  as  a  boundary 
between  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  and  makes  agricul- 
ture possible  in  the  lowlands.9  In  certain  regions  agriculture 
failed  to  make  progress,  not  only  because  of  the  antiquated 
methods  employed,  but  also  because  some  bottomlands  con- 


6.  Ibid.,  February  12,   1853.    An  account  of  these  explorations  may  be  found  in 
William   L.   Herndon   and   Larner   Gibbon,  Exploration  of  the   Valley  of  the  Amazon 
(3   vols.,   Washington,    D.    C. :    Robert   Armstrong,    1854).     This   work   forms   part   of 
House  Exec.  Docs.,  33  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  no.  53. 

7.  Congressional  Record,  44  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  pp.  3825-3828. 

8.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  February  12,  1853. 

9.  A.    G.    Harper,    A.    R.    Cordoba,    and    K.    Oberg,    Man    and   Resources  in   the 


NEW   MEXICO   IN   TRANSITION  187 

tained   alluvial   deposits   which   retarded   the   growth   of 
plants.10 

The  population  also  presented  contrasts.  There  were 
the  Pueblo  Indians,  who  led  a  sedentary  life  in  their  well- 
organized  villages  and  were  devoted  to  agriculture,  sheep- 
grazing,  and  weaving;  the  Spanish  and  mestizo  population, 
which  dwelt  for  the  most  part  in  towns,  systematically  laid 
out  in  the  more  fertile  valleys.  Beginning  in  the  second 
decade  of  the  nineteenth  century  another  group  started 
migrating  to  New  Mexico,  small  in  numbers,  but  with  an 
important  role  to  play  in  the  development  of  the  region, 
namely  the  Anglo-Americans  from  the  United  States.  By 
the  fourth  decade  of  the  century  their  influence  began  to 
be  felt  in  social  and  economic  life,  and  their  dominating  in- 
fluence was  to  bring  New  Mexico  into  the  current  life  in  the 
United  States,  which  was  then  in  its  formative  period  of 
natural  development. 

Although  the  peoples  of  New  Mexico  lived  in  peace 
among  themselves,  they  were  harassed  until  the  second  half 
of  the  nineteenth  century  by  the  plains  Indians,  nomadic  and 
war-like  in  character,  by  whom  they  were  practically  sur- 
rounded. Prominent  among  them  were  the  Utes,  the 
Apaches,  and  the  fearful  Comanches.  These  plains  tribes 
were  the  dread  of  the  white  population  and  the  Pueblo  In- 
dians alike,  upon  whom  they  periodically  descended,  de- 
stroying their  crops  and  stealing  their  women,  children,  and 
cattle. 

Both  nature  and  the  nomadic  marauders  of  the  sur- 
rounding area  conspired  against  the  work  of  the  white  man 
and  the  Pueblo  Indians.  As  if  this  were  not  enough,  New 
Mexico  had  a  third  drawback,  namely,  distance.  For  over 
two  centuries  New  Mexico  was  the  northernmost  outpost  of 
New  Spain,  the  capital  of  which  was  Mexico  City.  Between 
the  capital  and  New  Mexico  lay  a  tremendous  expanse  of 
high  mountains,  treacherous  arroyos,  and  arid  desert,  all  of 
which  made  communication  exceedingly  difficult.  That  the 

Middle   Rio   Grande   Valley    (Albuquerque:    University   of   New   Mexico    Press,    1943), 
pp.  2-7. 

10.     Ibid.,  p.  8. 


188  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

region  survived  as  a  colony  of  New  Spain  at  all  in  the  midst 
of  these  disheartening  obstacles  is  a  tribute  to  the  courage 
of  the  colonizers.  That  they  had  made  a  certain  amount  of 
economic  and  cultural  progress,  speaks  well  for  the  Span- 
iards' resourcefulness  and  their  abiding  faith  in  God. 

Census-taking  in  nineteenth  century  New  Mexico  was  a 
difficult  task.  The  ruggedness  of  the  country  and  the  isola- 
tion of  communities  were  but  two  of  the  obstacles.  As  a 
result,  no  one  knew  with  any  degree  of  certainty  how  many 
whites  and  Indians  inhabited  the  country  when  the  Ameri- 
cans arrived.  In  1844  it  was  estimated  that  there  were  about 
99,204  souls  in  the  territory,  of  whom  roughly  a  third  were 
plains  Indians  and  about  7,000  were  Pueblo  Indians;11  the 
remainder  constituted  the  white  and  mestizo  population. 
Roughly  speaking,  then,  there  were  about  60,000  inhabit- 
ants of  European  origin  or  culture  in  what  we  now  know  as 
New  Mexico  when  General  Stephen  W.  Kearny  took  over 
the  region. 

During  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  it  had 
been  the  practice  of  the  governors  of  this  northern  province 
of  New  Spain  to  make  grants  of  land  to  individuals  and 
communities  for  distinguished  services  to  the  Spanish 
Crown,  particularly  for  military  services  in  the  campaigns 
against  the  plains  Indians.  Later,  when  Mexico  declared  its 
independence,  this  practice  of  land  grants  was  continued 
with  the  idea  of  encouraging  agriculture  and  stock  raising.12 
Yet,  the  tendency  of  the  people,  as  a  protection  against  the 
frequent  Indian  depredations,  was  to  settle  in  villages  and 
towns. 

As  early  as  1812  Don  Pedro  Pino,  in  his  report  to  the 
Spanish  Cortes  at  Cadiz,  mentioned  that  there  were  in  New 
Mexico  102  Spanish  towns  and  22  Indian  pueblos.13  These 


11.  L.   Bradford   Prince,   Historical  Sketches  of  New   Mexico  from  the   Earliest 
Records  to   the  American  Occupation    (New   York:    Leggat   Brothers,    1883),   p.   239; 
David  Y.  Thomas,  A  History  of  Military  Government  in  Newly  Acquired  Territory  of 
the   United  States,   Vol.   XX,   Studies  in   History,   Economics  and  Public   Law    (New 
York:  Columbia  University  Press,  1904),  p.  114. 

12.  W.  F.  M.  Arny,  Interesting  Items  Regarding  New  Mexico:  Its  Agricultural, 
Pastoral  and  Mineral  Resources,  People,  Climate,  Soil,  Scenery,  etc.    (Santa  Fe:  Man- 
derfield  and  Tucker,  1873),  p.  85. 

18.     Pedro  Bautista  Pino,  Noticias  histdricas  y  estadisticas  de  la  antigua  provincia 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  189 

communities  were  located  in  the  central  and  southern  part 
of  the  region,  in  the  fertile  Rio  Grande  Valley.  Irrigated  by 
this  river,  the  territory  offered  many  opportunities  for  vari- 
ous types  of  agriculture,  while  at  the  same  time  the  towns, 
with  their  military  barracks,  offered  some  security  from 
hostile  Indians.14  Gradually  some  of  these  settlements  devel- 
oped into  important  centers  of  trade,  government,  and  cul- 
ture, as,  for  example,  Santa  Fe,  Taos,  and  Albuquerque.  By 
the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  white  population 
was  predominantly  urban,  although  haciendas  and  small 
farms  dotted  the  fertile  valleys  and  mountain  sides. 

A  typical  New  Mexican  town,  and  the  most  important 
in  the  territory,  was  the  old  capital,  Santa  Fe.  Situated  near 
the  Sangre  de  Cristo  Mountains,  it  was  built  in  the  tradi- 
tional Spanish  way,  over  an  extensive  area  of  land,  with  a 
public  square  or  plaza  in  the  center.  Facing  the  plaza  were 
the  principal  buildings,  such  as  the  Palace  of  the  Governors, 
the  military  chapel  of  Our  Lady  of  Light,  and  the  parish 
church  which  later  became  the  cathedral.  The  rest  of  the 
square  was  taken  up  with  stores  and  shops  of  various  kinds. 
These  business  establishments,  according  to  one  writer,  con- 
sisted of  a  printing  office,  twenty-five  stores,  two  tailor 
shops,  two  shoemakers,  two  blacksmith  shops,  an  apothe- 
cary, and  a  bakery.15  Writing  in  1851,  an  American  de- 
scribes the  downtown  section  of  Santa  Fe  in  the  following 
words : 

The  houses  are  all  built  of  mud  brick,  called  adobe,  and  only  the 
churches,  the  Governor's  Palace,  and  one  hotel  styled  the  "Exchange" 
are  higher  than  one  story.  The  main  plaza  is  the  center  of  the  city  and 
is  the  great  market  place.  Here  are  to  be  seen  vendors  of  all  kinds  of 
marketable  stuff.  The  sunny  side  of  the  streets  is  crowded  with  ragged 
men,  women,  and  children,  all  asking  in  the  most  pitiful  tones  for  alms. 

del  Nuevo-Mexico  presentada  por  su  disputado  en  Cortes,  D.  Pedro  Bautista  Pino  en 
Cadiz  el  ano  de  1812,  adicionadas  por  el  Lie.  D.  Antonio  Barreiro  en  1839;  y  ultiina- 
mente  anotadas  por  el  Lie.  Don  Jos6  Agustin  de  Escudero  para  la  Comision  de 
Estadistica  Militar  de  la  Republica  Mexicana  (Mexico:  Imprenta  de  Lara,  1849),  p.  6 
(note). 

14.  Josiah  Gregg,  Commerce  of  the  Prairies,  or  the  Journal  of  a  Santa  Fe  Trader 
(2  vols.,  4th  ed.,  Philadelphia:  J.  W.  Moore,  1850),  I,  144-145. 

15.  William  W.  H.  Davis,  El  Gringo  or  New  Mexico  and  Her  People  (New  York: 
Harper  and  Brothers,  1857),  p.  167. 


190  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

I  was  surprised  to  see  so  many  objects  of  distress  of  both  sexes  with 
scarcely  their  nakedness  covered.16 

Scattered  around  this  central  portion  were  the  humble 
homes  of  the  people,  all  one-story  high,  with  but  few  excep- 
tions, constructed  of  adobe  or  mud  brick.  Adjacent  to  the 
towns  were  the  lands  cultivated  by  the  inhabitants.17  Besides 
the  parish  church  and  the  military  chapel,  there  were  two 
other  small  churches  where  services  were  occasionally  held, 
the  old  Church  of  San  Miguel  and  the  chapel  of  Our  Lady  of 
Guadalupe.18  The  population  of  Santa  Fe  in  1846  was  esti- 
mated at  between  two  and  four  thousand  and  in  1866  the 
number  was  put  at  about  5,000.19 

In  1866  the  general  aspect  of  the  city  was  still  dreary 
and  unattractive.  As  one  traveler  wrote : 

The  houses  are  .  .  .  flush  with  the  street-naked  walls  with  but  one 
or  two  openings.  Nothing  can  be  more  sordid,  monotonous,  and  unar- 
chitectural  than  the  exterior  of  these  buildings.  .  .  .  Seen  at  a  dis- 
tance, they  present  the  general  appearance  of  sliced  brick-kilns.  Pike's 
simile  is  also  very  good.  He  says  when  he  first  entered  Santa  Fe,  it 
presented  the  appearance  of  a  fleet  of  flat-boats,  moored  at  the  foot  of 
the  mountain.20 

He  added :  "A  refreshing  feature  of  Santa  Fe  is  made  by  the 
acequias  or  streams  of  running  water  used  for  irrigation 
which  pleasantly,  and  in  unexpected  places,  ripple  and 
babble  at  your  feet  as  you  wander  through  the  town."21  But 
in  the  twenty  years  during  which  the  Americans  had  been 
in  Santa  Fe  a  slight  transformation  had  taken  place  in  the 
plaza.  Instead  of  the  mud  and  dust  which  the  American 
army  of  occupation  found,  the  square  was  now  enclosed  with 


16.  Clinton  E.  Brooks  and  Frank  D.  Reeve,  eds.,  "James  A.  Bennett:  A  Dragoon 
in  New  Mexico,  1860-1856,"  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  XXII   (January,  1947), 
69.    This  work  has  also  appeared  in  book  form  under  the  title  of  Forts  and  Forays 
(Albuquerque:  University  of  New  New  Mexico  Press,  1948). 

17.  Prince,  op.  cit.,  pp.  244-245. 

18.  Davis,  op.  cit.,  p.  167. 

19.  W.  H.  Emory,  Notes  of  a,  Military  Reconnaissance  from  Fort  Leavenworth, 
in  Missouri,  to  San  Diego,  in  California,  Including  Part  of  the  Arkansas,  Del  Norte, 
and  Gila  Rivers,  Made  in  1846-1847  with  the  Advanced  Guard  of  the  "Army  of  the 
West"    (Washington,    D.   C. :   Wendell  and  Van   Benthuysen,    1848),   p.   84;   James   F. 
Meline,  Two  Thousand  Miles  on  Horseback   (New  York:  Hurd  and  Houghton,  1867), 
p.  151. 

20.  Meline,  op.  cit.,  p.  152. 

21.  Ibid.,  p.  154. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  191 

a  railing,  planted  with  grass,  and  shaded  by  large  cotton- 
wood  trees.22 

As  may  be  expected  in  a  frontier  society,  New  Mexico 
life  was  characterized  by  a  certain  crudeness  and  lack  of 
refinement.  The  hundreds  of  miles  that  separated  the  prov- 
ince from  Mexico  City,  the  center  of  culture,  had  a  depress- 
ing effect  upon  the  cultural  progress  of  the  New  Mexicans. 
Except  among  the  wealthy,  there  were  few  comforts  of  life 
because  hardly  any  cultural  or  commercial  bonds  existed 
with  the  rest  of  New  Spain.  Nevertheless,  a  definite  moral 
and  religious  program  was  carried  on  by  the  Catholic 
Church  and  this  was  a  redeeming  point  of  society,  for  to 
the  Church  was  due,  in  great  measure,  the  stable  character 
of  the  colony  and  what  little  culture  it  possessed. 

Certain  evils  were  inescapable  in  such  an  atmosphere. 
One  of  these  was  the  vice  of  gambling.  Protected  by  the 
laws  of  the  country,  this  vice  was  widespread  among  all 
classes  of  people,  so  much  so  that  even  children  of  ten  years 
of  age  were  often  seen  playing  cards  for  pennies.23  A  visitor 
in  Santa  Fe  in  1854  observed  that  at  least  $700,000  were 
lost  and  won  in  half  an  hour  at  a  gambling  place  in  Santa 
Fe.24 

Chuza,  a  card  game,  was  as  common  among  the  women 
as  bridge  probably  is  today.25  J.  W.  Abert  was  shocked  at 
the  prevalence  of  gambling  in  1846,  but  he  was  impressed 
with  the  temperance  in  food  and  drink  of  New  Mexicans. 
He  wrote  that  to  call  a  man  a  "drunkard"  there  was  consid- 
ered one  of  the  worst  insults.26  Drunkenness  was  severely 
punished  by  law.  For  example,  the  first  time  a  person  was 
found  guilty  of  intoxication  he  was  given  two  months  at 
hard  labor  or,  in  other  cases,  he  might  be  paroled  for  five 
months,  during  which  time  he  was  obliged  to  work  for  a 
private  citizen,  his  wages  being  used  to  pay  court  expenses. 
If  anything  remained  of  his  pay  it  was  turned  over  to  his 
family.27 

22.  Ibid.,  p.  152. 

23.  Davis,  op.  cit.,  p.  184. 

24.  Brooks  and  Reeve,  op.  cit.,  p.  142. 

25.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  November  15,  1856. 

26.  House  Exec.  Docs.,  30  Con?.,  1  Sess.,  no.  41,  p.  455. 

27.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  February  12,  1853. 


192  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Little  or  nothing  was  done  in  the  realm  of  social  wel- 
fare. A  penitentiary,  for  instance,  was  unknown  until 
1882.28  And  even  then,  if  a  murderer  or  robber  was  con- 
victed and  confined  to  jail,  he  often  found  some  means  of 
escape.29 

Orphans  and  wayward  children  were  always  a  social 
problem,  for  there  were  no  organized  agencies  to  provide  for 
them.  Many  children  of  unknown  parentage  roamed  the 
streets  of  every  town,  subsisting  on  the  scanty  alms  provided 
by  the  people.  Their  number  grew  to  such  an  alarming  pro- 
portion that  Governor  Henry  Connelly  pleaded  with  the 
people  in  1863  to  help  him  provide  for  them,  since  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  entire  community,  he  argued,  to  provide 
for  the  temporal  welfare  of  orphans  and  other  destitute 
children  who  lacked  parental  protection.30 

In  consequence  of  this  state  of  affairs,  much  stealing 
and  robbing  were  perpetrated.  Homes,  stores,  and  individ- 
uals were  victimized.  Even  American  army  camps  did  not 
escape,  for  quantities  of  food  and  clothing  often  disappeared 
from  them.31  Apparently  thieves  were  not  respecters  of 
persons,  for  Bishop  John  J.  Lamy  and  other  ecclesiastics 
were  victimized,  as  appears  from  the  following  item  in  the 
Weekly  Gazette: 

Bishop  Lamy  was  robbed  of  a  considerable  amount  of  money  a 
few  nights  ago.  It  would  seem  that  the  light-fingered  gentry  are  deter- 
mined to  bleed  the  Bishop  pretty  freely  as  this  is  the  second  or  third 
time,  we  believe,  that  we  have  heard  of  his  having  been  lanced  since 
he  first  came  to  this  Territory.  These  predatory  excursions  upon  the 
domains  of  the  Bishop,  together  with  the  robbery  of  the  Methodist 
Chapel,  last  summer,  seem  to  indicate  that  gentlemen  of  the  profes- 


28.  Lansing  B.  Bloom,  "New  Mexico  under  Mexican  administration,"  Old  Santa 
Fe,  II  (January,  1915),  201-205. 

29.  Arie    Poldervaart,    "Black-robed    Justice    in    New    Mexico,    1846-1912,"    NEW 
MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  XXII  (April,  1947),  123-125. 

This  story  has  been  reprinted  in  book  form  by  the  University  of  New  Mexico 
Press,  1948. 

80.  Henry  Connelly,  El  scgundo  mensaje  anual  de  S.E.D.  Enrique  Connelly  a  la, 
A samblea  Legislativa  del  Territorio  de  Nuevo  Mexico,  pronunciado  diciembre  de  186S 
(Santa  Fe:  Oficina  del  "Nuevo  Mejicano,"  1863),  p.  5. 

31.  Thomas  Falconer,  Letters  and  Notes  on  the  Texas  Santa  Fe  Expedition, 
1841-184S  (New  York:  Dauber  and  Pine,  Inc.,  1930),  p.  117;  Brooks  and  Reeve,  op. 
eit.,  pp.  174-175. 


PERIODICAL  DEF1 

NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  193 

sion  are  not  at  all  particular  about  the  character  of  their  victims.  We 
advise  the  Bishop  and  all  others  to  do  as  we  do — keep  no  money.32 

Occasionally  the  tables  were  turned  on  the  New  Mexi- 
cans as  the  Americans  emulated  some  of  their  thievish  ten- 
dencies. In  such  cases  it  was  not  unusual  for  the  New  Mex- 
icans to  take  the  matter  rather  stoically  and  to  make  the  best 
of  it.  On  one  occasion  American  soldiers  despoiled  a  priest 
of  considerable  grain  supplies  and,  instead  of  protesting,  he 
offered  them  a  drink  as  they  left  the  house.33  On  another 
occasion  the  Americans  made  a  raid  on  a  farm  and  escaped 
with  a  fair  supply  of  beans — a  precious  staple  in  that  coun- 
try. The  owner  caught  up  with  the  thieves  but  he  took  the 
matter  graciously,  for  as  one  witness  tells  the  story : 

We  had  gone  but  a  short  distance  until  we  camped  and  the  boys  put 
the  beans  on  the  boil.  Pretty  soon  the  Mexican  came  up  and  we  looked 
for  trouble.  He  sat  around  and  said  nothing.  When  the  beans  were 
cooked,  we  offered  him  a  dish  and  he  ate  heartily.  We  were  much 
delighted  to  see  how  he  relished  his  beans.34 

The  condition  of  women  was  characteristic  of  any  fron- 
tier settlement.  Some  contemporary  writers  praise  their 
virtues,  while  others  write  of  the  prevalence  of  immorality. 
The  custom  of  keeping  indoors  and  avoiding  strangers  was 
characteristic.35 

Women  lived  in  constant  fear  of  Indian  raids,  for  on 
those  occasions  they  were  often  made  the  prizes  of  war, 
being  carried  into  captivity.  To  ransom  them  was  extremely 
difficult  and  costly.  These  war  captives  were  usually  bar- 
tered or  sold  into  slavery  among  the  Indians  or  were  re- 
tained as  concubines.  In  1851  one  case  particularly  caused 
great  indignation  among  the  Americans  in  Santa  Fe.  The 


32.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  January  8,  1853. 

33.  Frank    S.    Edwards,    A    Campaign   in   New   Mexico   with   Colonel   Doniphan 
(Philadelphia:  Carey  and  Hart,  1848),  pp.  72-73. 

34.  James   A.   Little,    What  I  Saw  on  the  Santa  Fe   Trail    (Plainfield:    Friends 
Press,  1904),  pp.  50-51. 

35.  John  T.  Hughes,  Doniphan' '«  Expedition;  Containing  an  Account  of  the  Con- 
quest of  New  Mexico;   General  Kearney's  Overland  Expedition  to  California;  Doni- 
phan'a  Campaign  against  the  Navajos;  His  Unparallelled  March  upon  Chihuahua  and 
Durango;  and  the  Operations  of  General  Price  at  Santa  Fe;  with  a  Sketch  of  the  Life 
of  Col.  Doniphan    ( Cincinnati :   U.   P.   James,    1847 ) ,   p.   41 ;   Emory,  op.  cit.,  p.   35 ; 
Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  June  17,  1854 ;  Emory,  op.  cit.,  p.  41 ;  Brooks  and  Reeve, 
op.  cit.,  p.  70. 


194  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

nomad  Indians  murdered  a  trader  by  the  name  of  White 
in  that  city,  and  abducted  his  wife,  child  and  Negro  maid. 
A  group  of  American  soldiers  started  after  the  raiders,  and 
reached  their  camp  after  several  days.  Mrs.  White  was  still 
with  the  Indians,  bedraggled  and  bruised  from  the  rough 
treatment  she  had  received.  But,  just  as  the  Americans 
reached  her,  the  squaw,  in  whose  custody  she  was,  drew  her 
bow  and  arrow  and  pierced  Mrs.  White  through  the  heart. 
An  eyewitness,  describing  the  tragedy,  concludes : 

For  this  act  the  squaw  paid  dearly  with  her  own  life.  Of  the  Negro 
girl  or  the  child  we  found  no  trace.  The  Indians  were  all  gone.  We 
searched  the  scene  of  action,  found  8  bodies  lying  dead  on  the  ground 
and  at  least  3  more  were  shot  in  the  water  after  they  had  sought 
refuge  in  the  river.  .  .  .  Over  her  corpse  we  swore  vengeance  upon 
her  persecutors.36 

Retaliation  was  also  a  standing  policy  among  the  Span- 
ish Americans.  They  would  raid  the  settlements  of  the  plains 
Indians  and  carry  away  their  girls  and  women.  In  the  mar- 
ketplace at  Santa  Fe  these  captives  brought  anywhere  from 
$100  to  $300.37  Well-to-do  families  would  buy  them  and  keep 
them  as  slaves  for  the  rest  of  their  lives.  Indian  children, 
captured  by  the  Spanish  Americans,  were  sold  into  domestic 
servitude.38  About  twenty-five  years  after  the  American  oc- 
cupation of  the  Territory,  this  practice  was  outlawed,  and  in 
the  decade  of  the  1870's,  as  one  author  observes,  "a  great 
many  Indians  were  ordered  returned  to  their  families  in  the 
Navajo  Country.  Those  that  had  been  reared  from  child- 
hood and  couldn't  be  identified  by  their  Indian  relatives 
remained  with  their  Spanish- American  parents  [sic"]  ,"39 

As  a  general  rule,  New  Mexican  girls  received  no  formal 
education  during  all  of  the  Spanish  and  part  of  the  Mexican 
periods.  It  was  only  in  the  second  quarter  of  the  nineteenth 
century  that  they  began  to  attend  school.  Nevertheless,  they 
were  not  ignorant  for,  prior  to  that  time,  they  received  their 
training  at  home.  One  traveler  noted  that  the  women  of 


36.  Brooks  and  Reeve,  op.  eit.,  p.  75. 

37.  Bloom,  op.  eit.,  1  (July,  1918),  32. 

38.  Poldervaart,  op.  eit.,  p.  123. 

39.  B.   C.   Hernandez,   "A   Pioneer   Story:   The   Death   of  Dr.   J.   M.   Whitlock," 
NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  XVI  (January,  1941),  106. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  195 

New  Mexico,  ".  .  .  as  in  many  parts  of  the  world,  appear  to 
be  much  before  the  men  in  refinement,  intelligence,  and 
knowledge  of  the  useful  arts."40 

The  styles  of  dress  of  the  higher  class  were  much  like 
those  in  vogue  in  the  United  States,  except  that  instead  of  a 
hat  the  women  wore  a  shawl  over  the  head,  and  this  even  in 
the  home.41  That  New  Mexican  women  had  a  taste  for  fine 
clothes  is  attested  by  an  old  Santa  Fe  merchant  who  declared 
that  more  silk  goods  were  sold  in  that  territory  than  in  any 
country  population  in  the  United  States  of  equal  number.42 
Women  of  the  lower  classes  wore  simple  clothes,  with  a 
reboso  (large  scarf)  over  their  heads  and  shoulders,  and 
generally  they  preferred  gay  colors.  Bartlett  remarks  that 
much  attention  was  paid  to  costume  and  that  the  senoritas 
fully  appreciated  the  effect  of  particular  colors  on  their  com- 
plexion.43 A  century  ago  in  New  Mexico  the  women  smoked 
cigarettes,44  played  cards,  and,  as  a  cosmetic,  used  a  prepara- 
tion made  from  the  alegria  plant.  As  one  writer  put  it : 

The  women  had  their  faces  besmeared  with  the  crimson  juice  of 
the  alegria  plant,  and  looked  most  frightful  and  disgusting.  A  thick 
coating  covered  the  whole  face,  which  gave  them  the  appearance  of 
wearing  masks,  with  the  eyes,  nose,  and  mouth  uncovered.  ...  It  is 
done  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  skin  from  the  sun,  and  they  will 
remain  in  this  repulsive  condition  two  or  three  weeks  upon  the  eve  of  a 
grand  baile  or  feast  at  which  they  may  desire  to  appear  in  all  their 
freshness  and  beauty.45 

New  Mexican  women  were  generally  good  cooks,  and  im- 
pressed the  American  soldiers  with  their  finely  prepared 
meals  and  tasty  bread  and  sponge  cake.46  Even  in  the  poor 
homes  the  meals  were  well  prepared.47 


40.  Emory,  op.  tit.,  p.  35. 

41.  Ibid. 

42.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  June  17,  1854. 

43.  John   Russell  Bartlett,   Personal  Narrative  of  Explorations  and  Incidents  in 
Texas,  New  Mexico,  California,  Sonora  and  Chihuahua  During  1850-185S  (2  vols.,  Lon- 
don :  George  Routledge  and  Co.,  1854),  I,  147. 

44.  Emory,  op.  cit.,  p.  46. 

45.  Davis,  op.  cit.,  p.  325. 

46.  Emory,   op.   cit.,  pp.   32,   38 ;  House  Exec.  Docs.,   30   Cong.,   1   Sess.,   no.   41, 
p.  455. 

47.  Regarding  table  manners  among  the  humble  classes,  Josiah  Gregg  writes  as 
follows:   "The  rancheros,  and  all  the  humbler  classes  of  people,  very  seldom  use  any 
table   for   their   meals,   an    inconvenience   which   is   very   little  felt  as   the   dishes   are 


196  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Up  to  the  time  of  Mexican  independence,  Spanish 
Creoles  of  Mexico  monopolized  commerce  and  held  most 
positions  of  influence  in  the  Church  as  well  as  in  the  civil 
government.48  But  by  1846  this  condition  had  disappeared, 
leaving  the  native  New  Mexicans  in  posts  of  honor  and 
trust. 

One  disagreeable  feature  of  society  which  persisted 
throughout  the  entire  period  was  the  practice  of  peonage,  a 
system  of  servitude  in  which  debtors  were  bound  to  work  for 
their  creditors  until  they  paid  what  they  owed.  In  practice, 
the  workers  received  from  three  to  five  dollars  a  month  in 
wages  and  out  of  this  they  were  obliged  to  purchase  their 
food  and  clothing  in  the  proprietor's  commissary.49  It  was 
thus  simple  to  keep  the  workers,  and  even  their  families,  in 
virtual  slavery  all  their  lives.  Some  Americans,  as  well 
as  New  Mexicans,  engaged  in  this  practice.50 

Strictly  speaking,  the  system  of  peonage  was  regulated 
by  law  during  the  period  of  Mexican  rule,  since  a  statute 
specified  the  conditions  of  the  working  contract  to  be  signed 
by  both  the  master  and  the  peon.  But  for  the  most  part  the 
law  was  a  dead  letter,  for  the  odds  were  against  the  peon.51 
He  sometimes  tried  to  purchase  his  freedom,  but  his  efforts 
were  invariably  thwarted  by  his  master.52  An  American 

generally  served  out  from  the  kitchen  in  courses  of  a  single  plate  to  each  guest,  who 
usually  takes  it  upon  his  knees.  Knives  and  forks  are  equally  dispensed  with,  the 
viands  being  mostly  hashed  or  boiled  so  very  soft  as  to  be  eaten  with  a  spoon.  This 
is  frequently  supplied  with  the  tortilla,  a  piece  of  which  is  ingeniously  doubled  between 
the  fingers,  so  as  to  assist  in  the  disposal  of  anything,  be  it  ever  so  rare  or  liquid. 
Thus  it  may  well  be  said,  as  in  the  story  of  the  Oriental  monarch,  that  these  rancheros 
employ  a  new  spoon  for  every  mouthful ;  for  each  fold  of  the  tortiUa  is  devoured  with 
the  substance  it  conveys  to  the  mouth.  .  .  .  The  very  singular  custom  of  abstaining 
from  all  sorts  of  beverage  during  meals,  has  frequently  afforded  me  a  great  deal  of 
amusement.  Although  a  large  cup  of  water  is  set  before  each  guest,  it  is  not  cus- 
tomary to  drink  it  off  till  the  repast  is  finished.  Should  any  one  take  it  up  in  his 
hand  while  in  the  act  of  eating,  the  host  is  apt  to  cry  out,  'Hold,  hold !  there  is  yet 
more  to  come.'"  (Commerce  of  the  Prairies,  op.  cit.,  I,  155). 

48.  John  B.  Salpointe,  Soldiers  of  the  Cross,  Notes  on  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of 
New  Mexico,  Arizona,  and  Colorado   (Banning:  St.  Boniface  Industrial  School,  1898), 
p.  110. 

49.  Davis,  op.  cit.,  p.  232. 

50.  Little,  op.  cit.,  p.  48. 

51.  Davis,  op.  cit.,  pp.  231-233. 

62.  George  Wilkins  Kendall,  Narrative  of  the  Texan  Santa  Fe  Expedition  Com- 
prising a  Description  of  a  Tour  Through  Texas,  and  also  the  Great  Southwestern 
Prairies,  the  Comanche  and  Gaygua  Hunting-Grounds,  with  an  Account  of  the 
Sufferings  from  Want  of  Food,  Losses  from  Hostile  Indians,  and  Final  Capture  of 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  197 

officer,  familiar  with  Negro  slavery  in  the  southern  States, 
was  of  the  opinion  that  in  New  Mexico  "The  major  portion 
of  the  people  live  not  one  bit  better  than  the  negroes  on  a 
plantation  in  our  southern  states ;  and  the  rico  of  the  village, 
like  the  planter,  possesses  everything;  no  one  else  owns  a 
single  sheep."53 

It  was  in  view  of  these  conditions  that  Hugh  N.  Smith, 
New  Mexico's  delegate  to  Congress,  when  asked  by  Daniel 
Webster  about  the  practicability  of  introducing  Negro  slav- 
ery into  the  Territory,  replied  on  April  9,  1850:  "New 
Mexico  ...  is  entirely  unsuited  for  slave  labor.  Labor  is 
exceedingly  abundant  and  cheap.  It  may  be  hired  for  three 
or  four  dollars  a  month,  in  quantity  quite  sufficient  for 
carrying  on  all  the  agriculture  of  the  territory."54  Lt.  Col. 
William  H.  Emory,  an  American  officer  in  New  Mexico  in 
1846,  expressed  his  opinion  on  the  introduction  of  Negro 
slavery  in  these  terms : 

The  profits  of  labor  are  too  inadequate  for  the  existence  of  negro 
slavery.  Slavery,  as  practiced  by  the  Mexicans,  under  the  form  of 
peonage,  which  enables-  their  master  to  get  the  service  of  the  adult 
while  in  the  prime  of  life,  without  the  obligations  of  rearing  him  in 
infancy,  supporting  him  in  old  age,  or  maintaining  his  family,  affords 
no  data  for  estimating  the  profits  of  slave  labor,  as  it  exists  in  the 
United  States.55 

Peonage  was  abolished  by  an  Act  of  Congress  on  March  2, 
1867.  This  Act  stated  in  part : 

.  .  .  The  voluntary  or  involuntary  service  or  labor  of  any  persons  as 
peons,  in  liquidating  of  any  debt  or  obligation,  or  otherwise  ...  is 
hereby  declared  null  and  void;  and  any  person  who  shall  hold,  arrest, 
or  return  ...  to  a  condition  of  peonage,  shall  upon  conviction,  be 
punished  by  fine  not  less  than  one  thousand  nor  more  than  five  thous- 
and dollars,  or  by  imprisonment  not  less  than  one  nor  more  than  five 
years,  or  both,  at  the  discretion  of  the  court.56 

the  Texans,  and  their  March,  as  Prisoners,  to  the  City  of  Mexico  (New  York:  2  vote., 
Harper  and  Brothers,  1844),  II,  113 ;  Davis,  op.  cit.,  p.  233. 

53.     House  Exec.  Docs.,  30  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  no.  41,  p.  482. 

64.  Fletcher  Webster,  ed.,  The  Writings  and  Speeches  of  Daniel  Webster  (18  vols., 
Boston:  Little,  Brown,  and  Co.,  1903),  XII,  223. 

55.  Emory,  op.  cit.,  pp.  98-99. 

56.  George  P.  Sanger,  ed.,  Statutes  at  Large,  Treaties  and  Proclamations  of  the 
U.  S.  A.,  from  December,  1865  to  March,  1867  (Boston:  Little,  Brown,  and  Co.,  1868), 
p.  546. 


198  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Ever  since  the  first  known  Anglo-Americans  arrived  in 
Santa  Fe,  about  the  year  1805,  friendly  relations  existed  be- 
tween them  and  the  people  of  New  Mexico.57  In  due  time  a 
small  number  of  Americans  engaged  in  trade  with  the 
region,  some  of  whom  became  prominent  residents.  To  these 
newcomers  the  New  Mexicans  showed  themselves  hospitable 
and  kind.58  Some  of  these  American  merchants  settled  in 
New  Mexico  and  married  local  women.59  By  the  time  the 
American  army  entered  the  country,  many  of  these  settlers 
had  been  there  twenty  or  more  years,  living  harmoniously 
with  the  native  people.  Some  of  them  had  become  wealthy 
through  land  grants  obtained  from  the  Spanish  government, 
as  Ceran  St.  Vrain,  who  owned  a  track  of  land  one  hundred 
square  miles.60  By  1866  one  of  these  Americans,  Lucien  B. 
Maxwell,  had  developed  the  largest  farm  in  New  Mexico, 
employing  over  500  workers  on  his  ten  square  miles  of  prop- 
erty near  the  Cimarron  River.61  Other  permanent  settlers 
of  note  were  the  subsequent  Governor  of  the  Territory, 
Charles  Bent,  Thomas  Bridger,  and  Kit  Carson.  By  the 
second  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  Santa  Fe  alone  counted 
about  twenty-five  American  families.62 

But  the  arrival  of  the  "Army  of  West"  in  1846  injected  a 
discordant  note  into  the  complacent  life  of  New  Mexico. 
Conquerors  of  a  weak  people,  the  soldiers  and  officers  often 
assumed  an  air  of  superiority  and  disdain  toward  the  New 
Mexicans,  as  they  regarded  themselves  "citizens  of  a  model 
Republic."63  This  attitude  was  naturally  resented  by  the 
natives.  Furthermore,  being  transients,  many  of  the  sol- 
diers and  American  visitors  made  no  attempt  to  understand 


57.  One  of  the  first  Americans  in  Santa  Fe  was  James  Pursley,  a  trapper  from 
Kentucky.    Having  heard  of  the  Spanish  settlement  to  the  south,  he  set  out  in  search 
of  it,  reaching  the  capital  of  New  Mexico  in  1805.    There  he  spent  the  remainder  of 
his   life.     William   G.   Ritch,   Aztlan,   the  History,   Resources  and  Attractions  of  New 
Mexico   (6th  ed.,  Boston:  D.  Lothrop  and  Co.,  1885),  p.  245. 

58.  Little,  op.   cit.,   p.   51 ;   Archer  B.   Hulbert,   ed.,   Southwest  on  the  Turquoise 
Trail,  VoL   II  of  Overland  to  the  Pacific    (Denver:   Stewart  Commission  of  Colorado 
College  and  Denver  Public  Library.  1933),  85-86. 

59.  Thomas,  op.  cit.,  pp.  115-116 ;  Emory,  op.  cit.,  pp.  25,  31 ;  Santa  Fe  Weekly 
Gazette,  March  5,  1853. 

60.  Meline,  op.  cit.,  pp.  107-108. 

61.  Ibid.,  p.  161. 

62.  Ibid.,  p.  151. 

63.  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  p.  69. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  199 

the  New  Mexicans,  with  the  result  that  relations  between 
the  two  nationalities  became  strained  and  antipathy  soon 
manifested  itself  on  both  sides.  Each  was  critical  of  the 
other  and  apparently  with  good  reasons.  Some  Americans 
were  not  entirely  innocent;  an  English  observer  described 
them  as  "the  dirtiest,  roudiest  [sic']  crew  I  have  ever  seen 
collected  together."64  The  political  revolt  of  1847  and  other 
acts  of  violence  only  served  to  deepen  the  gulf  between  the 
two  parties.  On  one  occasion,  for  instance,  the  New  Mexi- 
cans maliciously  destroyed  an  American  flag  that  belonged 
to  the  governor.65  In  view  of  these  events,  it  is  easy  to  un- 
derstand why  some  Americans  became  alarmed  and  gave 
expression  to  their  concern  in  letters  to  the  editor  of  the 
Weekly  Gazette.  One  of  them  was  particularly  pessimistic  in 
tone.  It  read  in  part : 

I  have  been  for  many  years  a  close  and  careful  observer  of  men 
and  things  around  me;  and  I  have  watched  the  mental  oscillations  of 
my  Mexican  neighbors  with  the  greatest  anxiety,  knowing  as  I  did 
that  many  of  them  entertained  a  hostile  feeling  to  the  Americans.66 

Other  Americans  held  more  hope  for  better  relations 
and  hastened  to  assure  the  public  that  the  previous  "impen- 
etrable barrier  between  the  two  races,  is  perceptibly  crum- 
bling into  decay,  and  upon  those  ruins  a  more  favorable 
edifice  will  ere  long  be  raised."67  How  true  these  reassuring 
words  proved  to  be  may  be  gleaned  from  the  statement  of 
another  American  twenty  years  later.  The  people  of  New 
Mexico,  he  said,  "both  native  and  emigrants  .  .  .  are  well 
disposed,  patriotic  and  liberty-loving."68 

As  to  the  relations  of  the  Americans  with  the  Catholic 
clergy,  in  general  they  seem  to  have  been  cordial  from  the 
very  beginning.  The  priests  were  regarded  as  courteous  and 
the  most  intelligent  persons  in  the  country.  Whenever 
American  officers  entered  a  town,  they  made  it  a  point  to 
visit  the  priest  first.  Undoubtedly  this  was  a  diplomatic  ges- 


64.  George  F.  Ruxton,  Adventures  in  Mexico  and  the  Rocky  Mountains  (London: 
John  Murray,  1847),  p.  189. 

65.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  February  19,  1853. 

66.  Ibid.,  April  23,  1853. 

67.  Ibid. 

68.  Ritch,  op.  cit.,  p.  29. 


200  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ture.  The  priests,  on  their  part,  welcomed  them  and  made 
their  visit  enjoyable,  often  sharing  with  them  a  little  of 
their  treasured  wines  and  liquor.69  Some  of  the  rectories 
were  described  as  neat  and  often  elegantly  furnished.  One 
writer  said  that  the  priests  were  "the  best-to-do  in  the  world, 
and  when  the  good  people  wish  to  put  their  best  foot  fore- 
most, the  padre's  wines,  bed,  and  couches  have  to  suffer."70 
Except  in  a  few  instances,  resentment  of  the  clergy  at  the 
presence  of  a  foreign  army  of  occupation  seems  to  have  been 
slight.  Without  protest  they  accepted  the  new  form  of  gov- 
ernment. The  pastor  at  Santo  Domingo,  not  without  fore- 
thought, delighted  in  showing  the  Americans  through  his 
well-appointed  rectory  where  the  window  drapes  were 
stamped  with  the  pictures  of  all  the  Presidents  of  the  United 
States.71 

Occasionally  scathing  criticism  of  the  Catholic  clergy 
appeared  in  contemporary  writings.  This  was  not  altogether 
without  foundation,  for  some  of  the  clergy  were  not  true  to 
their  religious  calling.  This  was  particularly  true  in  the  first 
years  of  the  American  occupation.  A  Catholic  historian  who 
spent  many  years  in  the  region,  following  the  American 
occupation,  wrote  that  when  Bishop  Lamy  entered  the  Ter- 
ritory there  were  but  fifteen  Catholic  priests,  of  whom  ".  .  . 
six  are  worn  out  by  age  and  have  no  energy.  The  others 
have  not  a  spark  of  zeal,  and  their  lives  are  scandalous  be- 
yond description."72  Contemporary  writers  rarely  failed  to 
contrast  the  status  and  character  of  the  clergy  before  and 
after  the  American  occupation.  One  author,  writing  in 
1866,  after  alluding  to  the  laxity  of  some  of  the  former  Mex- 
ican priests,  added  that  "with  the  advent  of  los  Americanos 
came  a  changed  state  of  things  in  the  Church.  .  .  .  Irregu- 
larities have  disappeared,  and  the  New  Mexicans  now  have  a 
learned,  pious,  laborious  and  edifying  priesthood."73 

Yankee  impressions  of  Roman  Catholic  customs  and 


69.  Emory,  op.  tit.,  p.  38 ;  House  Exec.  Docs.,  80  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  no.  41,  p.  465. 

70.  Emory,  op.  cit.,  p.  38. 

71.  Ibid. 

72.  W.    J.    Hewlett,    Life    of    the    Right    Reverend   Joseph    P.    Machebeuf,    D.D. 
( Pueblo :  Franklin  Presa,  1908 ) ,  p.  164. 

73.  Meline,  op.  cit.,  pp.  189-190. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  201 

religious  services  generally  revealed  the  traditional  Protes- 
tant view  toward  things  Catholic.  Most  of  the  writers  of 
that  period  attach  the  word  "superstitious"  to  almost  all 
religious  ceremonies,  and  many  revealed  that  they  had  never 
before  been  aware  of  what  took  place  during  Mass  in  Catho- 
lic churches  in  the  States.  For  example,  of  the  veneration  of 
saints  one  author  stated : 

They  have  an  abiding  faith  in  saints  and  images,  and  with  the 
mass  of  the  inhabitants  their  worship  appears  no  more  than  a  blind 
adoration  of  these  insensible  objects.  Some  of  the  most  intelligent  of 
the  better  class  look  upon  these  bits  of  wood  as  all-powerful  in  every 
emergency;  and  upon  the  occasion  of  a  fire  in  Santa  Fe  a  few  years 
ago,  a  prominent  Mexican  gentleman  was  anxious  that  one  of  the 
wooden  saints  should  be  brought  from  the  church  to  quench  the 
flames.74 

Of  religious  processions  Lieutenant-Colonel  Emory  wrote 
in  1846: 

A  strange  sight  presented  itself.  In  a  sedan  chair,  borne  by  four 
men,  was  seated  a  wax  figure  nearly  as  large  as  life,  extravagantly 
dressed;  following  immediately  were  three  or  four  priests,  with  long 
tallow  candles,  a  full  yard  in  length.  Some  American  officers  followed, 
each  holding  a  candle.  Unfortunately  I  emerged  just  as  this  group  was 
passing;  there  was  no  escape,  and  the  moment  I  joined  a  grave  Mexi- 
can (apparently  a  man  in  authority)  thrust  a  candle  into  my  hand.  I 
thought  of  my  only  coat,  the  coat  which  was  on  my  back,  and  which 
must  take  me  to  California,  and  back  again  into  the  interior  of  Mexico ! 
Suddenly  there  was  a  halt  without  any  word  of  command,  and  in  the 
confusion  we  jostled  against  each  other  and  distributed  the  tallow 
in  great  profusion.75 

After  attending  high  Mass  in  the  parish  church  of  Santa  Fe, 
this  same  writer  observed  that  the  priest  did  not  preach 
from  the  pulpit,  but 

kept  his  back  to  the  congregation  the  whole  time,  repeating  prayers 
and  incantations.  The  band,  the  identical  one  used  at  the  fandango, 
and  strumming  the  same  tunes,  played  without  intermission.  .  .  . 
When  a  favorite  air  was  struck  up,  the  young  women,  whom  we  rec- 
ognized as  having  figured  at  the  fandango,  counted  their  beads,  tossed 
their  heads,  and  crossed  themselves  to  the  time  of  the  music.76 


74.  Davis,  op.  eit.,  p.  225. 

75.  Emory,  op.  cit.,  p.  42. 

76.  Ibid.,  p.  34. 


202  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Twenty  years  later,  in  1866,  referring  to  the  above  state- 
ment of  Emory,  Meline,  after  attending  Mass  in  the  same 
church,  wrote  as  follows : 

A  sermon  was  so  far  from  wanting  that  we  had  one  an  hour  long, 
in  which  the  preacher,  in  the  best  Castilian,  talked  to  the  people  in 
what  we  called  at  home  "plain  English,"  and  made  them  "walk  Span- 
ish" on  the  subject  of  temptation  and  sin.  Fandango  music  was  not 
there;  none,  in  fact,  but  the  severest  plain  chant,  in  whose  intonations 
the  Church  Gallican  was  plainly  perceptible.  ...  I  saw  at  church  a 
very  different  style  of  female  physiognomy.  .  .  .  The  women  sit,  or 
kneel,  to  the  right;  the  men,  to  the  left.  ...  A  few  pews  in  the  upper 
part  of  the  church  had  the  appearance  of  a  concession  to  American 
custom,  and  I  remarked  some  three  or  four  of  the  few  American  ladies 
in  the  places  who  appeared  to  be  members  of  the  congregation.77 

The  arrival,  in  the  summer  of  1851,  of  the  first  resident 
bishop,  John  B.  Lamy,  Vicar  Apostolic  of  New  Mexico, 
marked  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  in  the  moral  and  spiritual 
life  of  New  Mexico.  With  a  zeal  and  energy  that  were  diffi- 
cult to  match,  this  pioneer  bishop  rallied  all  the  forces  at 
his  command  and  succeeded,  in  a  short  time,  to  improve  the 
lot  of  the  people.  His  influence  in  the  Territory  forms  part 
of  a  later  chapter. 


CHAPTER  II 
Economic  Life 

ONE  of  the  most  acute  economic  problems  which  con- 
fronted the  first  Americans  in  New  Mexico  was  the  sad 
state  of  agriculture.  In  the  eighteenth  century  the  Spaniards 
had  utilized  to  good  advantage  the  fertile  lands  of  the  coun- 
try and  engaged  in  agriculture  and  sheep  grazing.  They  had 
even  developed  a  small  tobacco  industry,  but  the  officials  put 
an  end  to  it  by  forbidding  the  planting  of  tobacco  in  the 
province.1  Not  content  with  curtailing  production,  the 
Spanish  government  also  discouraged  trade  with  all  prov- 
inces, except  Sonora  to  the  south.  Trade  with  Louisiana  and 


77.     Meline,  op.  tit.,  pp.  190-191. 

1.     Hubert  H.  Bancroft,  History  of  Mexico    (8  vols.,  San  Francisco:  A.  L.  Ban- 
croft and  Co.,  1883),  in,  613. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  203 

Texas  was  not  known  until  the  year  1800.2  Trading  ferias 
took  place  with  various  Indian  tribes  and  among  the  Span- 
ish themselves,  but  this  brought  little  prosperity  to  the 
colony.3  In  general  the  personal  initiative  of  the  people  had 
been  stifled  and  it  was  difficult  for  the  American  govern- 
ment to  arouse  enthusiasm  for  farming.  Twelve  years  be- 
fore the  American  occupation  a  Spanish  official  in  New  Mex- 
ico expressed  great  concern  for  the  state  of  agriculture  in 
these  words:  "Agriculture  is  completely  neglected.  The 
inhabitants  of  this  country  do  not  engage  in  large-scale 
farming,  from  which  they  would  doubtless  derive  much 
profit.  They  plant  what  they  consider  barely  sufficient  to 
support  themselves  part  of  the  year,  leaving  themselves  vic- 
tims of  the  greatest  misery  the  rest  of  the  year."4 

Some  sections  of  the  region  were  well  adapted  to  agri- 
culture and  stock  raising,  but  for  various  reasons  full  advan- 
tage was  never  taken  of  nature's  liberality.  First  of  all,  the 
Spanish  methods  of  agriculture  were  obsolete  and  crop 
rotation  was  hardly  thought  of.5  Farming  implements  were 
primitive  and  ill  adapted  to  large-scale  production.  The 
principal  tool  was  a  clumsy  hoe  and  the  few  ploughs  in  use 
were  rudely  constructed.  One  writer  described  such  a  plough 
as 

...  a  monumental  affair,  with  woodwork  enough  in  it  to  furnish  the 
rafters  of  a  small  house,  and  worthily  and  ponderously  matches  the 
Mexican  cart.  Before  they  pass  away — there  is  no  hurry  though,  you 
will  have  time  enough,  for  your  Mexican  has  not  yet  begun  to  move 
rapidly — a  specimen  of  each  should  be  preserved,  and  handed  down  to 
posterity,  duly  certified  by  credible  witnesses.  Their  agricultural  use 
and  employment  might  otherwise  be  disputed  by  coming  generations.6 

Secondly,  since  the  cultivated  plots  were  not  enclosed  with 
fences,  they  were  always  subject  to  devastation  by  large 


2.  Hubert  H.  Bancroft,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  15SO-1888,  Vol.  XIII  of  History 
of  the  Pacific  States  of  North  America  (San  Francisco:  The  History  Co.,  1888),  277. 

3.  76tU,  pp.  302-303. 

4.  Antonio  Barreiro,  Ojeada  sobre  Nuevo  Mexico  que  da  una  idea  de  sus  produc- 
cionea  naturalea,  y  de  algunas  otras  cosas  que  se  consideran  oportunas  para  mejorar 
su  estado,  e  ir  proporcionando  su  futura  felicidad   (Puebla:  Imprenta  de  Jose  Maria 
Campos,  1832),  pp.  22-23. 

6.     Arny,  op.  eft.,  p.  100. 

6.     Meline,  op.  cit.,  pp.  122-123. 


204  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

flocks  of  roaming  sheep  or  goats.  Adobe  or  rail  fences  were 
extremely  rare.7  A  final  factor  that  discouraged  agriculture 
was  Indian  raids.  Oftentimes  what  the  Spaniards  sowed  the 
Indians  reaped.  Tired  of  seeing  their  crops  harvested  by 
the  Indians,  the  Spaniards  often  preferred  to  let  their  fer- 
tile lands  lie  idle.8  These  obstacles  were  gradually  overcome 
with  American  aid. 

In  one  respect  it  may  be  said  that  the  coming  of  the 
American  made  the  lot  of  the  New  Mexican  farmer  more 
difficult,  for  the  Americans  began  to  acquire  riparian  rights 
in  the  principal  streams  and  left  many  farmers  without 
irrigation.9  In  general,  however,  the  Americans  made  a  con- 
siderable contribution  to  agriculture.  They  introduced  new 
methods  and  implements  of  farming,  and  thus  improved  the 
quantity  and  quality  of  such  products  as  vegetables  and 
fruits.10  In  lectures  and  in  the  press  they  constantly  fought 
against  the  prevalent  notion  that  farming  was  a  degrading 
profession,  and  they  called  the  attention  of  the  people  to  its 
nobility,  its  importance  and  its  absolute  necessity  for  the 
economic  structure  of  New  Mexico.11  Newspaper  editorials 
repeatedly  emphasized  the  need  of  introducing  new  farm 
equipment  as  a  means  for  greater  production,  and  they  even 
encouraged  the  formation  of  an  agricultural  society  where 
the  farmers  could  pool  their  knowledge  and  resources.12 
That  much  good  came  out  of  these  efforts  is  apparent  from 
the  editorial  comments  of  the  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette.  It 
remarked,  in  part: 

.  .  .  Where  formerly  the  New  Mexican  farmer  used  a  rude  stick  to 
scratch  his  fields,  we  find  that  many  of  them  now,  since  they  have 
visited  the  States,  have  introduced,  and  now  use  the  American  plow,  al- 
tho'  they  require  a  land  transportation  of  a  thousand  miles.  What 
better  spirit,  what  more  could  be  expected  of  a  farmer  of  any  nation?13 

7.  Gregg,  op.  cit.,  I,  150. 

8.  Barreiro,  op.  cit.,  pp.  22-23. 

9.  Stephen  B.  Weeks,  "The  Spaniards  in  the  South  and  Southwest,"  Publications 
of  the  Southern  Historical  Association,  VI   (May,  1902),  244. 

10.  Charles  P.  Clever,  New  Mexico:  Her  Resources,  Her  Necessities  for  Railroad 
Communication  with  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  states;  Her  Great  Future   (Washington, 
D.  C. :  McGill  and  Witherow,  1868),  pp.  6-7. 

11.  Arny,   op.    cit.,   p.    109;    Santa   Fe    Weekly   Gazette,    March    17,    1856;    Ibid., 
November  3,  1855. 

12.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  March  17,  1855 ;  Ibid.,  March  15,  1856. 
18.     Ibid.,  March  12,  1853. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  205 

Nevertheless,  agriculture,  though  improved,  still  left 
much  to  be  desired.  The  Pueblo  Indians,  who  continued  to 
cultivate  extensive  fields  of  maize  and  to  raise  most  of  the 
fruit  of  the  region,  and  who  owned  large  herds  of  sheep, 
were  affected  very  little  by  these  developments.14  Governor 
William  Carr  Lane  deplored  this  situation  in  his  address  to 
the  territorial  legislature  in  December,  1852.  He  said :  "Ag- 
riculture and  stock  raising,  the  two  great  interests  of  the 
Territory,  are  depressed  for  want  of  a  certain  market  for 
the  produce  of  the  soil  and  for  the  want  of  protection  for 
flocks  and  herds."15 

An  interesting  chapter  in  the  history  of  agriculture  of 
that  epoch  was  the  hope  of  developing  a  large-scale  grape 
industry  in  New  Mexico.  In  many  parts  of  that  land,  we  are 
told,  soil  and  climate  were  suitable  for  grape  vines.  This  was 
true  especially  of  places  like  Socorro,  Isleta,  Albuquerque, 
and  Bernalillo,  where,  as  a  result,  extensive  vineyards  were 
cultivated.16  In  some  places  the  average  annual  yield  of  a 
healthy  vine  was  from  three  to  four  bushels  of  grapes. 
Since  an  acre  of  land  contained  about  272  vines,  the  annual 
yield  per  acre  of  land  was  not  inconsiderable.17  During  the 
grape  harvest  countless  burros  would  be  seen  along  the 
narrow,  dusty  roads  of  the  countryside,  loaded  high  with 
crates  of  grapes,  on  their  way  to  market.18  One  contem- 
porary writer  stated  that  the  wine  produced  in  New  Mex- 
ico compared  favorably  with  French  wines.  He  added :  "The 
time  is  rapidly  approaching  when  the  wines  of  New  Mexico 
will  be  recognized  in  the  wine  catalogues  of  the  country.  In 
no  section  of  the  United  States  does  the  vine  attain  a 
greater  degree  of  perfection,  California  not  excepted."19  So 
profuse  were  the  vineyards,  that  another  writer  styled  the 
Rio  Grande  Valley  the  "Rhine  of  America,"  predicting, 


14.  Falconer,  op.  cit.,  p.  117  ;  House  Exec.  Docs.,  30  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  no.  41,  p.  460. 

15.  Journal  of  the  Honorable  Council  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico,  1  Legisla- 
tive Assembly,  2  Sess.,  December  6,  1852,  p.  79.    This  publication  is  often  referred  to 
as  the  New  Mexico  Council  Journal. 

16.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  November  19,  1853 ;  Edwards,  op.  cit.,  p.  62. 

17.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  November  26,  1853. 

18.  Ibid.,  November  19,  1853. 

19.  Ritch,  op.  cit.,  p.  223. 


206  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

though  rashly,  that  some  day  the  area  would  be  an  immense 
wine  producing  community.20 

Manufacturing  in  New  Mexico  was  equally  primitive 
and  undeveloped.  From  the  day  the  first  colonists  arrived  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  every  settler  had  to  be  an  artisan 
through  sheer  necessity.  Forced  by  frontier  life  to  make 
their  own  articles  of  household  and  farm  use,  the  Spaniards 
developed  an  artisanship  along  certain  lines  that  was,  in- 
deed, admirable.  The  majority  of  household  goods  manufac- 
tured were  made  out  of  wood.  Carved  doors,  chests,  and 
other  furniture  were  the  work  of  local  artisans.  Wood  was 
indispensable  even  for  such  objects  as  hoes,  spades  and  other 
tools.  Their  carretas,  indispensable  vehicles  of  transporta- 
tion, were  also  entirely  of  wood,  with  wheels  that  were  made 
out  of  one  solid  piece.  Yet,  all  the  lumber  was  sawed  by 
hand.  Sawmills,  even  the  most  primitive,  were  unknown  up 
to  the  time  of  the  American  occupation.21  Other  materials 
used  in  domestic  manufacturing  were  hides,  pelts,  tin,  cop- 
per, and  wool.  From  wool  came  serapes  (blankets)  and  a 
kind  of  rug  called  gerga.  An  American  living  in  Santa  Fe  in 
the  mid-nineteenth  century  remarked  in  regard  to  weaving : 

The  few  articles  that  are  made  are  of  a  coarse  texture  and  are 
manufactured  in  families.  The  leading  fabric  is  a  coarse  woolen  blan- 
ket called  serape,  which  is  made  to  some  extent  for  domestic  use  and 
sale.  At  times  a  considerable  trade  is  carried  on  in  it  with  the  neighbor- 
ing Mexican  States  and  Indian  tribes.  It  forms  an  important  article 
of  clothing  among  the  peasantry,  and  many  of  the  better  classes  use  it 
instead  of  cloaks  and  overcoats.  A  few  of  finer  texture,  in  imitation 
of  the  serape  saltillero,  are  also  manufactured,  some  of  which  sell  for 
forty  and  fifty  dollars  each.22 

The  gerga  was  a  coarse  woolen  blanket  of  a  checked  pattern. 
It  was  cheaply  made,  sold  at  about  twenty-five  to  forty  cents 
a  yard,  and  was  generally  used  for  carpets,  although  for 
some  it  constituted  the  only  article  of  clothing,  together  with 
buckskin,  until  the  trade  with  the  United  States  brought 
fabrics  within  reach  of  the  poor.23  Some  cotton  goods  were 


20.  Arny,  op.  cit.,  p.  19. 

21.  Davis,  op.  cit.,  pp.  211-212. 

22.  Ibid.,  p.  213. 

23.  Gregg,  op.  cit.,  I,  210 ;  Davis,  op.  cit.,  p.  214. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  207 

manufactured  at  home  on  a  crude  spinning  apparatus  com- 
monly known  as  the  huso  or  malacate.  'Gregg  admired  this 
spindle,  and  says  that  "the  dexterity  with  which  the  female 
spins  with  this  simple  apparatus  is  truly  astonishing."24 
However,  it  was  difficult  then  for  the  New  Mexicans  to  make 
their  own  clothing  and  still  more  difficult,  in  their  poverty, 
to  purchase  imported  goods  at  the  exorbitant  prices  de- 
manded by  merchants  from  Chihuahua  during  the  Mexican 
period  and  from  the  United  States  after  1846.25  As  late  as 
1857  Governor  Abraham  Rencher,  referring  to  this  problem, 
said  that  it  was  true  that  "we  are  too  remote  from  commerce 
.  .  .  but  surely  we  should  not  continue  to  buy  of  them  [the 
United  States]  at  five  times  the  price  for  which  we  could 
manufacture  a  better  article  at  home."26 

As  in  the  case  of  tobacco  and  other  crops,  domestic  man- 
ufacturing had  been  discouraged  by  the  Spanish  government 
in  many  ways.  One  means  was  by  imposing  high  custom 
duties  on  various  articles.  Custom-houses  were  located  at 
the  entrance  to  every  province  of  Mexico  to  exact  payment 
for  all  goods  imported.  Upon  certain  items  higher  duties 
were  imposed  in  order  to  maintain  their  monopoly.27  The 
natural  consequence  of  this  regimentation  of  industry  was  a 
rapid  decline  in  home  manufacturing,  so  that  it  practically 
died  out  in  the  first  decades  of  the  nineteenth  century.  In 
1812,  for  instance,  Pedro  Pino,  the  first  delegate  of  New 
Mexico  to  the  Spanish  Cortes,  reported  in  Cadiz  that  indus- 
try had  reached  its  lowest  level.  "There  is  no  manufacturing 
in  the  province,"  he  said,  "other  than  that  of  wool  and  cot- 
ton. Necessity  has  compelled  the  people  to  weave  baize, 
serge,  blankets,  quilts,  zarapes  .  .  .  sackcloth,  coarse  frieze, 
cotton  hose."28  The  situation  reached  such  a  perilous  stage 
that  it  seems  to  have  engaged  the  interest  of  the  home  gov- 
ernment in  Spain  in  sending  an  artisan  to  instruct  the  inhab- 


24.  Gregg,  op.  cit.,  I,  210. 

25.  Bloom,  op.  cit.,  I  (July,  1913),  40. 

26.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  December  12,  1857. 

27.  Lawrence  Kinnaird,   "The  Spanish  Tobacco  Monopoly  in  New  Mexico,   1766- 
1767,"   NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL   REVIEW,   XXI    (October,    1946),    328-831;   Bancroft, 
History  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  p.  302. 

28.  Pino,  op.  cit.,  p.  19. 


208  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

itants  in  the  use  of  more  modern  methods.  As  Pino  subse- 
quently wrote : 

Within  recent  years  we  have  witnessed  the  introduction  of  fine 
looms  for  cotton  by  an  expert  sent  there  by  the  government.  He  has 
given  instruction  to  many  people  in  a  remarkable  short  time.  .  .  .  But 
the  production  of  these  articles,  together  with  wine,  hardly  furnishes 
a  favorable  balance  for  the  province,  barely  exceeding  sixty  thousand 
duros  annually.29 

James  Ohio  Pattie,  who  for  four  years  (1824-1828) 
traveled  within  the  area  of  the  present  State  of  New  Mexico, 
wrote  that  in  Santa  Fe  "the  principal  articles  of  commerce 
are  sheep,  blankets,  buffalo  hides  and  sometimes  their  meat 
and  tallow,  peltry,  salt  and  the  common  productions  of  agri- 
culture, as  corn,  wheat,  beans,  onions,  etc."30  In  the  census 
of  1827  it  was  found  that  the  entire  Province  of  New  Mex- 
ico had  a  total  of  1,237  artisans  for  a  white  population  of 
about  43,439.31  A  quarter  of  a  century  later  another  writer 
spoke  of  the  condition  of  the  trades  in  these  words : 

The  state  of  mechanic  arts  among  New  Mexicans  is  very  low  and 
apparently  without  improvement  since  the  earliest  times.  There  are 
few  carpenters,  blacksmiths  and  jewelers  among  the  natives,  but  if 
ever  so  well  skilled  it  would  be  impossible  for  them  to  accomplish  much 
with  the  rough  tools  they  use.  The  gold  and  silver  smiths  excel  all 
the  other  workmen  and  some  of  their  specimens,  in  point  of  ingenuity 
and  skill,  would  do  credit  to  the  craft  in  any  part  of  the  world.32 

In  treating  of  manufacturing  under  American  rule,  it  is 
enlightening  to  read  the  reports  of  various  governors  to  the 
legislative  assemblies.  For  example,  Governor  Henry  Con- 
nelly, in  a  speech  delivered  in  December,  1861,  declared  that 

New  Mexico  depends  entirely  on  foreign  markets  for  the  purchase 
of  all  manufactured  goods,  iron,  nails,  steel,  leather,  woolen  fabrics, 
everything  indeed,  is  brought  away  from  home  and  transported  over 
the  Plains.  .  .  .  Thousands  of  hides  are  yearly  thrown  away  as  worth- 
less because  there  is  no  market  for  them.  Our  people  depend  upon  the 
States  for  leather.  .  .  .  The  wool  is  almost  inexhaustible  in  quantity 


29.  Ibid. 

30.  James  O.  Pattie,  The  Personal  Narrative,  ed.    Timothy  Flint   (Cincinnati:  E. 
H.  Flint,  1833),  p.  276. 

31.  Bloom,  op.  cit..  I  (July,  1913).  36. 
82.     Davis,  op.  cit.,  p.  211. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  209 

and  could  be  bought  for  a  nominal  price.  Tens  of  thousands  of  sheep 
are  now  left  to  get  clear  of  their  wooly  coats  as  best  they  can  because 
their  owners  can  obtain  no  compensation  for  clipping  it  from  their 
backs.33 

Three  years  later  Governor  Connelly,  in  an  effort,  no  doubt, 
to  encourage  local  industry,  told  the  legislature  that  the  day 
was  not  too  distant  when  all  the  citizens  of  the  Territory 
would  be  able  to  purchase  products  of  domestic  manufac- 
ture, such  as  clothing  and  household  goods.  "Even  our 
horses,"  he  promised,  "will  be  shod  with  iron  from  our 
mines."34 

There  was,  however,  one  form  of  manufacturing  of  the 
period  under  consideration  that  is  worthy  of  special  notice. 
That  was  the  santos  industry.  To  supply  the  Catholic  popu- 
lation that  was  deeply  religious  in  spirit,  with  images, 
largely  for  private  devotions,  a  class  of  artisans  called  san- 
teros  arose.  To  these  craftsmen  the  making  of  religious  pic- 
tures, statues,  and  tryptics  was  a  profitable  trade.  As  in  the 
case  of  other  forms  of  home-manufacturing  in  New  Mexico, 
the  craft  of  the  santero  was  greatly  determined  by  the  envi- 
ronment. In  a  land  where  priests  and  physicians  were  few,, 
if  any,  the  santos  gave  the  people  a  sense  of  security  that 
was  otherwise  lacking.  Often  a  santo  was  the  only  decora- 
tion that  enhanced  the  adobe  walls  of  a  peasant's  home.35 

The  santero  knew  the  kinds  of  santos  his  customers 
wanted  and  he  made  them.  During  the  winter  he  would  sit 
at  home  and  make  his  statues  and  paintings.  Early  in  the 
spring,  as  soon  as  the  roads  were  clear,  he  would  set  out  for 
the  mountains  and  valleys  with  a  large  supply  of  his  wares.36 
The  materials  he  used  included  wood,  such  as  pine  and  cot- 
tonwood,  which  abounded  in  the  country;  gypsum  or  yeso 
mixed  with  glue.  The  completed  work  was  finally  given  a 
coat  of  paint  made  from  vegetable  dyes.37  The  artistic  work 

33.  Henry  Connelly,   The  First  Annual  Message  Delivered  before  the  Legislative 
Assembly   of   the   Territory   of  New   Mexico,   December  4,    1861    (Santa   Fe:    Gazette 
Office,  1861),  pp.  9-10. 

34.  Henry  Connelly,  El  segundo  mensaje  anual,  op.  cit.,  p.  9. 

35.  James  McMillan,  Fifteen  New  Mexico  Santos  (Santa  Fe:  Rydal  Press,  1941), 
introd.,  n.  p. 

86.  Ibid. 

87.  Charles  D.  Carroll,  "Miguel  Arag6n,  a  Great  Santero,"  El  Palacio,  L   (March,. 
1943),  55. 


210  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  the  santero  included  large  altar  panels,  called  reredos, 
some  of  which  still  exist  and  may  be  seen  in  various  parts 
of  New  Mexico,  as  at  Chimayo ;  smaller  paintings  of  saints 
on  wood,  called  retablos;  and  individual  or  group  statues 
styled  bultos. 

Undoubtedly  the  carving  of  religious  statues  and  the 
painting  of  religious  pictures  goes  back  to  the  early  days  of 
Franciscan  missionary  activity  in  New  Mexico.  It  was  tra- 
ditional in  all  Franciscan  missions  to  teach  religion  to  the 
natives  by  means  of  illustrations  and  pictures.  Isolated  as 
they  were  in  New  Mexico  from  the  usual  centers  of  trade 
and  supply,  the  friars  taught  the  people  to  produce  their  own 
religious  art.  Under  the  guidance  of  the  Franciscans  were 
produced  the  early  religious  paintings  on  hide  which  were 
used  to  decorate  the  remote  mission  churches.38  Most  of  the 
early  works  of  religious  art  produced  in  New  Mexico  are 
believed  to  have  been  destroyed  in  the  Pueblo  Indian  Rebel- 
lion of  1680,  but  the  tradition  did  not  die  out.  In  the  period 
from  1700  to  1835  the  work  of  at  least  thirty  professional 
santeros  can  be  identified.39  The  craft  of  the  santero  re- 
ceived an  impetus  in  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  and 
the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  centuries.  As  peace  between 
the  Spanish  and  the  Indians  was  consolidated,  and  New 
Mexicans  sought  means  of  livelihood  in  the  country,  they 
moved  from  the  towns  to  the  valleys  where  land  was  more 
abundant  and  more  fertile.  In  moving  away  from,  centers 
of  settlement  they  separated  themselves  from  their  parish 
churches  and  their  few  priests.  Partly  to  make  up  for  this 
loss,  they  set  up  their  own  chapels  and  shrines  where  Mass 
could  be  occasionally  celebrated  and  where  people  could 
gather  daily  for  prayers.  It  was  the  duty  of  the  santero  to 
decorate  the  rough  adobe  walls  of  these  shrines  and  to  supply 
the  religious  statues. 

Unfortunately,  the  religious  folk  art  of  New  Mexico 
did  not  survive  the  American  occupation.  By  the  middle  of 
the  nineteenth  century  the  craft  of  the  santero  had  all  but 
disappeared.  Of  the  many  factors  that  contributed  to  its 


38.  Ibid.,  p.  66. 

39.  McMillan,  op.  eit.  ,introd.,  n.  p. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  211 

decline,  one  was  commerce  with  the  United  States.  When 
the  first  oxcarts  arrived  in  Santa  Fe  from  the  East,  the  work 
of  the  santero  was  doomed.  Another  factor  in  the  decline 
of  this  art  was  the  arrival  of  French  missionaries.  These 
found  little  that  appealed  in  the  grim  features  of  the  locally- 
produced  santos,  and  they  gave  little  or  no  encouragement. 
The  market  was  soon  flooded  with  lithographed  images 
which  immediately  appealed  to  the  people.  Among  the  first 
to  sense  this  demand  for  religious  prints,  and  to  profit  from 
it,  were  the  enterprising  Currier  and  Ives.40 

If  New  Mexico  was  not  a  manufacturing  region,  it  was 
at  least  endowed  by  nature  with  fine  lands  for  grazing  and 
agriculture.  Under  the  Spanish  regime  this  frontier  colony 
had  been  able  to  export  its  surplus  cattle  and  wool.  The  an- 
nual caravans  which  brought  supplies  to  Santa  Fe  would 
make  the  return  trip  to  Mexico  City  loaded  with  pelts,  furs, 
wool  and  blankets.41  New  Mexicans  also  bartered  with  the 
plains  Indians  and  held  annual  fairs  for  this  purpose,  espe- 
cially in  Santa  Fe  and  Taos.  But  this  trade  was  so  strictly 
regulated  by  the  Spanish  government  that  it  brought  New 
Mexico  little  financial  benefit.  In  1788,  for  instance,  the 
total  exports  of  the  province  were  estimated  at  $30,000,  and 
in  1804  at  $60,000,  while  in  this  same  year  the  imports 
amounted  to  $112,000.42  Referring  to  the  limitations  on 
trade  as  applied  to  the  entire  vice-royalty  of  New  Spain, 
Herbert  I.  Priestley  states : 

Through  exclusive  control  of  the  import  and  export  trade  at  the 
southern  ports,  and  through  central  regulation  by  the  government,  the 
vice-royalty  was  held  firmly  in  the  grip  of  the  mother  country;  but  the 
centralization  of  commerce  caused  extremely  high  rates  for  overland 
freight,  to  which  were  added  regional  sales  taxes  increasing  in  amount 
in  direct  ratio  with  the  distance,  so  that  trade  was  always  backward.43 

Except  for  this  trade  with  the  provinces  to  the  south,  there 
was  little  or  no  trade  with  other  regions,  as  Spanish  policy 


40.  Mitchell  A.  Wilder,  Santos,  the  Religious  Folk  Art  of  New  Mexico   (Colorado 
Springs:  Taylor  Museum  of  the  Colorado  Springs  Fine  Arts  Center,  1943),  pp.  23,  31. 

41.  Herbert  I.  Priestley,  The  Coming  of  the  White  Man,  1492-1848,  VoL  I  of  A 
History  of  American  Life    (New  York:  Macmillan  Co.,   1930),  58. 

42.  Bancroft,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  pp.  277,  302. 

43.  Priestley,  op.  cit.,  pp.  35-36. 


212  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

discouraged  and  even  forbade  business  contacts  with  Louisi- 
ana, Texas,  and  the  American  colonies.  In  1805,  William 
Morrison,  an  enterprising  merchant  from  Kaskaskia,  Illi- 
nois, made  an  effort  to  establish  trade  with  Santa  Fe.  He 
outfitted  a  Frenchman,  Baptiste  Lalande,  with  a  stock  of 
merchandise  and  sent  him  off  by  boat  and  pack  train.  Mor- 
rison lost  out  on  the  deal,  for  Lalande  sold  the  goods  and 
settled  in  Taos  as  a  successful  merchant,  without  ever  reim- 
bursing him.  Thus  this  early  American  attempt  to  open  the 
markets  of  New  Mexico  to  American  goods  failed.44 

The  declaration  of  Mexican  independence  in  1821 
opened  New  Mexico  to  American  trade,  and  from  1824, 
when  Bartolome  Baca  first  engaged  in  prairie  commerce, 
there  was  a  steady  increase  in  business  with  the  Anglo- 
American  frontier  towns.  At  first  this  trade  was  mostly  in 
the  hands  of  American  and  French  traders,  but  gradually 
New  Mexicans  entered  the  field  and  by  1843  they  had  all  but 
monopolized  it.45 

The  importance  of  trade  with  New  Mexico  and  the  pos- 
sibilities for  its  growth  were  first  envisioned  in  1824  by 
Senator  Thomas  Hart  Benton,  of  Missouri.  In  the  United 
States  Senate  he  often  prophesied  the  great  future  of  the 
West,  and  he  urged  the  President  to  appoint  a  commission 
to  survey  a  road  from  Missouri  to  New  Mexico.46  That  same 
year  a  group  of  Missourians,  eight  in  number,  set  out  for 
New  Mexico  with  merchandise  loaded  on  pack  mules  and  on 
twenty-five  wagons.  This  marked  a  new  era  in  the  com- 
merce with  the  Southwest,  for  it  was  the  first  time  that 
vehicles  were  used  to  transport  goods  across  the  plains.  As 
the  roads  were  improved,  wagons  proved  a  boon  to  the 
growing  American-Mexican  commerce.47  At  first  clumsy 
carts  were  used,  but  in  a  short  time  lighter  wagons  were 
introduced.  Soon  even  stage  coaches  followed  the  trail  to 
Santa  Fe.  The  trip  from  Independence,  Missouri,  to  Santa 


44.  Ritch,  op.  tit.,  p.  245. 

45.  Prince,  op.  tit.,  pp.  277-278 ;  Hiram  Martin   Chittenden,   The  American.  Fur 
Trade  of  the  Far  West   (3  vols.,  New  York:  Francis  P.  Harper.  1902),  II,  509  ff. 

46.  Henry  Inman,  The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail,  the  Story  of  a  Great  Highway  (New 
York:  Macmillan  Co.,  1897),  p.  44. 

47.  Ibid.,  p.  51 


NEW   MEXICO   IN   TRANSITION  213 

Fe  was  usually  made  in  seventy  days,  and  the  return  trip, 
with  comparatively  lighter  loads  (one  thousand  to  two 
thousand  pounds  per  wagon) ,  took  about  forty  days.48 

It  must  be  noted  that  this  early  commerce  with  New 
Mexico  was  always  a  private  enterprise.  Usually  a  group  of 
small  businessmen  formed  a  group,  each  providing  his  own 
wagons,  horses,  and  equipment,  the  whole  investment 
amounting  to  perhaps  one  thousand  dollars  a  partner.  One 
historian  remarks  that  "frequently  the  traders  took  with 
them  all  that  they  possessed.  Often  they  would  secure 
credits  by  mortgages  upon  their  property  until  their  return 
in  the  fall."49  It  was  customary  to  place  the  entire  caravan 
of  wagons  under  the  supreme  command  of  one  man  who 
knew  the  roads  and  was  capable  of  handling  men.  The  other 
members  of  the  caravan  were  obliged  to  follow  his  orders 
and  to  observe  strict  discipline  from  the  time  they  left  their 
starting  point  (usually  Independence,  Missouri),  until  they 
reached  their  destination.50 

Excitement  prevailed  whenever  a  caravan  arrived  in 
Santa  Fe.  Merchandise  booths  were  prepared  on  the  plaza, 
and  rented  to  traders ;  dance  halls  were  readied  for  the  fan- 
dangos. That  the  caravans  were  important  in  the  life  of 
Santa  Feans  may  be  gathered  from  a  description  left  by  one 
of  the  merchants: 

The  arrival  produced  a  great  deal  of  bustle  and  excitement  among 
the  natives.  "Los  Americanos! — Los  carros! — La  entrada  de  la  cara- 
vana,"  were  to  be  heard  in  every  direction;  and  crowds  of  women  and 


48.  Prince,  op.  cit.,  p.  278. 

49.  Bloom,  op.  cit.,  II    (October,  1914),  122.    A  letter  from  Ceran  St.  Vrain,  one 
of  the  traders  who  later  became  prominent  in  New  Mexico,  reveals  the  plight  of  the 
merchants  if  unable  to  sell  their  goods  at  market  price.    The  letter  was  written  at 
San  Fernando  del  Taos,  September  14,  1830,  and  was  addressed  to  B.  Pratte  and  Co. : 

"Gentlemen :  It  is  with  pleasure  that  I  inform  you  of  my  last  arrival  at  Santafe 
[sic]  which  was  the  4th  of  August,  we  [sic}  were  met  at  Red  river  [sic]  by  General 
Biscusa  [Viscarra}  the  custom  house  officer  and  a  few  soldiers,  the  [sic}  object  in 
coming  out  so  far  to  meet  us  was  to  prevent  smuggling  and  it  had  the  desired  effeck 
[sic],  there  was  a  guard  placed  around  our  wagons  until  we  entered  Santafe  [sic],  we 
had  to  pay  dutys  [sic']  which  amounts  to  about  60%  on  cost.  I  was  the  first  that  put 
goods  in  the  Custom  house  and  I  opened  immediately,  but  goods  sold  very  slow,  so 
slow  that  it  was  discouraging.  I  found  that  it  was  impossible  to  meet  my  payments 
if  I  continued  retailing.  I  therefore  thought  it  best  to  hole  Saile  [sic}  and  I  have 
done  so  .  .  ."  Bloom,  op.  cit.,  II  (January,  1914),  275-6. 

50.  Ibid.,  p.  251;  Ibid.,  II   (October,  1914),  122. 


214  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

boys  flocked  around  to  see  the  newcomers;  while  crowds  of  leperos 
hung  about  as  usual  to  see  what  they  could  pilfer.  The  wagoners  were 
by  no  means  free  from  excitement  on  this  occasion.  Informed  of  the 
'ordeal'  they  had  to  pass,  they  had  spent  the  previous  morning  in  'rub- 
bing up';  and  now  they  were  prepared,  with  clean  faces,  sleek  combed 
hair,  and  their  choicest  Sunday  suit,  to  meet  the  'fair  eyes'  of  glisten- 
ing clack  that  were  sure  to  stare  at  them  as  they  passed.  There  was 
yet  another  preparation  to  be  made  in  order  to  'show  off'  to  advantage. 
Each  wagoner  must  tie  a  brand  new  'cracker'  to  the  lack  of  his  whip; 
for,  on  driving  through  the  streets  and  the  plaza  publica,  every  one 
strived  to  outvie  his  comrades  in  the  dexterity  with  which  he  flourished 
this  favorite  badge  of  his  authority.  .  .  .  The  arrival  of  a  caravan 
at  Santa  Fe  changes  the  aspect  of  the  place  at  once.  Instead  of  the 
idleness  and  stagnation  which  its  streets  exhibited  before,  one  now  sees 
everywhere  the  bustle,  noise  and  activity  of  a  lively  market  town.51 

Another  trader  said  that  the  people  were  very  kind  to  the 
Americans  and  could  not  do  enough  for  them : 

When  a  train  was  expected,  they  would  arrange  to  have  a  great 
fandango  in  token  of  respect  to  Americans.  .  .  .  Fandangos  seemed  to 
be  free,  no  door  fee.  Waltzes  seemed  to  be  the  popular  style  of  danc- 
ing. There  was  a  great  mixture  in  the  dancing-soldiers,  Mexicans  and 
negroes.  The  negroes  were  more  popular  with  the  Mexican  and  Span- 
ish ladies  than  the  Mexicans.  Some  of  our  boys  took  part,  but  it  was 
a  little  tough  on  our  Missourians  to  waltz  with  negroes,  but  they  had 
to  comply  with  the  custom  of  the  country."52 

The  caravans  transported  articles  of  every  description 
to  New  Mexico,  including  household  goods,  wearing  apparel, 
and  groceries.  In  the  1840's  the  net  profit  on  these  goods 
averaged  about  forty  per  cent.53  Governor  Rencher  repeat- 
edly reminded  the  people  of  this  unnecessary  drain  upon  the 
financial  resources  of  the  region.54  Common  calicoes  and 
plain  cotton  goods  sold  at  from  two  to  three  dollars  a  yard  ;55 
potatoes  sold  for  five  dollars  a  bushel,  sugar  for  as  much  as 
seventy-five  cents  a  pound.56  Twenty  years  after  the  Ameri- 
can occupation  food  was  still  high,  with  butter  selling  at  a 
dollar  a  pound,  milk  at  twenty-five  cents  a  quart  and  eggs  at 


61.  Gregg,  op.  tit.,  I,  67-69. 

52.  Little,  op.  cit.,  p.  61. 

53.  Chittenden,  op.  tit.,  II,  619. 

54.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  December  12,  1857. 

55.  Prince,  op.  tit.,  p.  271. 

56.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  December  26,  1857. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  215 

from  seventy-five  cents  to  a  dollar  a  dozen.57  Under  Mexi- 
can rule,  when  it  was  customary  to  charge  an  import  duty 
of  $500  on  each  wagon,  regardless  of  its  contents,58  this  high 
cost  of  commodities  was  understandable,  but,  as  Colonel 
Emory  suggested  in  1846,  "a  great  reduction  must  take 
place  now  in  the  price  of  dry  goods  and  groceries,  twenty 
per  cent  at  least,  for  this  was  about  the  rate  of  duty  charged 
by  Armijo,  which  is  now,  of  course,  taken  off."59 

While  it  is  true  that  Yankee  ingenuity  occasionally  cir- 
cumvented this  excessive  custom  duty  by  transferring,  near 
the  first  port  of  entry,  the  freight  of  two  or  three  wagons 
into  one  and  burning  the  empty  carriages,60  the  fact  remains 
that,  according  to  Gregg  who  was  no  friend  of  the  Mexican 
officials,  between  fifty  and  eighty  thousand  dollars  were  col- 
lected as  duty  during  the  first  year  of  the  trade.61 

The  growth  and  profit  of  the  caravan  trade  may  be 
gauged  from  the  following  figures : 

Year  Value  of  Merchandise  Carried 

1822 $15,000 

1823 12,000 

1843 450,000 

1846    1,750,00062 

1876    2,108,00063 

Available  data  for  the  year  1844  show  that  New  Mexico 
exports  amounted  to  $400,000  in  specie,  and  that  other  ex- 
ports, consisting  mostly  of  buffalo  robes,  furs,  etc.,  amounted 
to  $50,000.  In  that  year  the  value  of  merchandise  sent  to 
Santa  Fe  was  estimated  at  $300,000.64 

As  the  caravans  we  have  just  described  were  wending 
their  way  across  the  prairies  weighed  down  with  valuable 
merchandise,  another  no  less  enterprising  group  of  Ameri- 
cans were  penetrating  the  remote  mountains  of  New  Mexico. 


57.  Meline,  op.  cit.,  pp.  155-156. 

58.  Inman,  op.  cit.,  p.  60. 

59.  Emory,  op.  cit.,  p.  85. 

60.  Inman,  op.  cit.,  p.  60. 

61.  Gregg,  op.  cit.,  II,  165. 

62.  Bloom,  op.  cit.,  II  (October,  1914),  121. 

63.  Ritch,  op.  cit.,  p.  27. 

64.  Bloom,  op.  cit.,  II    (October,   1914),   124;  Freeman  Hunt,  Merchants'  Maga- 
zine and  Commercial  Review,  XI   (November,  1844),  475. 


216  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

These  men  were  the  fur  traders,  and  they  also  influenced  the 
economy  of  the  region.  Concerned  particularly  with  beaver 
hunting,  early  in  the  nineteenth  century  they  penetrated  as 
far  as  the  Gila  and  Colorado  Rivers,  and  even  beyond  to 
California.63  While  the  caravan  trade  to  Santa  Fe  was 
financed  for  the  most  part  by  individuals  with  limited  capi- 
tal, the  fur  trade  was  in  the  hands  of  wealthy  companies.66 
The  profits  accruing  to  these  companies  were  tremendous, 
for  the  hunters  themselves  received  a  mere  pittance  for  their 
hard  labor  and  the  exporting  of  furs  was  not  taxed  by  the 
Mexican  government.  Barreiro,  writing  his  Ojeada  in  1832, 
stated  that 

Since  exports  of  beaver  are  not  taxed  by  the  national  government, 
American  merchants  try  to  take  back  on  their  return  trip,  instead  of 
money,  beaver  skins.  Thus  they  gain  two  advantages:  that  of  not 
having  to  pay  duty  on  the  export  of  money,  and  that  of  taking  back  to 
their  country  an  article  which  is  of  great  value  there,  and  on  which 
there  is  no  duty  in  Mexico.67 

On  April  14,  1831,  a  complaint  was  sent  in  to  the  sec- 
retary of  state  in  Mexico  City  with  the  hope  of  limiting  the 
number  of  hunting  licenses  being  issued  in  Santa  Fe.  The 
letter  said,  in  part : 

The  Anglo-Americans,  well  provided  with  arms  and  hunting 
apparatus,  especially  that  for  beaver-trapping,  buy  from  citizens  of 
Santa  Fe  the  license  which  they  take  out  from  the  Gefe  of  that  Capital, 
allowing  them  to  hunt  for  a  certain  time  in  certain  places  designated 
by  the  Gefe,  many  leagues  distant  in  the  mountains  and  plains  bathed 
by  the  Rio  Bravo.  With  the  subterfuge  of  such  license,  the  Anglo- 
Americans  attack  the  species  without  limit  or  consideration,  and  secure 
enormous  quantities  of  skins,  many  times  without  paying  even  an 
eighth  of  the  duties  to  the  treasury.68 

In  a  few  years  the  fur-bearing  animals  were  virtually 
exterminated.  Although  the  fur  traders  added  little  to  the 
finances  of  the  Territory,  their  penetration  into  Mexican 


65.  Eleanor    Lawrence,    "Mexican    Trade    Between    Santa    Fe    and    Los    Angeles, 
1830-1848,"   California  Historical  Society  Quarterly,   X    (March,    1931),   27;  James  J. 
Hill,  "Old  Spanish  Trails,"  Hispanic  American  Historical  Review,  IV   (August,  1921), 
464. 

66.  Inman,  op.  cit.,  pp.  44-45. 

67.  Barreiro,  op.  cit.,  p.  25. 

68.  Bloom,  op.  cit.,  I  (January,  1914),  260. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  217 

domain  constitutes  an  important  chapter  in  the  economic 
and  political  history  of  the  Southwest. 

Another  phase  of  economic  life  in  New  Mexico  was  the 
trade  with  California.  The  medium  of  exchange  in  this  case 
was  sheep.  In  the  first  decades  of  the  nineteenth  century 
there  was  such  an  abundance  of  sheep  in  the  land  that  it  was 
not  unusual  to  export  as  many  as  a  half -million  head  a  year, 
principally  to  markets  south  of  New  Mexico.69  Encouraged 
by  Governor  Jose  Antonio  Chavez,  New  Mexicans  first  en- 
gaged in  trade  with  California  in  1829.  "On  November  8, 
1829,"  as  Chavez  informed  the  Minister  of  the  Interior  in 
Mexico  City,  "sixteen  men  left  for  California  to  trade  the 
products  of  New  Mexico  for  mules.  Indians  are  no  obstacle. 
The  traders  use  no  maps  or  compasses.  The  Supreme  Gov- 
ernment should  promote  this  commerce."70  For  a  time  this 
trade  proved  very  profitable  for  the  New  Mexicans.  In  ex- 
change for  their  sheep  and  woolen  products  they  received 
horses  and  mules,  valuable  in  eastern  markets  for  the  cara- 
van trade.  But,  unrestrained  as  some  of  the  traders  were, 
they  began  to  perpetrate  crimes  and  robberies  and  to  lead 
the  California  mission  Indians  astray,  especially  by  selling 
them  liquor.  In  1832  the  friars  of  the  missions  complained 
to  the  Mexican  authorities  against  this  lawlessness,  and 
two  years  later  Fray  Ramon  Abella  asked  that  a  law  be 
passed  permitting  these  traders  to  remain  but  three  days  in 
California,  except  in  case  of  illness.  After  this  law  was 
passed  New  Mexicans  were  carefully  watched  in  California 
and  they  were  virtually  regarded  as  foreigners.  To  discour- 
age their  trade  an  attempt  was  made  in  1834  to  collect  duty 
on  all  goods  which  they  sold  in  California.  They  were  also 
required  to  have  a  passport  and  a  testimonial  of  good  con- 
duct before  they  were  permitted  to  enter  the  province. 
Despite  these  barriers,  however,  the  trade  proved  highly 
profitable  for  New  Mexicans.71 

The  gold  rush  to  California  increased  the  demand  for 
New  Mexico  cattle  and  sheep,  and  prices  were  raised  tre- 


69.  Gregg,  op.  cit.,  I,  189. 

70.  Lawrence,  op.  cit.,  p.  27. 

71.  Ibid.,  pp.  29-30,  39. 


218  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

mendously.  In  1853,  for  example,  sheep  were  sold  in  Cali- 
fornia for  $8  to  $16  a  head,  bringing  the  ranchers  a  profit 
of  from  400  to  800  per  cent.72  This  trade  proved  so  lucrative 
that  New  Mexico  was  almost  depleted  of  its  flocks.  The 
Weekly  Gazette  said  that  "the  enormous  demand  for  sheep 
in  California  has  drained  New  Mexico  already  very  greatly, 
without,  however,  meeting  the  demand  to  any  appreciable 
extent."73 

The  trails  of  the  packmules  from  the  United  States  to 
Santa  Fe  and  from  Santa  Fe  to  California  gradually  gave 
way  to  wagon  roads,  over  which  Americans  began  to  travel, 
heading  for  Santa  Fe  and  the  west  coast.  American  trade 
with  New  Mexico  affected  the  fortunes  of  the  region  in  an- 
other and  more  subtle  way.  Through  trade  the  winning  of 
the  West  was  being  accomplished  by  the  Anglo-Americans. 
Naturally,  the  shifting  of  the  balance  of  trade  from  Mexico 
to  the  United  States  was  viewed  with  alarm  by  the  home 
government  in  Mexico.  But  little  did  it  realize  that  in  the 
not  too  distant  future  the  pendulum  of  political  power  would 
also  swing  from  the  south  to  the  north  and  that  commerce 
was  inevitably  paving  the  way  for  this  change. 

For  the  greater  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  poor 
communications  constituted  one  of  the  perplexing  problems 
of  New  Mexico,  and  it  was  one  of  the  contributing  factors 
toward  isolation  and  illiteracy.  Barreiro,  writing  in  1832, 
observed  that  for  the  most  part  the  few  roads  in  New  Mexico 
were  adequate.74  But  however  good  the  roads  might  have 
been,  communication  with  the  Mexican  capital  and  with  the 
United  States  left  much  to  be  desired.  Mail  service  was  par- 
ticularly slow,  even  during  the  period  of  American  occupa- 
tion. It  usually  took  at  least  thirty-five  days  for  a  letter  to 
reach  Santa  Fe  from  Mexico  City  by  the  fastest  means, 
which  was  twice  the  speed  of  ordinary  travel.75  In  1852 
Governor  Lane,  in  his  message  to  the  legislative  assembly  in 
Santa  Fe,  expressed  the  hope  that  the  monthly  mail  to  Mis- 
souri would  soon  be  bi-monthly  and  that  mail  service  to 

72.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  March  26,  1853. 

73.  Ibid. 

74.  Barreiro,  op.  eft.,  pp.  10-11,  29. 

75.  Bloom,  op.  cit.,  I    (July,  1914),  15-16;  Gregg,  op.  eit.,  II,  67. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  219 

Texas  and  Utah  would  also  be  established.76  Three  years 
later,  Acting  Governor  William  W.  H.  Davis  bitterly  com- 
plained that  in  the  most  pressing  emergency  three  months 
were  required  before  a  reply  could  be  received  from  Wash- 
ington.77 In  view  of  these  conditions,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  Governor  Lane  advocated  so  strongly  the  introduction 
of  the  railroad  into  New  Mexico.  In  his  mind,  it  was  the 
only  way  in  which  the  Territory  could  advance  culturally 
and  economically.  In  a  message  to  the  legislative  assembly  in 
1852  he  said :  "From  public  and  private  necessity,  the  con- 
tinent must  soon  be  crossed,  from  east  to  west,  by  railroads 
and  telegraphic  lines,  and  in  all  probability,  one  or  more  of 
these  railroads  and  telegraphic  lines  will  traverse  New 
Mexico.  And  when  they  do,  what  a  mighty  change  will  be 
the  result!"78 

As  may  be  surmised,  the  development  of  new  avenues 
of  trade  and  commerce  did  little  to  improve  the  financial 
status  of  the  common  people.  In  1860  there  still  existed,  as 
in  1830,  a  society  composed  for  the  most  part  of  two  classes 
only,  the  wealthy  and  the  poor ;  a  middle  class  still  undevel- 
oped. The  lot  of  the  poor  was  hard,  for  while  prices  rose, 
wages  remained  extremely  low.  In  1846  common  laborers 
received  three  reales  (about  thirty-seven  cents)  for  a  day's 
work,  a  sum  hardly  sufficient  to  sustain  a  family,  even  on  the 
poorest  fare.  In  1853  the  wages  of  miners  were  fifty  cents 
a  day  and  more  skilled  workers,  such  as  smelters  and 
refiners,  received  $1.50.79  It  was  little  wonder  that  in  the 
first  year  of  the  occupation  an  American  officer  should 
write  that  "the  major  portion  of  the  people  live  not  one  bit 
better  than  the  negroes  on  a  plantation  in  our  southern 
States  and  the  rico  of  the  village,  like  the  planter,  possesses 
everything ;  no  one  else  owns  a  single  sheep."80 

Contemporary  writings  indicate  that  a  program  of 
relief  to  aid  the  New  Mexicans  was  started  in  the  early  years 


76.  Journal  of  the  Hon.  Council  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico,  op.  cit.,  p.  84. 

77.  W.   W.    H.    Davis,   Message   to   the   Legislative   Assembly,   December  S,    1855 
(Santa  Fe:  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  1855),  p.  7. 

78.  Journal  of  the  Hon.  Council  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico,  1852,  p.  81. 

79.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  July  16,  1853. 

80.  House  Exec.  Does.,  80  Cong.,  1  Seas.,  no.  41,  p.  482. 


220  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  the  occupation.  Colonel  Edwin  V.  Sumner,  the  com- 
manding officer  in  New  Mexico,  insinuated  this,  in  his  cus- 
tomary caustic  way,  in  a  report  to  Secretary  of  War 
Charles  Conrad.  "Before  we  took  the  country,"  he  wrote, 
"a  considerable  part  of  the  population  earned  a  scanty  live- 
lihood at  the  mines;  but  this  work  was  abandoned  directly 
when  the  Government  money  was  scattered  broadcast  among 
them."81  In  the  same  report  he  added  that  "as  a  conquered 
people,  they  feel  a  natural  dislike  toward  us ;  but  so  long  as 
we  kept  them  supplied  with  money,  and  they  had  nothing  to 
do  but  revel  in  their  vices,  they  were  content  to  stifle  their 
patriotism."82 

The  Territory's  treasury  seems  to  have  been  virtually 
bankrupt  most  of  the  time.  For  example,  during  the  fiscal 
year  1854-1855  the  net  income  amounted  to  $8,735.34  while 
the  expenditures  were  $11,668.75.83  In  his  message  to  the 
legislature  in  1854,  Acting  Governor  Davis  revealed  the 
plight  of  the  treasury  in  these  terms : 

The  treasury  is  without  funds  and  the  credit  of  the  Territory  is 
nearly  bankrupt.  The  officers  of  the  Government  are  many  months  in 
arrears,  in  their  salaries,  and  no  present  prospect  of  their  being  paid. 
New  warrants  are  issued  from  time  to  time,  which  the  holders  hawk 
about  for  sale,  and  many  are  willing  to  sell  them  at  almost  any  price, 
rather  than  wait  the  uncertainty  of  their  being  paid  from  the  terri- 
torial treasury.  It  is  often  the  case,  for  a  considerable  length  of  time, 
that  there  is  not  a  dollar  in  the  treasury,  and  the  officers  are  obliged  to 
ask  credit  for  the  necessary  office  expenses.84 

Bad  as  were  the  finances  of  New  Mexico  in  the  late 
1850's,  they  did  not  compare  unfavorably  with  those  of  the 
United  States,  then  in  the  grips  of  a  depression.  While  the 
panic  of  1857  brought  untold  misery  to  the  rest  of  the  coun- 
try, New  Mexico,  having  neither  banks  nor  great  invest- 
ments, suffered  little  in  consequence  of  the  panic.  The 
Weekly  Gazette  commented  on  this  editorially : 

We  have  no  other  currency  than  gold  and  silver.  A  bank  note  is 
never  seen  in  this  part  of  the  country.  The  good  old  democratic  doc- 


si.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  March  6,  1853. 

82.  Ibid. 

83.  Davis,  Message,  p.  11. 

84.  Ibid.,  p.  9. 


NEW   MEXICO   IN   TRANSITION  221 

trine  of  specie  currency  is  practiced  by  this  people,  and  hence  we  are 
beyond  the  reach  of  the  panics  created  by  the  suspension  and  failure  of 
insolvent  and  irresponsible  manufactures  of  shinplaster  and  wild  cat 
money.  Let  the  states  and  Territories  of  the  Union  follow  the  example 
of  New  Mexico  in  this  respect  and  we  will  hear  no  more  of  pecuniary 
panics.83 

Willy-nilly,  New  Mexico  was  undergoing  economic 
changes  that  would  leave  a  lasting  imprint  on  its  character. 
In  a  gradual  way  this  transformation  had  begun  with  the 
declaration  of  Mexican  independence,  when  the  people  were 
given  more  freedom  to  participate  in  industry  and  trade. 
But  more  important  were  the  changes  that  took  place  under 
the  American  form  of  government.  The  Americans  intro- 
duced a  broader  concept  of  social  democracy  into  New  Mex- 
ico, which  was  accompanied  by  untold  economic  advantages. 
New  roads  were  opened  over  which  rolled  not  only  trade 
caravans  from  Missouri,  bringing  needed  supplies  and  new 
comforts  of  life,  but  also  stage  coaches  with  tourists  from 
the  East,  who  admired  the  natural  beauty  of  the  Southwest, 
now  open  to  them  for  the  first  time.86  Monthly  mail  to  and 
from  the  States  gradually  gave  way  to  bi-monthly  and  later 
weekly  service.87  The  new  postal  law  of  September  30,  1851, 
reduced  the  postage  on  newspapers  threefold  to  one  cent  an 
ounce  up  to  3,000  miles.  This  obviously  expedited  the  ex- 
change of  ideas  and  the  transaction  of  business  with  the 
States.88 

New  Mexico  was  clearly  passing  through  a  period  of 
transition.  Great  changes  had  taken  place,  and  still  more 
were  to  come  with  the  introduction  of  the  railroad.  Re- 
flecting the  happy  mood  of  the  people  who  looked  forward 
with  eager  anticipation  to  the  day  when  a  train  would  pull 
into  New  Mexico  from  the  East,  a  local  enthusiast  penned 
the  following  lines : 

We're  a  peculiar  people ;  we 
Don't  change  with  every  wind ; 


85.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette.  November  5,  1857. 

86.  The  fare  from  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  to  Santa  Fe  was  $125  in  the  summer  and 
$150  in  the  winter,  with  forty  pounds  of  personal  baggage.    Ibid.,  November  6,  1852. 

87.  Journal  of  the  Hon.  Council  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico,  1852,  p.  84. 

88.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  November  20,  1852. 


222  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

We  don't  run  after  Kossuth ;  we 

Don't  worship  Jenny  Lind. 

We  don't  "blow  up"  in  steamboats;  we 

Don't  filibustering  go ; 

The  Railroad  cars  are  coming  humming 

Through  New  Mexico. 

Then  go  it  Progress,  go  it  boots, 

And  Young  America, 

And  rush  the  cars  of  destiny 

To  Cal-i-for-ni-a. 

We'll  sacrifice  our  hat,  we  will — 

Four  dollar  hat,  bran  new — 

The  Railroad  cars  are  coming  humming 

Through  New  Mexico.89 


89.     Ibid.,  April  SO,  1853. 

(To  be  continued) 


CHECKLIST  OF  NEW  MEXICO  PUBLICATIONS 
By  WILMA  LOY  SHELTON 

(Continued) 

Bureau  of  Revenue. 

Created  in  1935;  given  power  and  duty  to  administer 
laws  with  respect  to  automobiles  and  licensing,  collection 
and  disposition  of  taxes  on  gasoline,  motor  vehicles,  alco- 
holic liquors,  taxation  of  incomes,  collection  of  school  tax. 

Report 

-Feb.  16, 1942  unp.  (J.  O.  Gallegos) 

July  1, 1944-June  30, 1946  38p.  (R.  L.  Ormsbee) 
New  Mexico  oleomargarine  excise  tax  effective  June  11, 1937.  Santa  Fe, 

(1937)   (4) p.  (Session  laws  of  1937.  chap.  160) 
New  Mexico  revenue  and  tax  code  annotated;  1937  compilation.  .  . 

comp.  and  ed.  by  Henry  C.  Allen.  Denver,  Colo.,  W.  H.  Courtright 

pub.  co.,  1937.  285p. 

New  Mexico  severance  tax  act.  Santa  Fe  (1937)  lOp. 
Rules  and  regulations ;  N.  M.  School  tax  laws ;  N.  M.  Compensating  tax 

act;  comments  on  Sec.  201,  chap.  73,  Laws  1935  amended;  excerpts 

from  Severance,  Luxury,  Oil  conservation  and  Oleomargarine  tax 

laws.  Santa  Fe,  1945.  53p. 
Succession  tax  law.  Santa  Fe  (1937)  13p. 

Bureau  of  revenue.  Compensating  tax  division. 

Act  was  passed  in  1939  imposing  tax  against  tangible 
personal  property  purchased  from  a  retailer ;  created  for  the 
purpose  of  protecting  merchants,  dealers  and  manufacturers 
of  the  state. 

Compensating  tax  act,  1939;  petroleum  industry  special  rules  and 
regulations.  Pub.  July  1,  1939.  12p.  mimeo. 

General  rules  and  regulations  covering  the  administration  of  the  New 
Mexico  compensation  tax  law;  issued  by  J.  O.  Gallegos,  commis- 
sioner on  New  Mexico  Bureau  of  revenue,  G.  S.  Carter,  Director 
compensating  tax  division,  July  1, 1939.  (Santa  Fe,  1939)  lip. 

New  Mexico  compensating  tax  act  of  1939,  chapter  95,  Session  laws 
1939.  Santa  Fe  (1941)  16p. 

An  outline  of  New  Mexico  compensating  tax  law;  general  rules  and 

223 


224  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

regulations  covering  administration;  issued  May,  1947.  (Santa  Fe, 
1947)  12p. 

Bureau  of  revenue.  Division  of  liquor  control. 

Established  in  1935 ;  formerly  State  board  of  liquor  con- 
trol; chief  of  division  appointed  by  Commissioner  of  rev- 
enue; prescribes  and  establishes  forms  of  applications, 
licenses,  permits  and  regulations. 

Biennial  report 

July  1, 1934-June  30, 1936.  25p.  v.  1  (Wm.  G.  Johnson)  23-24  fis.  yr. 

July  1,  1936-June  30,  1938.  23p.  v.  2  (W.  R.  Meador)  25-26  fis.  yr. 

July  1,  1938-June  30,  1940.  20p.  v.  3  (S.  J.  Jernigan)  27-28  fis.  yr. 

July  1,  1940-June  30,  1942.  15p.  v.  4  (S.  T.  Jernigan)  29-30  fis.  yr. 

July  1,  1942-June  30,  1944.  14p.  v.  5  (Victor  Salazar)  31-32  fis.  yr. 

Report  for  1934/36  reproduced  from  type-written  copy. 
Chap.  159,  1933  Laws  of  New  Mexico  and  Rules  and  regulations  there- 
under. Santa  Fe  (1933)  32p. 
Chap.  30  Laws  of  New  Mexico,  1934;  Special  session  and  Rules  and 

regulations  under  chap.  159,  1933  Laws  and  chap.  30,  1934  Laws; 

issued  by  State  Board  of  Liquor  control  and  the  state  treasurer. 

( Santa  Fe,  1934)  22p. 
Circular  letter  to  all  non-resident  and  wholesale  liquor  licenses  (dated 

Jan.  9, 1946)  1  leaf,  (mimeo) 
Contents  of  a  case  of  alcoholic  liquors  effective  Feb.  15,  1946.  (Santa 

Fe,  1946)  1  leaf.  (Amendment  to  Regulation  no.  24)  mimeo. 
Defining  minimum  standards  for  contents  of  whisky  blends  and  requir- 
ing proper  labeling  of  such  blends  and  unaged  whiskies.  (Santa 

Fe,  1945)    1  leaf    (Regulation  no.  37  amended,  Dec.   17,  1945) 

mimeo. 
Liquor  control  act;  chap.  112,  1935  Laws  of  New  Mexico  effective  May 

26, 1935.  Santa  Fe  (1935)  24p. 
Liquor  control  act;  chap.  112,  1935.  Laws  of  New  Mexico;  and  rules 

and  regulations  effective  May  27,  1935.  (Santa  Fe,  Quality  press, 

1935)  27p. 
New  Mexico  Division  of  Liquor  control  act;  chap.  130,  Session  laws  of 

1937;  effective  March  15,  1937.  Santa  Fe,  1937.  29p. 
New  Mexico  Division  of  Liquor  control  act;  chap.  236,  Session  laws 

of  1939;  effective  June  10, 1939.  Santa  Fe,  1939.  47p. 
New  Mexico  liquor  laws;  a  combination  of  chap.  236,  Session  laws  of 

1939   and  chap.  4,  80  and  193  of  the   Session  laws  of  1941   as 

amended  by  Laws  of  1945  (with  subject  index)   Santa  Fe,  1945. 

55p. 
New  Mexico  liquor  laws  and  regulations  as  amended  through  1947 

(with  subject  index)  Santa  Fe,  1948.  94p. 


CHECK   LIST  225 

New  Mexico  liquor  laws  .  .  .as  amended  by  laws  of  1945  (with  subject 

index)  Santa  Fe  (1945)  55p. 
Official  list  of  licensed  liquor  dealers  and  registered  common  carriers 

.  .  .  Santa  Fe,  1939-  monthly. 
Regulations  no.  1, 1945.  mimeo. 
Rules  and  regulations  for  the  enforcement  of  the  New  Mexico  liquor 

law  .  .  .  effective  June  10,  1939.  Santa  Fe  (1939)  26p. 
Semi  annual  statement  of  receipts  and  expenditures  for  State  board  of 

liquor  control  and  Liquor  stamp  tax  department  of  Bureau  of 

revenue  for  the  period  July  1,  1936  to  Dec.  31,  1936.  Santa  Fe, 

1936.  2p.  (mimeo) 

Statistical  memorandum,  no.  1-     ;  Nov.  1943-     monthly. 
[Text  of]  New  Mexico  division  of  liquor  control  act.  Santa  Fe  (1941) 

41p. 

Bureau  of  revenue.  Driver's  license  division. 

Created  in  1937;  provides  for  the  examining  and  licen- 
sing of  operators  and  chauffeurs  of  motor  vehicles ;  for  the 
revocation  and  suspension  of  licenses,  for  the  collection  and 
disposition  of  fees  and  for  a  penalty  for  the  violation  of  the 
provisions. 

Summary  of  Motor  vehicle  traffic  accidents.  Santa  Fe,  1941-monthly. 
Suspensions  and  revocations.  Santa  Fe,  1946-  mimeo.  quarterly. 

Bureau  of  revenue.  Gasoline  tax  division. 

Gasoline  tax  levied  since  July  1919;  the  division  has 
charge  of  motor  fuel  taxes,  correct  measurement  of  all  dis- 
pensing equipment,  sale  of  petroleum  products  and  enforce- 
ment of  tax  refund  laws. 

Annual  report 

July  1, 1930-June  30, 1931.  (5)  p.  (A.  H.  Hill) 
Gasoline  excise  tax  laws  as  comp.  from  1929  compilation;  also  chap. 

31,  Laws  of  1931  as  passed  by  the  tenth  legislature;  comp.  under 

supervision  of  Adolph  P.  Hill.  20p. 
New   Mexico  gasoline   and/or   motor   fuel   excise  tax   acts;    effective 

March  1, 1935.  Santa  Fe  (1935)  35p. 
New  Mexico  gasoline  and/or  motor  fuel  excise  tax  acts.   Santa  Fe 

(1937)  36p. 

New  Mexico  gasoline  and/or  motor  fuel  excise  tax  acts,  including  addi- 
tions and  amendments  passed  by  the  14th  legislature,  1939.  Santa 

Fe  (1939)  42p. 


226  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

New  Mexico  gasoline  and/or  motor  fuel  excise  tax  acts,  including  addi- 
tions and  amendments  passed  by  the  fifteenth  legislature,  1941. 
Santa  Fe  (1941)  37p. 

Specifications,  tolerances  and  regulations  for  dispensing  devices  of 
refined  petroleum  products.  Santa  Fe  (1937)  38p. 

Bureau  of  revenue.  Income  tax  division. 

Created  in  1933 ;  transferred  from  State  tax  commission 
in  1935  to  Bureau  of  Revenue. 

An  analytical  and  chronological  record  of  the  financial  operations  of 
the  Income  tax  division. 
Mar.14, 1933-June  30, 1942.  30th  fiscal  yr.  (Earle  Kerr)  7p. 

Annual  analytical  report 

Mar.  14, 1934-June  30, 1943  (13)  p.  22-31st  fis.  yr.  (Earle  Kerr) 
Mar.  14, 1934-June  30, 1944  (ll)p.  22-32       "     "       (J.  L.  Miller) 
Mar.  14, 1934-June  30, 1945  (11)  p.  22-33       "     "  " 

Mar.  14, 1934-June  30, 1946  (11)  p.  22-34       "     "  " 

Mar.  14, 1934-June  30, 1947    16p.    22-35       "     "  " 

Mar.  14, 1934-June  30, 1948  (14)  p.  22-36       "     " 

Income  tax  act  amended;  the  provisions  and  penalties  of  this  act  are 
effective  on  and  after  March  14th,  1933.  Santa  Fe  (1933)  32p. 

Regulation  no.  1  (Santa  Fe,  1934) 

Regulation  no.  2  relating  to  the  Income  tax  act  of  1933  of  the  state  of 
New  Mexico.  (Santa  Fe)  1939. 115p. 

Regulation  no.  3  relating  to  the  Income  tax  act;  Victor  Salazar,  Com- 
missioner of  revenue,  J.  Leon  Miller,  Director,  Income  tax  division, 
Ray  M.  Hall,  chief  auditor;  pub.  Jan.  1,  1948.  (Santa  Fe)  1948. 
109p. 

Bureau  of  revenue.  Motor  vehicle  division. 

Created  in  1913  as  a  branch  of  the  office  of  the  Secretary 
of  state,  transferred  in  1923  to  Office  of  State  comptroller 
and  in  1933  to  the  Bureau  of  Revenue.  The  department  now 
consists  of  four  divisions:  Registration,  Title,  Inspection 
and  Liens. 

Annual  report:  Auto  license  receipts  and  distributions  for  the  year. 

1929.  (Santa  Fe,  1930)  (3) p. 
Automobile  laws  of  New  Mexico;  in  eifect  March  11,  1913.  (Santa  Fe, 

1913)  12p. 
Motor  vehicle  law  passed  by  fourth  state  legislature,  1919  session; 

effective,  Jan.  1, 1920.  Santa  Fe  (1920)  14p. 


CHECK  LIST  227 

Motor  vehicle  laws  of  New  Mexico  1931-32,  rev.  and  pub.  by  J.  M. 
Lujan,  state  comptroller,  under  direction  of  M.  A.  Gallegos,  Motor 
vehicle  commissioner.  (Santa  Fe,  n.  d.)  81,  lOp. 

Motor  vehicle  laws  of  New  Mexico  1933-34,  rev.  and  pub.  by  J.  N. 
Vigil,  state  comptroller,  under  direction  of  Diego  Salazar,  Motor 
vehicle  commissioner,  n.  p.  n.  d.  87,  lOp. 

Motor  vehicle  laws  of  New  Mexico  1935-36,  rev.  and  pub.  by  J.  D. 
Bingaman,  commissioner  of  revenue,  under  direction  of  Diego 
Salazar,  Motor  vehicle  commissioner.  (Santa  Fe,  n.  d.)  121,  lip. 

Motor  vehicle  laws  of  New  Mexico  1939-40,  rev.  and  pub.  by  J.  O. 
Gallegos,  commissioner  of  revenue,  under  direction  of  J.  0.  Garcia, 
Motor  vehicle  commissioner.  (Santa  Fe,  n.  d.)  90p. 

Suggestions  for  Motor  vehicle  registration  procedure ;  comp.  and  issued 
by  Mike  Gallegos,  Motor  vehicle  commissioner.  (Santa  Fe)  1947. 
55p. 

The  Zia  Book;  New  Mexico  Automobile  license  directory  .  .  .  fur- 
nished by  Juan  N.  Vigil,  state  comptroller,  comp.  by  Diego  Sala- 
zar, Motor  vehicle  commissioner.  Santa  Fe,  1934.  3v. 

The  Zia  Book;  New  Mexico  Automobile  license  directory  .  .  .  pub.  by 
Juan  N.  Vigil,  state  comptroller,  comp.  by  Diego  Salazar,  Motor 
vehicle  commissioner.  Santa  Fe,  1934.  3v. 

The  Zia  Book,  New  Mexico  Automobile  license  directory  .  .  .  pub.  by 
J.  J.  Connelley,  Commissioner  of  revenue,  comp.  by  Diego  Salazar, 
Motor  vehicle  commissioner.  Santa  Fe,  1935.  3v.  and  supp. 

The  Zia  book;  New  Mexico  automobile  license  directory  .  .  .  fur- 
nished by  John  D.  Bingaman  .  .  .  comp.  by  Diego  Salazar,  Motor 
vehicle  commissioner.  Santa  Fe,  1936.  4v. 

The  Zia  book ;  New  Mexico  automobile  license  directory  .  .  .  furnished 
by  John  D.  Bingaman,  commissioner  of  revenue,  comp.  by  Diego 
Salazar,  Motor  vehicle  commissioner.  Santa  Fe,  1937.  3v. 

The  Zia  book ;  New  Mexico  automobile  license  directory  .  .  .  furnished 
by  John  D.  Bingaman  .  .  .  comp.  by  Diego  Salazar,  Motor  vehicle 
commissioner.  Santa  Fe,  1938.  3v. 

The  Zia  Book;  New  Mexico  automobile  license  directory  .  .  .  furnished 
by  John  D.  Bingaman  .  .  .  comp.  by  Diego  Salazar,  Motor  vehi- 
cle commissioner,  Santa  Fe,  1939.  3v. 

The  Zia  book;  New  Mexico  automobile  license  directory  .  .  .  furnished 
by  John  D.  Bingaman,  commissioner  of  revenue,  comp.  by  Diego 
Salazar,  Motor  vehicle  commissioner.  Santa  Fe,  1940.  3v. 

The  Zia  book;  New  Mexico  automobile  license  directory  .  .  .  fur- 
nished by  J.  0.  Gallegos,  commissioner  of  revenue,  comp.  by  J.  O. 
Garcia,  Motor  vehicle  commissioner.  Santa  Fe,  1941.  4v. 

The  Zia  book;  New  Mexico  automobile  license  directory  .  .  .  furnished 
by  J.  O.  Gallegos,  commissioner  of  revenue,  comp.  by  J.  O.  Garcia, 
Motor  vehicle  commissioner.  Santa  Fe,  1942.  4v. 

The  Zia  book ;  New  Mexico  automobile  license  directory  .  .  .  furnished 


228  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

by   J.    O.   Gallegos,   commissioner   of   revenue,   comp.   by   M.   A. 

Romero,  Motor  vehicle  commissioner.  Santa  Fe,  1943.  3v. 
The  Zia  book ;  New  Mexico  automobile  license  directory  .  .  .  furnished 

by  J.   O.   Gallegos,  commissioner   of  revenue,  comp.   by   M.   A. 

Romero,  Motor  vehicle  commissioner.  Santa  Fe,  1944.  4v. 
The  Zia  book ;  New  Mexico  automobile  license  directory  .  .  .  furnished 

by   J.   O.   Gallegos,  commissioner  of  revenue,  comp.   by   M.   A. 

Romero,  Motor  vehicle  commissioner.  Santa  Fe,  1945.  3v. 

no  more  published 


Bureau  of  revenue.  Port  of  entry  division. 

Created  in  1935;  aids  in  regulation  of  use  of  public 
highways,  in  collection  of  taxes  and  enforcement  of  police 
and  health  laws. 

New  Mexico  port  of  entry  laws.  chap.  136;   Session  laws  of  1935. 
( Santa  Fe,  1935)  14p. 


Bureau  of  revenue.  School  tax  division. 

Passed  in  1935;  superceded  the  1934  act;  tax  is  levied 
against  persons  exercising  business  privileges  in  the  state; 
all  proceeds  in  excess  of  administrative  cost  are  distributed 
to  the  State  school  equalization  fund  and  apportioned  to  the 
various  counties  for  elementary  and  high  school  purposes. 

New  Mexico  emergency  school  tax  act  effective  July  1,  1935  .  .  . 
(Santa  Fe,  1935)  24p.  (Session  laws  of  1935  chap.  73) 

New  Mexico  emergency  school  tax  laws,  chap.  73  Session  laws  of  1935 
as  amended  by  chap.  192  Session  laws  of  1937;  chap.  73  Laws  of 
1935  superceded  chap.  7  special  session  act  1934  on  July  1,  1935. 
Santa  Fe  (1937)  28p. 

New  Mexico  school  tax  laws;  chap.  73  Laws  1935  as  amended  by  chap. 
192  Laws  1937;  chap.  94  Laws  1939;  chap.  144  Laws  1939.  (Santa 
Fe,  1939)  28p. 

New  Mexico  school  tax  laws;  chap.  73  Laws  1935  as  amended  by 
chap.  192  Laws  1937;  chap.  94  Laws  1939;  chap.  144  Laws  1939; 
chap.  33  Laws  1941;  chap.  77  Laws  1941;  chap.  133  Laws  1941. 
(Santa  Fe,  1941)  22p. 

Official  rules  and  regulations;  New  Mexico  school  tax  law;  chap.  73 
Laws  1935  amended;  Field  auditor's  handbook  July  1947;  Victor 
Salazar  commissioner,  Joe  Callaway,  Director  School  tax  divi- 
sion. (Santa  Fe,  1947)  44p. 


CHECK   LIST  229 

Capitol  custodian  committee. 

Established  1899 ;  abolished  in  1935 ;  all  duties  formerly 
exercised  by  the  committee  were  vested  in  the  Governor,  Sec- 
retary of  state  and  Capitol  custodian. 

Report 

May,  1899-Dec.  1,  1900.   (Sol  Speigelberg)  in  Message  of  M.  A. 

Otero  to  the  34th  Legislative  assembly  Jan.  21,  1901.  p.  357-362. 

Exhibit  "S" 
Dec.  1,  1900-Nov.  30,  1902.   (A.  A.  Keen)   in  message  of  M.  A. 

Otero  to  the  35th  Legislative  assembly.  Jan.  19,  1903.  Exhibit 

"AI"  14p. 
Dec.  1,  1902-Nov.  30,  1904.    (A.  A.  Keen)   in  Message  of  M.  A. 

Otero  to  the  36th  Legislative  assembly.  Jan.  16,  1905.  Exhibit 

"AI"  18p. 
Dec.  1,  1904-Nov.  30,  1906.    (A.  A.  Keen)   in  Message  of  H.  J. 

Hagerman   to  the   37th   Legislative   assembly.   Jan.   21,   1907. 

Exhibit  24. 16p. 

Report  of  the  Capital  committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  30th  Legislative  assembly.  Santa  Fe,  1893.  39p. 

Capitol  rebuilding  board. 

Established  Feb.  1895 ;  discontinued  1901. 
(The  capitol  was  completed  in  1886 ;  on  May  12, 1892  the 
capitol  building  burned  and  many  public  documents  were 
completely  destroyed;  new  capitol  was  completed  and  dedi- 
cated on  June  4,  1900.) 

Report 

March  2,  1895-Jan.  1,  1899  (F.  M.  Manzanares,  pres.  W.  H.  Pope, 

sec.)  in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  33d  Legislative  assembly 

Jan.  16,  1899.  "Exhibit  P"  p.  291-305)   in  Council  and  House 

journal,  1899.  "Exhibit  P"  p.  291-305. 
March  1,  1900-Jan.  21,  1901.   (W.  H.  Pope,  sec.)   in  Message  of 

M.  A.  Otero  to  the  34th  Legislative  assembly  Jan.  21,  1901. 

Exhibit  "R"  p.  345-356. 

Informe  del  cuerpo  de  redeficar  el  capitolio  del  territorio  de  Nuevo 
Mejico  finalizado  Diciembre  31,  1898.  Santa  Fe,  1899.  18p. 

Carey  act  land  board. 

Established  1909,  had  jurisdiction  over  reclamation,  set- 
tlements and  occupation  of  certain  lands. 


230  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Annual  report 

Dec.  1,  1917-Nov.  30,  1918  (Fred  Muller) 

Act  of  Congress  commonly  called  the  Carey  act,  and  amendments 
thereto,  with  regulations  and  forms  prescribed  by  the  secretary 
of  the  Interior,  April  19,  1900  .  .  .  Statute  of  New  Mexico  with 
regulations  and  forms  adopted  by  the  Carey  act  land  board,  May 
15,  1909.  (Santa  Fe?  1910?)  73p. 

Cattle  Sanitary  Board. 

Established  in  1887;  exercises  all  general  supervision 
over  livestock  interests  of  the  state. 

Annual  report 

Apr.  6, 1887-Feb.  4, 1888  14p.  v.l 

Feb.  4, 1888-Dec.  8, 1888  15p.  v.  2  ( J.  D.  Warner) 

Dec.  8, 1888-Dec.  14, 1889  15p.  v.  3  (L.  Lutz) 

1890  v.4 

Jan.  1,  1891-Dec.  31,  1891  v.  5 
Jan.  1, 1892-Dec.  31, 1892  v.  6 
Dec.  31, 1895-Dec.  31, 1896  25p.  ( J.  A.  LaRue) 
Jan.  1, 1898-Dec.  31, 1898   ( J.  A.  LaRue) 

Also  in  Message  of  Gov.  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  33rd  Legislative 

assembly.  Jan.  16,  1899.  "Exhibit  I"  p.  246-250. 

Also  in  Council  and  House  Journal,  1899.  "Exhibit  I"  p.  246-250. 
Dec.  31, 1898-Jan.  1, 1900 
Jan.  1, 1900-Dec.  31, 1900  (J.  A.  LaRue) 

Also  in  Message  of  Gov.  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  34th  Legislative 

assembly.  Jan.  21, 1901  Exhibit  "J"  p.  283-288. 
Dec.  1, 1901-Nov.  30, 1902   (J.  A.  LaRue) 

Also  in  Message  of  Gov.  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  35th  Legislative 

assembly.  Jan.  19, 1903.  "Exhibit  O"  7p. 
July  1, 1904-Nov.  30, 1904   (W.  C.  Barnes) 

Also  in  Message  of  Gov.  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  36th  Legislative 

assembly.  Jan.  16, 1905.  "Exhibit  O"  17p. 
Dec.  1, 1904-Nov.  30, 1906   (W.  C.  Barnes) 

Also  in  Message  of  Gov.  H.  J.  Hagerman  to  the  37th  Legisla- 
tive assembly.  Jan.  21, 1907.  Exhibit  19.  9p. 
Dec.  1, 1906-Nov.  30, 1908  (E.  G.  Austen)  (Typew.) 
Dec.  1, 1908-Dec.  31, 1911  (W.  J.  Linwood)  (Typew.) 
Jan.  1, 1912-Nov.  30, 1912  25th  fis.  yr.  (W.  J.  Linwood)    (Typew.) 
Dec.  1, 1912-Nov.  30, 1913  26th  fis.  yr.  (W.  J.  Linwood) 
Dec.  1, 1913-Nov.  30, 1914  27th  fis.  yr.  (W.  J.  Linwood) 
Dec.  1, 1914-Nov.  30,  1915  28th  fis  yr.  (W.  J.  Linwood) 
Dec.  1, 1915-Nov.  30, 1916  29th  fis.  yr.  (W.  J.  Linwood) 
Dec.  1, 1916-Nov.  30, 1917  30th  fis.  yr.  (T.  D.  Allen)  " 


CHECK  LIST  231 

Dec.  1,  1917-Nov.  30,  1918  31st  fis.  yr.  (T.  D.  Allen)  " 

Dec.  1,  1918-Nov.  30,  1919  32nd  fis.  yr.  (W.  J.  Linwood) 
Dec.  1,  1919-Nov.  30,  1920  33rd  fis.  yr.  (W.  J.  Linwood  " 

Dec.  1,  1920-Nov.  30,  1921  34th  fis.  yr.  (M.  G.  Keenan)  " 

Dec.  1,  1921-Nov.  30,  1922  35th  fis.  yr.  (M.  G.  Keenan)  " 

Dec.  1,  1922-Nov.  30, 1923  36th  fis.  yr.  (M.  G.  Keenan) 
Dec.  1,  1923-Nov.  30, 1924  37th  fis.  yr.  (M.  G.  Keenan) 
Dec.  1, 1924-Nov.  30, 1925  38th  fis.  yr.  (M.  G.  Keenan)  " 

July  1,  1925-Jne.  30,  1926  14th  fis.  yr.  (M.  G.  Keenan)  " 

July  1,  1926-Jne.  30,  1927  15th  fis.  yr.  (M.  G.  Keenan)  " 

July  1,  1927-June  30,  1928  16th  fis.  yr.  (M.  G.  Keenan) 
July  1, 1928-June  30,  1929  17th  fis.  yr.  (M.  G.  Keenan)  » 

July  1,  1929-June  30, 1930  18th  fis.  yr.  (M.  G.  Keenan)  " 

July  1, 1930-June  30,  1931  19th  fis.  yr.  (W.  A.  Naylor)  " 

July  1,  1931-June  30,  1932  20th  fis.  yr.  (W.  A.  Naylor)  " 

July  1, 1932-June  30, 1933  21  fis.  yr.  (W.  A.  Naylor)  " 

July  1,  1933-June  30,  1934  22  fis.  yr.  (W.  A.  Naylor) 
July  1, 1934-June  30, 1935  (25)  p.  23  fis.  yr.  (W.  A.  Naylor)     " 
July  1,  1935-June  30, 1936  24  fis.  yr.  (W.  A.  Naylor)  " 

July  1,  1936-June  30, 1937  25  fis.  yr.  (Sam  McCue)  " 

July  1,  1937-June  30,  1938  (15) p.  26  fis.  yr.  (Sam  McCue)  " 
July  1, 1938-June  30,  1939  (12) p.  27  fis.  yr.  (Sam  McCue)  " 
July  1,  1939-June  30,  1940  (14) p  28  fis.  yr.  (Sam  McCue)  " 
July  1, 1940-June  30, 1941  (13)p.  29  fis.  yr.  (Sam  McCue)  " 
July  1,  1941-June  30,  1942  (13) p.  30  fis.  yr.  (Sam  McCue)  " 
July  1,  1942-June  30,  1943  (14) p.  31  fis.  yr.  (Sam  McCue)  " 
July  1, 1943-June  30,  1944  (14) p.  32  fis.  yr.  (Sam  McCue)  " 
July  1, 1944-June  30,  1945  (14) p.  33  fis.  yr.  (Sam  McCue)  " 
July  1, 1945-June  30,  1946  (15) p.  34  fis.  yr.  (Sam  McCue)  " 
July  1, 1946-June  30, 1947  (14) p.  35  fis.  yr.  (Charline  Irvan)  " 
July  1,  1947-June  30, 1948  (17) p.  36  fis.  yr.  (Charline  Irvan)  " 

Brand  book  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico,  showing  all  the  brands  on 
cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses,  re-recorded  under  the  provisions  of 
the  Act,  approved  Feb.  16th,  1899  and  other  brands  recorded  since 
May  1st,  1899.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1900.  358p. 
and  supps.  no.  1-3. 

Supplement  no.  1  to  the  Brand  book  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico, 
showing  all  the  brands  on  cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses  recorded 
and  re-recorded  since  July  1st  1900,  to  Jan.  1st  1902.  Santa  Fe, 
New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1902. 133p. 

Supplement  no.  2  to  the  Brand  book  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico, 
showing  all  the  brands  on  cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses,  recorded 
and  re-recorded  since  Jan.  1st  1902  to  Jan.  1st  1903.  Santa  Fe, 
New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1903.  91p. 

Supplement  no.  3  to  the  Brand  book  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico, 
showing  all  the  brands  on  cattle,  horses,  mules,  and  asses,  re- 


232  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

corded  and  re-recorded  since  Jan.  1st  1903  to  Jan.  1st  1904.  Santa 
Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1904.  91p. 

Brand  book  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico,  showing  all  the  brands  on 
cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses,  recorded  under  the  provisions  of 
the  Act,  approved  February  16th,  1889,  and  other  brands  recorded 
since  May  1st,  1899,  up  to  December  31st,  1906.  Las  Vegas?  1907? 
536,  109p. 

Supplement  to  Brand  book  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico,  showing  all 
the  brands  on  cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses  recorded  since  Janu- 
ary 1st  1907,  up  to  Dec.  31st,  1908  .  .  .  Las  Vegas,  n.  d.  v.  p. 

Brand  book  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  showing  all  the  brands  on 
cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses,  re-recorded  under  the  provisions 
of  the  act  approved  February  16,  1889,  and  other  brands  recorded 
up  to  December  31,  1914.  (Albuquerque,  1915)  508,  115,  32p. 
Contains  Live  stock  laws  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico  relating 
to  cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses.  Albuquerque,  1915.  32p. 

Supplement  no.  1  to  1915  Brand  book  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  show- 
ing all  the  brands  of  cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses,  from  close 
of  1915  Brand  book  Dec.  31,  1914  to  July  1,  1917  .  .  .  Albuquer- 
que (1917)  107,  55p. 

Brand  book  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  showing  all  the  brands  on 
cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses,  registered  at  close  of  books  July  1 
1934  .  .  .  Albuquerque  (1935)  223, 139p. 

includes  Supplement  no.  1  to  the  1934  Brand  book.  (9)  p. 

1936  supplement  no.  2  to  the  1934  Brand  book  of  the  state  of  New 
Mexico,  showing  all  the  brands  on  cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses 
registered  at  close  of  books  July  28,  1936.  Albuquerque  (1936)  52, 
38,  5p. 

Brand  book  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  showing  all  the  brands  regis- 
tered for  cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses,  at  close  of  books  June  1, 
1941  .  .  .  Albuquerque,  (1941)  478,  130p. 

1942  supplement  to  1941  Brand  book,  showing  all  the  brands  registered 
for  cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses,  from  June  1,  1941  to  the  close 
of  books  June  30, 1942.  Albuquerque  (1942)  66,  18p. 

1943  supplement  to  1941  Brand  book  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  show- 
ing all  the  brands  registered  for  cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses, 
from   June   1,   1942    to   the   close   of   books   June   30,   1943  .  .  . 
Albuquerque,  (1943)  65, 18p. 

1945  supplement  to  1941  Brand  book,  showing  all  the  brands  registered 
for  cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses  from  July  1,  1943  to  the  close 
of  books  June  1, 1945.  Albuquerque  (1945)  98,  27p. 

An  act  making  it  unlawful  to  transport  stolen  or  unlawfully  possessed 
livestock  or  game  animals  or  game  birds  illegally  captured,  killed 
or  taken,  prescribing  penalties  therefor  and  providing  for  the 
forfeiture  and  sale  of  any  property  used  in  such  unlawful  trans- 
portation. (Albuquerque,  1935)  (3) p. 


CHECK  LIST  233 

Excerpts  from  live  stock  laws  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico  relating  to 
cattle,  horses,  mules  and  asses  .  .  .  instructions  to  inspectors  in 
their  performance  of  their  duties.  Albuquerque,  (1941)  52p. 

Live  stock  laws  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico;  quarantine  regula- 
tions, instructions  to  inspectors ;  compiled  and  issued  by  the  Cattle 
sanitary  board  August  1,  1905.  Las  Vegas  (1905)  127p. 

Livestock  laws  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico  relating  to  cattle,  horses, 
mules  and  asses  .  .  .  Albuquerque,  1915.  32p. 

Livestock  stock  laws  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico  relating  to  cattle, 
horses,  mules  and  asses ;  also  containing  list  of  members  of  Board, 
Brand  and  health  inspectors,  their  postoffice  address  and  districts, 
with  list  of  recognized  state  veterinarians  and  instructions  to 
inspectors  in  the  performance  of  their  duties.  Albuquerque,  1922. 
87p. 

Live  stock  laws,  1933.  (Albuquerque,  1933)   (10) p. 

Livestock  regulations  of  the  Cattle  sanitary  board  of  New  Mexico, 
1935.  (Albuquerque,  19,35)  16p. 

New  Mexico  cattle  sanitary  laws  issued  by  the  Cattle  sanitary  board 
March  15,  1891.  Las  Vegas,  1891.  23p. 

Order  no.  3  Cancels  previous  regulations,  quarantine  and  general 
regulations,  governing  admission,  transportation  and  inspection 
of  cattle,  horses,  mules,  asses,  hogs  and  hides  .  .  .  effective  July 
1st,  1917.  n.  p.  n.  d.  8p. 

Proclamation  Aug.  12,  1887.  Prohibiting  the  importation  of  bovine 
cattle  (E.  G.  Ross) 

Quarantine  proclamation  Aug.  16,  1887  (E.  G.  Ross) 

Quarantine  proclamation  March  16, 1888. 

Quarantine  proclamation  Dec.  30, 1889.  (L.  B.  Prince) 

Regulations  of  the  Cattle  Sanitary  Board  adopted  7th  April,  1887. 

Regulations  of  the  Cattle  Sanitary  Board  adopted  April  17, 1888. 

Resolutions  adopted  .  .  .  June  11, 1902. 

Rules  and  regulations  .  .  .  adopted  Mar.  2, 1889.  (3)  p. 

Coal  oil  inspector. 

Established   1895;   abolished  Feb.   1903;   reestablished 
March  1905;  repealed,  1939. 

Report 

April  6-Dec.  31, 1898  (J.  S.  Clark) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  33d  Legislative  assembly.  Jan. 

16,  1899.  "Exhibit  N"  p.  268-270. 

In  Council  and  House  journal,  1899.  "Exhibit  N"  p.  268-270. 
Jan.  1, 1900-Dec.  31, 1900  (J.  S.  Clark) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  34th  Legislative  assembly. 

Jan.  21,  1901.  Exhibit  "O"  p.  319-338. 


234  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Jan.  1, 1902-Dec.  31, 1902  ( J.  S.  Clark) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  35th  Legislative  assembly. 
Jan.  19,  1903.  Exhibit  "N"  31p. 
Jan.  1,  1906-Dec.  31,  1906  (Eugenio  Romero) 

in  Message  of  H.  J.  Hagerman  to  the  37th  Legislative  assembly. 
Jan.  21, 1907.  Exhibit  II  18p. 

Informe  del  inspector  de  aceite  de  carbon  desde  April  6,  1898  hasta 
Diciembre  31,  1898.  Santa  Fe,  Compania  Impresora  del  Nuevo 
Mexicano,  1899.  (5)  p.  (J.  S.  Clark) 

Rules  and  regulations  for  the  guidance  of  Deputy  Coal  oil  inspectors; 
prepared  under  the  supervision  of  Coal  oil  inspector  Eugenio 
Romero  and  with  the  approval  of  the  governor,  by  Deputy  Coal 
oil  inspector  Harold  Kurd.  May  1906.  n.  p.  (1906)  9p. 

Commissioner  of  public  lands. 

Established  1899 ;  administers  the  State  institutional  and 
common  school  lands  granted  to  the  state  or  territory  by  the 
Federal  government. 

Report 

March  27,  1899-Dec.,  1900.  44p.  v.  1  (A.  A.  Keen) 

also  in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  34th  Legislative  assembly, 

Jan.  21,  1901.  Exhibit  "D"  p.  123-139. 

includes  Act  of  Congress,  June  21,  1898;  Rules  and  regulations 

of  the  Interior  department;  Act  of  the  Legislative  assembly 

establishing  a  Board  of  public  lands.  Also  included  in  vols.  2-9. 
April  1,  1902-Dec.  15,  1902.  v.  3  (A.  A.  Keen) 

also  in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  35th  Legislative  assembly. 

Jan.  19, 1903.  Exhibit  "E"  lip. 
Jan.  1,  1903-Dec.  31,  1903;  Jan.  1,  1904-Dec.  31,  1904.  14,  37,  38p. 

v.  4-5  (A.  A.  Keen) 

also  in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  36th  Legislative  assembly, 

Jan.  16,  1905.  Exhibit  "E"  14,  37,  38p. 
Jan.  1, 1905-Dec.  31, 1905;  Jan.  1,  1906.  69p.  v.  6-7  (A.  A.  Keen) 

also  in  Message  of  H.  J.  Hagerman  to  the  37th  Legislative 

assembly.  Jan.  21,  1907.  Exhibit  7  69p. 
Jan.  1, 19,07-Dec.  31, 1908.  36p.  v  8-9  (R.  P.  Ervien) 
Jan.  1, 1909-Dec.  31, 1909.  8p.  v.  10  (R.  P.  Ervien) 
Jan.  1, 1910-Dec.  31, 1910.  8p.  v.  11  (R.  P.  Ervien) 
Jan.  1, 1911-Dec.  31, 1911. 17p.  v.  12  (R.  P.  Ervien) 
Jan.  1, 1912-Nov.  30, 1912. 12p.  v.  13  (R.  P.  Ervien) 
Dec.  1, 1912-Nov.  30, 1914.  30p.  v.  13-14  (R.  P.  Ervien) 

*  volume  number  incorrect;  should  be  v.  14-15. 
Dec.  1, 1914-Nov.  30, 1916.  36p.  v.  16-17  (R.  P.  Ervien) 
Dec.  1, 1916-Nov.  30, 1916.  58p.  v.  18  (R.  P.  Ervien)  5th  fis.  yr. 


CHECK  LIST  235 

Dec.  1, 1917-Nov.  30, 1918.  38p.  v.  19  (Fred  Muller)  6th  fis.  yr. 
Dec.  1, 1918-Nov.  30, 1920.  16p.  (N.  A.  Field)  7th-8th  fis.  yrs. 
Dec.  1, 1920-Nov.  30, 1922.  22p.  (N.  A.  Field)  9-10th  fis.  yrs. 
Dec.  1, 1922-Nov.  30, 1923.  7p.  ( Justiniano  Baca)  llth  fis.  yr. 
Dec.  1, 1922-Nov.  30, 1924.  30p.  (Justiniano  Baca)  ll-12th  fis.  yrs. 
Dec.  1, 1924- June  30, 1926.  24p.  (E.  B.  Swope)  13-14th  fis.  yrs. 
July  1, 1926-June  30, 1928.  29p.  (B.  F.  Pankey)  15-16th  fis.  yrs. 
July  1, 1928-June  30, 1930.  24p.  (A.  D.  Crile)  17-18th  fis.  yrs. 
July  1, 1930-June  30, 1932.  26p.  ( J.  F.  Hinkle)  19-20th  fis.  yrs. 
July  1, 1932-June  30, 1934.  30p.  (Frank  Vesely)  21-22th  fis.  yrs. 
Jan.  1, 1932-Dec.  31, 1934.  4p.  (Frank  Vesely)  23rd  fis.  yr. 
July  1, 1934-June  30, 1935.  6p.  (Frank  Vesely)  23rd  fis.  yr. 
Jan.  1, 1935-Dec.  31, 1935.  4p.  (Frank  Vesely)  24th  fis.  yr. 
July  1, 1935-June  30, 1936,  5p. 

July  1, 1936-June  30, 1937.  7p.  (Frank  Worden)  25th  fis.  yr. 
Jan.  1, 1937-Dec.  31, 1937.  6  p.  (Frank  Worden)  26th  fis.  yr. 
July  1, 1937-June  30, 1938.  7p.  (Frank  Worden)  26th  fis.  yr. 
Jan.  1, 1938-Dec.  31, 1938.  6p.  (Frank  Worden)  26th  fis.  yr. 
July  1, 1938-June  30, 1939.  7p.  (Frank  Worden)  27th  fis.  yr. 
July  1, 1939-June  30, 1940.  7p.  (H.  R.  Rodgers)  28th  fis.  yr. 
July  1, 1940-June  30,  1941.  7p.  (H.  R.  Rodgers)  29th  fis.  yr. 
Jan.  1, 1941-Dec.  31, 1941.  7p.  (H.  R.  Rodgers)  30th  fis.  yr. 
Jan.  1, 1942-Dec.  31, 1942.  lip.  (H.  R.  Rodgers) 
July  1, 1942-June  30, 1943.  (9)  p.  (H.  R.  Rodgers)  31st  fis.  yr. 
Jan.  1, 1943-Dec.  31, 1943. 15p.  (H.  R.  Rodgers)  31st  fis.  yr. 
Jan.  1, 1944-Dec.  31, 1944.  15p.  (J.  E.  Miles)  32nd  fis.  yr. 
July  1, 1944-June  30, 1945.  21p.  (J.  E.  Miles)  33rd  fis.  yr. 
Jan.  1, 1945-Dec.  31, 1945. 16p.  (J.  E.  Miles)  mimeo 
July  1, 1946- June  30, 1946  not  published 
July  1,  1946-June  30,  1947.  16p.  (J.  E.  Miles)  35th  fis.  yr. 
Annual,  1900-1917/18, 1934/35-     biennial,  1918/20-1932/34. 
Report  year  irregular 

(To  be  continued) 


*  Fourth-Fifth;  Eighth-Ninth;  Fourteenth-Fifteenth,  Sixteenth-Seventeenth  re- 
ports issued  in  combined  form. 

First-Twelfth  annual  report,  1900-1911,  by  the  commissioner  of  public  lands  of 
the  territory  of  New  Mexico. 

History  of  the  State  land  grants  in  v.  18  p.  37-41 

Carey  act  land  board.  Annual  report  for  fiscal  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1918  in  v.  19 
p.  35-38. 

Report  of  the  Capitol  custodian  commission  for  the  Sixth  fiscal  year  in  v.  19,  p.  33. 


Notes  and  Documents 

The  practice  of  having  governors  and  viceroys  leave  an 
account  of  the  affairs  of  their  jurisdictions  and  instructions 
for  the  benefit  of  their  successors  was  a  fortunate  one  from 
the  standpoint  of  modern  historians.  Much  valuable  informa- 
tion was  recorded  in  these  memorials :  appraisals  of  economic 
and  political  conditions;  military  affairs;  and  matters  of  a 
religious  or  social  nature. 

Colonel  Don  Fernando  de  la  Concha  became  governor  of 
the  province  of  New  Mexico  in  1789,  and  held  the  office  for 
five  years.  His  predecessor,  Juan  Bautista  de  Anza,  famed 
for  his  expeditions  to  northern  California,  added  to  his  rep- 
utation by  his  astuteness  in  the  management  of  Indian  af- 
fairs in  New  Mexico.1  Concha's  successor,  to  whom  his 
Instruction  was  directed,  governed  during  the  remaining 
years  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

In  his  instructions  to  Chacon,  Concha  recommended  that 
his  successor's  attention  be  concentrated  upon  three  branches 
of  provincial  administration.  First  was  the  matter  of  rela- 
tions with  the  warlike  heathen  Indian  tribes.  The  second 
concerned  internal  administration,  and  the  third  was  in 
reference  to  the  management  of  presidial  troops.  He  covered 
the  basic  matters  of  administration,  regarding  which  the 
new  governor  needed  to  formulate  a  policy,  as  well  as  those 
which  contained  the  greatest  pitfalls. 

ADVICE  ON  GOVERNING  NEW  MEXICO,  1794* 

Instructions  drawn  up  by  Colonel  Don  Fernando  de  la  Concha,  for- 
mer governor  of  the  Province  of  New  Mexico,  so  that  his  successor, 
the  Lieutenant  Colonel  Don  Fernando  Chacon,  may  adapt  what  part 
of  it  that  may  seem  to  him  suitable  for  the  advantage,  tranquility,  and 
development  of  the  aforesaid  province. 

1.  Rarely  or  never  can  measures  be  taken  with  certainty  when  one  is 
ignorant  of  the  conditions  of  the  territory  occupied  by  the  peoples  of 
the  country  which  he  intends  to  govern.  In  order  to  obtain  this  neces- 


1.  See  Herbert  Eugene  Bolton,  Outpost  of  Empire  (New  York,  1931),  and 
Alfred  Barnaby  Thomas,  Forgotten  Frontiers  (Norman,  Okla.,  1932). 

•Translated  and  edited  by  Donald  E.  Worcester,  Department  of  History,  Uni- 
versity of  Florida.  The  original  ms.  is  in  the  archives  of  New  Mexico. 

236 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  237 

sary  knowledge  of  the  Province  of  New  Mexico,  it  appears  to  me  very 
conducent  that  the  present  Governor,  from  the  time  that  he  enters 
the  first  town  of  it,  named  Savinal,  endeavors  to  conduct  his  journey 
slowly  and  carefully,  inspecting  and  examining  the  settlements  which 
there  are  on  both  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte  until  he  reaches 
the  capital  city  [Santa  Fe]. 

Once  arrived  in  it,  and  after  having  rested  the  necessary  time, 
he  should  begin  a  like  process  in  the  same  regions  and  with  similar 
examinations  until  he  reaches  the  town  of  Taos,  which  is  the  last 
one  to  the  north  of  it. 

In  order  that  the  new  aide  to  the  Governor  also  acquires  this 
information,  it  will  be  advisable  for  him  to  accompany  the  Governor, 
and  to  acquire  an  understanding  of  the  terrain  in  order  to  enable 
him  to  discharge  completely  any  duty  which  may  be  put  under  his 
authority. 

The  Governor,  having  returned  to  his  place  of  residence,  it  will 
be  very  easy  for  him  to  comprehend  the  places  from  which  the 
communications  from  the  justices  are  sent,  which  he  will  frequently 
receive.  He  will  be  able  to  prescribe  his  decisions  without  confusion, 
according  to  what  the  cases  demand,  and  the  nature  of  the  affairs 
they  deal  with,  dispatching  his  orders  through  the  cordilleras  where 
they  are  located,  or  varying  these  if  it  may  appear  possible  to  im- 
prove them. 

2.  Being  possessed  of  this  knowledge  he  should  apply  all  of  his 
attention  to  the  three  critical  aspects  of  the  province;    1)    under- 
standing the  character,  customs,  dispositions,  and  interests  of  the 
barbarous  tribes  which  surround  it;  2)  the  discipline  with  which  the 
inhabitants  ought  to  be  treated;  3)  and  finally,  the  management  of 
the  presidial  company:  for  his  benefit  I  will  transcribe  the  knowledge 
that  the  practice  of  seven  years  of  administration  has  provided  me. 

First  Part 

3.  There  are  five  tribes  adjoining  the  province,  situated  in  different 
directions  about  it.    The  first  four  are  looked  upon  and  treated  as 
friends  and  allies,  and  the  last  ordinarily  is,  and  has  been  on  many 
occasions,  in  the  same  condition  as  the  others,  but  at  present,  ac- 
cording to  unofficial  information,  I  understand  it  has  suffered  some 
change  in  its  friendship.  Let  us  consider  them  in  detail. 

The  Comanche  Tribe 

4.  This  tribe  inhabits  the  frontier  lands  from  the  northeast  to 
the  southeast.  It  is  the  most  powerful,  and  consequently  the  most  to 
be  feared  because  of  its  proximity  and  numbers.  It  is  composed  of 
four  divisions  known  by  the  names  of  Cuchanticas,  Jupes,  Yamparicas, 
and  Orientales.  All  are  governed  by  a  head  chief  and  a  lieutenant 
named  by  the  majority  among  their  compatriots  and  approved  by 


238  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

himself.  The  first  is  named  Encaguane,  and  is  a  Cuchantica;  and 
the  second,  Paruaranimuco,  who  is  a  Jupe.  All  the  other  chiefs, 
and  all  of  the  members  of  this  tribe,  recognize  them  as  such  and  obey 
them  in  their  fashion,  (that  is  to  say,  expressing  myself  as  they  do), 
they  listen  to  their  counsel  and  follow  it  in  good  faith. 

In  this  tribe  one  finds  faith  in  the  treaties  that  it  acknowledges, 
true  constancy,  good  hospitality,  and  modest  customs.  In  warfare 
it  is  intrepid,  and  exceedingly  dashing  in  its  undertakings.  It  has 
no  treaties  with  any  nation  other  than  the  Spanish,  and  maintains 
an  incessant  war  with  all  the  others  which  approach  it.  They  agree 
among  themselves  perfectly,  and  the  internal  quarrels  never  exceed 
the  limits  of  the  petty  disputes  which  arise  between  individuals.  All 
four  of  the  divisions  live  in  a  close  union,  and  it  frequently  happens 
that  those  of  one  go  to  live  among  the  others,  so  that  their  interests 
are  common,  and  they  share  a  common  destiny.  At  the  present  the  first 
three  are  almost  united  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  one  another  re- 
ciprocally in  the  active  warfare  which  they  sustain  with  the  Pawnees. 

This  union,  far  from  being  harmful  to  the  province,  should  be 
looked  upon  as  advantageous.  The  need  for  which  we  make  them 
liberal  grants  of  arms  and  ammunition  makes  them  recognize  a 
certain  dependence  upon  us. 

The  Ute  Tribe 

5.  This  is  also  composed  of  various  divisions  which  are  distin- 
guished by  name  only,  for  in  everything  else  they  live  in  a  perfect 
union  like  the  Comanches.  Those  nearest  to  the  province,  and  those 
who  many  times  occupy  lands  within  it,  are  called  Moachis,  Payuchis, 
Tabiachis,  and  Sogupp.  Formerly  all  four  were  numerous,  but  today 
their  number  is  considerably  diminished. 

Behind  them,  and  at  a  distance  of  almost  two  hundred  leagues  from 
the  villa  of  Santa  Fe  live  other  Utes  called  Sahuahuanas,  whose 
number  is  very  considerable.  These,  like  the  first,  have  for  many 
years  followed  the  destiny  of  the  Province,  and  are  the  oldest  allies 
of  it. 

The  dealing  or  commerce  that  they  maintain  with  the  neigh- 
boring people  is  in  furs,  which,  by  repeated  edicts  issued  by  virtue  of 
orders  of  higher  officials,  is  prohibited  to  the  latter  to  go  to  carry 
it  out  in  the  land  of  the  former,  in  order  to  prevent  the  deceit  and 
bad  faith  with  which  they  have  performed  it,  and  of  which  this 
tribe  has  given  various  complaints;  for  that  which  they  are  ac- 
customed to,  and  which  is  commanded,  is  for  them  to  come  to  make 
their  ransoms2  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  and  near  to  the 
town  of  Santa  Clara,  where  the  alcalde  mayor  of  the  district  presides 
in  order  to  preserve  justice,  equity,  and  good  order. 


2.     "Ransoming"    Indian    captives    by    the    nomadic    tribes    in    New    Mexico    pro- 
vided the  chief  source  of  slaves  for  the  Spaniards  and  Pueblo  Indians. 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  239 

The  Sahuahuanes  usually  come  once  a  year  in  the  month  of 
October  to  the  same  place  and  for  the  same  purpose  as  the  other 
Utes,  and  they  remain  in  the  province  until  the  following  May,  when 
the  melting  of  the  snows  in  the  mountains  allows  their  return. 

The  Navajo  Tribe 

6.  This  tribe  lives  in  the  southwest  part  of  the  province.  Their 
settlements  have  a  rather  regular  form,  and  most  of  them  are  very 
near  to  our  Indian  towns  located  in  this  direction.  They  possess 
much  cattle  and  sheep,  and  a  proportionate  number  of  horses.  In 
general  they  occupy  rough  mesas  of  difficult  access,  and  pasture 
their  livestock  on  the  borders  of  the  Rio  Puerco  and  in  the  Canyon  de 
Chelly.  They  cultivate  their  lands  with  careful  attention.  They 
always  sow  seasonally  because  of  the  scarcity  of  water  which  occurs 
in  their  lands,  but  despite  this  inconvenience,  they  reap  generally 
abundant  harvests,  and  enjoy  some  commodities  which  are  not  known 
to  the  other  barbarous  Indians. 

Their  origin  is  Apache,  and  as  such  they  have  always  been  allied 
and  united  with  the  bands  of  this  group  which  inhabit  the  Sierras  of 
Gila  and  Mimbres,  destroying  and  assaulting  the  provinces  of  New 
Mexico,  Vizcaya,  and  Sonora,3  until  the  year  1788,  when  I  attained 
their  separation  and  also  set  them  against  their  former  allies  in  such 
a  manner  that  in  the  present  time  they  wage  incessant  war  against 
them. 

This  tribe  is  not  unaware  of  the  fact  that  in  order  to  enjoy 
tranquility  and  the  advantages  of  its  industry,  our  friendship  and 
alliance  with  us,  are  very  suitable.  For  which  reason  I  do  not  find 
a  great  obstacle  to  its  continued  existence  on  the  same  footing  as  it 
is  today,  which  is  equally  advantageous  to  all  of  our  settlements. 

The  Apache  Tribe 
Jicarillas 

1.  After  this  tribe  was  driven  by  the  Comanches  from  Jicarilla 
mountain,  which  is  thirty  leagues  distant  from  the  Pueblo  of  Taos, 
it  has  always  lived  between  this  mountain  and  that  of  the  Pecuries, 
planting  in  the  ravines  of  the  mountain  which  divides  the  two,  and 
seeking  the  shelter  of  our  towns,  where  they  leave  their  families 
when  the  men  go  to  hunt  buffalo. 

These  Apaches  differ  very  little  from  all  the  others  known 
by  the  same  name,  being  superior  to  them  only  in  the  industry  of 
cultivating  the  land  and  curing  hides. 

The  people  of  the  Province  usually  attribute  to  them  some  un- 
faithfulness, but  this  must  be  very  rare,  or  imagined,  with  respect  to 
my  time,  none  of  them  having  been  justified,  and  the  sources  of 
these  complaints  always  having  been  doubtful. 


3.     See  Thomas,  op.  tit.,  for  an  account  of  the  Navajo-Gileno  raids. 


240  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Tribe  Known  Simply  as  Apache 

8.  The  frontiers   of   the   Province   from   the    Pecos   river   to   the 
land  occupied  by  the  Navajos  are  known  under  the  names  of  different 
bands,  as  the  Natages,  Faraones,  Mimbrenos,  and  Gilenos,  but  their 
conduct  is  inconsistent  and  their  customs  are  perverse.  Despite  these 
bad  qualities,  I  managed  to  reduce  and  place  in  a  peaceful  condition 
in  the  vicinity  of  Sabinal  a  large  portion  of  this  tribe.   In  the  month 
of  last  December  there  were   located   at  that   place   almost   three 
hundred   persons   of   all   of   the   above-mentioned   bands,   who   were 
aided  with  a  short  weekly  ration  of  maize  and  meat  at  the  King's 
expense.    Today,  I  believe,  according  to  unofficial  information,  that 
there  has  been  some  change  and  that  if  any  families  remain  they 
must  be  few  in  number. 

General  Remarks 

9.  In    order    to    understand    and    deal    with    the    Comanches    the 
King  has  and  pays  four  interpreters.  Of  these  two  must  reside  in 
the  Pueblo  of  Taos,  which  is  in  communication  with  the  tribe,  the 
nearest  to  the   lands  which  they   occupy  to   the   northeast  of  the 
Province,   and  consequently   suitable   for  transmitting   to   them   by 
means    of    the    interpreters    whatever    information    or    news    that 
concerns   them.   The   other  two   should   live   in   the   capital   city  in 
order  to  treat  with  and  speak  to  the  Comanches  who  come  to  it; 
and  at  the  same  time  to  be  assigned  to  the  Pueblo  of  Pecos  when 
they  assemble  there,  which  is  also  nearest  to  the  Comanches  who 
inhabit  the  eastern  part.  It  is  well  understood  that  one  of  them 
must  always  live  among  the  tribe  in  order  to  observe  them  and  to 
give  an  account  of  their  movements.  He  should  be  relieved  as  soon 
as  his  tour  of  duty  is  concluded,  but  his  relief  cannot  take  place 
until  he  shall  have  returned  and  given  account  of  the  stopping  place 
in  which  the  bands  were  residing  at  the  time  of  his  departure;  and 
what  place  they  are  going  to  occupy  next,  since  they  are  wanderers 
and  never  have  a  fixed  residence. 

For  the  same  purpose  the  King  supports  two  other  interpreters 
with  the  duty  of  keeping  the  Navajos  peaceful,  who  must  also  have 
their  residence  in  the  villa,  alternating  between  them,  so  that  there 
will  always  be  one  with  the  tribe. 

The  Utes  do  not  have  an  interpreter  paid  by  the  King  like  the 
others,  but  the  genizaro,*  Manuel  Mestas,  resident  of  Cuchilla,  per- 
forms this  duty  and  serves  as  such.  He  is  known  to  all  of  them,  and  has 
sufficient  influence  over  them.  For  this  he  is  rewarded  with  fifty 
pesos  annually  from  the  funds  assigned  to  the  extraordinary  ex- 
penses of  the  Province;  having  imposed  upon  him  the  exact  duty  of 


4.  Gcnizaro  (Janissary)  was  a  term  used  in  New  Mexico  to  designate  Indians 
who  had  been  captured  while  young  and  who  consequently  lacked  a  feeling  for  their 
tribes. 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  241 

always  meeting  with  them  in  the  capital  city,  and  also  that  of 
going  to  their  camps  (which  regularly  are  located  near  the  post 
of  his  residence)  when  circumstances  demand  it. 

The  Jicarillas  also  do  not  have  an  interpreter  assigned  to  them, 
but  as  it  is  very  unusual  to  find  among  them  anyone  who  cannot  speak 
some  Castilian,  it  is  not  difficult  for  one  to  understand  them  and 
to  clear  up  anything  which  may  occur,  without  the  necessity  of  that 
kind  of  assistance.  Neither  do  the  other  Apaches,  Natages,  Gilenos, 
and  Mimbrenos  who  have  been  and  are  able  to  be  peaceful  have  a 
paid  interpreter  assigned;  but  the  resident  of  Sabinal,  Lereto  Tores, 
has  been  considered  as  such,  and  also  the  genizaro  of  Belen  named 
Matias.  The  latter  has  always  been  recompensed  in  the  same  manner  as 
the  interpreter  of  the  Utes;  but  the  former  never  has  been  officially 
appointed  nor  given  anything  despite  his  having  worked  incessantly 
and  fruitfully,  for  which  reason  I  deem  that  you  should  reward  him  to 
the  best  of  your  ability. 

10.  Among  the  above  tribes  distinct  interests  prevail.  The  Utes 
and  Jicarillas  are  on  friendly  terms,  and  both  hate  the  Comanches 
because  of  their  present  friendship  with  us.  This  prohibits  them 
from  making  their  thefts,  as  they  were  accustomed  to  doing  under 
the  cloak  of  our  alliance  when  the  latter  were  at  war  with  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Province.  Notwithstanding  this  situation  they  are  ac- 
customed to  work  together  in  making  their  hostilities  against  them. 
As  the  location  of  the  former  provides  them  with  immediate  shelter 
and  with  access  into  the  Province  for  stolen  goods,  it  is  necessary 
to  manage  this  matter  in  such  a  way  that  the  Comanches  never  sus- 
pect that  we  aid  this  design.  In  order  to  attain  this  end  I  announced 
to  the  one  as  well  as  to  the  other  that  always  when  any  of  them 
go  through  the  Province  with  stolen  animals  bound  for  their  camps 
I  would  have  the  transgressors  caught  up  and  delivered  to  the  offended 
party.  In  fact  I  have  done  this  on  various  occasions  which  have 
occurred ;  but  in  order  to  succeed  in  it  in  the  future  much  vigor  and 
activity  is  necessary,  because  the  neighboring  people  on  the  frontiers, 
for  the  immediate  advantage  of  buying  a  horse  cheaply,  or  to  avoid 
being  punished  for  some  complicity  in  the  robbery,  habitually  dis- 
regard these  edicts  and  refuse  to  invoke  the  law,  which  repeated 
times  has  prevented  detaining  the  transgressors,  depriving  them  of 
the  animals,  and  giving  an  account  to  the  government  so  that  it  could 
carry  out  the  prescribed  measures  which  are  found  just  conforming 
to  that  which  had  been  stipulated  to  the  same  tribes.  By  this  method 
one  succeeds,  a  sort  of  superior  authority  is  achieved,  and  at  the  same 
time  an  abuse  which  may  be  very  prejudicial  to  the  Province  is  checked. 

The  Navajo  tribe  also  has  a  close  friendship  with  the  Utes.  From 
this  no  harm  results  to  our  settlements  nor  jealousy  toward  the 
Comanches.  The  location  of  any  of  them  would  oblige  them  un- 
avoidably in  case  of  committing  hostilities,  to  travel  across  the 


242  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Province,  which  would  not  be  permitted  to  them  under  any  circum- 
stance. Besides  which  the  Navajos  would  never  be  disposed  to  leave 
their  families  and  possessions  to  the  discretion  and  fury  of  the 
Gilefio  Apaches. 

These,  and  the  other  bands  of  their  kind,  do  not  have  friendship 
nor  alliance  with  any  of  the  four  related  tribes,  and  they  are  always 
experiencing  persecution  and  castigation  on  the  part  of  the  Comanches 
and  Navajos.  In  order  that  the  latter  never  return  to  their  former 
alliance  with  them  it  is  necessary  not  to  spare  any  means.  This  is 
the  only  way  in  which  not  only  to  protect  the  district  called  Rio  Aba  jo 
against  their  invasions,  but  that  lacking  such  that  they  fail  to  com- 
mit them  in  Sonora  and  Vizcaya.  In  order  to  attain  so  important  an  aim 
and  to  preserve  in  them  the  same  good  order  which  they  have  pre- 
served in  my  time,  there  are  various  Navajo  chiefs,  such  as  Carlos 
and  Vicente,  who  are  able  to  facilitate  the  management  of  the  others. 
The  names  and  qualities  of  others  who  can  be  employed  for  the  same 
purpose  the  Alcalde  Mayor,  Don  Antonio  Joseph  Ortiz,  will  impart 
in  full  to  the  new  Governor. 

In  case  some  of  the  bands  of  the  said  Apaches  present  them- 
selves in  peace,  he  will  be  able,  in  the  same  way,  to  throw  sufficient 
light  on  managing  and  controlling  them,  since  he  accompanied  me  on 
various  occasions  when  I  have  gone  to  pacify  them  and  admit  them 
to  peace  in  the  post  of  Sabinal.  It  will  be  appropriate  to  indicate  the 
methods  I  have  used.  But  in  this  event  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to 
work  at  first  hand,  according  to  events  and  circumstances,  and  in 
accordance  with  superior  orders. 

As  the  five  tribes  referred  to  frequently  meet  in  the  capital  city, 
and  as  there  are  various  occasions  in  which  they  customarily  are 
assembled,  it  is  necessary  to  apply  the  greatest  attention  to  their 
entertainment  and  gratification  on  their  return. 

One  should  have  some  person  entrusted  with  their  maintenance  and 
meals,  to  whom  should  be  credited  two  reales  for  each  day  during  the 
time  of  their  residence  there.  Equal  care  should  be  taken  that  they 
are  not  lodged  together,  and  that  they  are  distributed  about  accord- 
ing to  and  in  the  manner  which  has  been  prescribed. 

As  soon  as  they  are  disposed  to  return  to  their  camps,  it  is 
customary  to  regale  them  with  some  clothing,  hats,  mirrors,  orange 
paint,  indigo,  knives,  cigars,  sugarloaves,  and  so  forth.  In  these  gifts 
the  Comanches  must  be  preferred  provided  they  are  not  in  at- 
tendance with  the  other  tribes,  for  in  this  case  the  distribution  must 
be  equal  in  order  that  no  preference  may  be  noticed  and  result  in 
jealousies  among  them. 

The  outlay  should  be  made  by  the  hand  of  the  governor  himself, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  more  pleased.  It  must  be  effected  with 
discretion  and  knowledge  of  the  merits  and  qualities  of  the  indi- 
vidual who  is  being  rewarded.  In  a  word,  it  must  be  with  so  much 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  243 

prudence  that,  without  losing  sight  of  economy,  it  will  succeed  in 
passing  as  magnanimous.  Bearing  in  mind  that  the  good  treatment  and 
generosity  in  these  expressions  is  the  principal  axis  upon  which  must 
revolve  and  has  revolved  in  my  time  the  good  harmony  which  has 
been  preserved  and  must  be  preserved  with  them. 

As  these  expenses  are  to  be  charged  to  the  King's  account,  it  is 
necessary  to  issue  at  the  appropriate  time  the  corresponding  orders  for 
payment  in  favor  of  the  individual  in  charge  of  such  matters,  so  that 
by  means  of  them,  one  can  draw  up  the  report  which  must  be  rendered 
annually  to  the  authorities,  and  so  that  the  proper  payment  may  be 
authorized. 

At  the  time  of  remitting  it  funds  will  be  requested  for  the  future, 
preceded  by  an  estimate  or  calculation  with  figures  of  the  expenses 
which  may  occur. 

Second  Point 

11.  Nothing  is  so  difficult  as  knowing  man,  and  only  the  practice 
of  observing  his  conduct  closely  provided  on  occasions  helps  form 
some  idea  of   his   character.   The   knowledge   which   experience   has 
given  me  in  general  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Province  of  New  Mexico 
(excepting  the   Indians   of   the   towns)    is   of   little   value.   Under  a 
simulated  appearance  of  ignorance  or  rusticity  they  conceal  the  most 
refined  malice.  He  is  a  rare  one  in  whom  the  vices  of  robbing  and 
lying  do  not  occur  together.  Because  of  the  dispersion  of  their  settle- 
ments, the  bad  upbringing  resulting  from  this,  the   proximity  and 
trade  of  the  barbarous  tribes  in  which  they  are  involved,  the  removal 
of  more  than  two  thousand  laborers  to  another  area  would  be  very 
useful  to  society  and  the  state.  It  is  the  environment  that  remains 
and  every   day  propagates   similar  vices.   These   cannot  be   checked 
except  under  a  new  set  of  regulations  and  by  means  of  a  complete 
change  in  the  actual  system  of  control.  This  important  task  is  not  in 
the   Governor's   hands,   and  therefore   it   is   necessary   that  he   take 
pains  in  minimizing  the  damages  wherever  it  may  be  possible:  for 
which  purpose  I  will  expound  to  him  the  means  prescribed  to  me  by 
prudence,  reason,  justice,  and  the  practice  of  about  seven  years  during 
which  time  I  have  governed  the  Province. 

12.  Vigilance  regarding  the  conduct  of  the  alcaldes  mayores,  their 
lieutenants,  and  the  commissaries  of  the  troops  nearly  always  assures 
the  administration  of  justice  and  good  order.    Upholding  these  em- 
ployees in  all  that  they  do  that  is  just  and  maintaining  them  always  in 
their  offices  when  their  management  corresponds  to  the  indicated  pur- 
poses must  be  the  first  attention  of  the  Governor.   Almost  all  of  them 
in  office  today  were  occupying  these   positions  when   I  entered   the 
Province.     The    people    have   made   repeated    unfounded    accusations 
against  them.    All  of  these  I  have  examined  with  the  greatest  care, 
and  they  have  never  been  able  to  prove  those  which  have  been  made. 
Seeking  the  source  of  these  I  have  discovered  easily  that  they  do  not 


244  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

spring  from  anything  but  the  lack  of  obedience,  wilfulness,  and  desire 
to  live  without  subjection  and  in  a  complete  liberty,  in  imitation  of  the 
wild  tribes  which  they  see  nearby. 

13.  With  the   desire   of   making   distinctions   and   promoting   some 
mode  of  emulation  among  these  people,  who,  with  very  little  difference 
are  each  other's  equals  in  fortune  and  birth,  my  predecessor,  Colonel 
Don  Juan  Bautista  de  Anza,  organized  three  companies  of  militia, 
naming  the  officers,  sergeants,  and  corporals  from  among  this  same 
group.  For  the  same  purpose  and  desire,  not  only  have  I  continued  it, 
but  increased  the  number  of  individuals  by  adding  a  fourth  company. 
Far  from   achieving  the   advantages  which  we   had   proposed,   this 
organization  resulted  in  enabling  certain  men,  by  using  their  official 
positions,  to  arouse  everyone  and  to  form  parties,  always  disturbing 
the  Province  whenever  it  suited  them  in  the  purpose  of  gaining  their 
own  ends.  Adding  to  this  evil  that  of  withdrawing  themselves  from 
participating  in  the  various  tasks  which  the  police  must  necessarily 
practice,  and  to  which  people  respond  who   are   not  adorned  with 
official  character. 

I  am  in  favor  of  abolishing  this  order  of  militia,  and  of  placing 
the  citizens  on  the  same  footing  in  which  they  were  found  previously. 
That  is,  the  companies  to  be  governed,  commanded,  and  conducted  by 
the  alcaldes  mayores  and  their  lieutenants,  who  must  enjoy  a  distinc- 
tion under  the  names  of  captains  and  lieutenants,  without  there 
being  any  pretext  of  amplifying  similar  titles  to  other  citizens. 

As  the  high  command  approved  the  establishment  of  this  militia, 
it  is  necessary  to  solicit  the  approval  of  the  Commanding  General 
in  order  to  abolish  it. 

14.  In  whatever  fashion  the  above-mentioned  matter  is  arranged,  the 
selection  of  the  residents  and  Indians  who  are  to  participate  in  the 
campaigns  must  be  accomplished  with  complete  justice;  the  former 
should  be  indicated  by  name  and  surname,  and  the  latter  by  number. 
In  order  to  achieve  this  without  confusion,  and  not  to  leave  these 
nominations  to  the  judgment  of  the  alcaldes  of  the  districts,  the  new 
Governor  must  immediately  arrange  to  have  begun  the  taking  of 
a  general  census  of  all  the  men  who  are  in  the  jurisdictions,  with 
statement  of  age  and  fitness  for  warfare,  by  which  means  it  will  be 
possible  to  form  the  lists  of  those  who  are  to  be  taken,  and  to  pass 
them  along  to  the  respective  alcaldes,  in  order  that  these  advise  those 
who  are  chosen  of  the  day,  place,  and  circumstances  where  they  must 
assemble.  It  is  supposed  that  for  this  operation  a  general  list  is 
needed  on  which  the  sorties  of  each  one  may  be  noted  in  order  that 
this  type  of  service  may  be  made  with  fairness.  The  practice  of 
naming  substitutes  must  be  abolished,  that  is,  of  some  serving  in  place 
of  others.    This  condescension  is   absolutely   prejudicial  because   the 
well-to-do  make  a  small  gift  to  the  worst  vagabonds  in  order  that 
they  serve  in  their  places.  The  equipment  and  provisions  of  the  lat- 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  245 

ter  corresponds  in  every  way  to  their  conduct,  and  far  from  our 
being  able  to  take  any  advantage  of  that  kind  of  men,  their  pres- 
ence is  harmful,  for  from  the  first  day  they  begin  to  fail  in  the  per- 
formance of  their  duty,  to  delay  the  marches,  and  to  cause  the  failure 
of  the  campaigns.  All  of  these  difficulties,  along  with  some  other 
serious  ones,  occurred  on  the  first  campaign  which  went  out  im- 
mediately after  I  took  charge  of  the  government,  and  the  only  means 
of  preventing  them  is  to  limit  the  substitution  to  sons  for  fathers  and 
brothers  for  one  another. 

15.  Those  chosen  to  attend  the  campaign  must  not  be  furnished 
with   anything  but  munitions,  which   the   commander  of  the   party 
should  receive  in  order  to  make  a  distribution  in  the  necessary  cases. 
The   Indians   of  the  towns  never   solicit   anything   else   except  the 
things  which  please  them,  but  the  lazy  settlers,  and  those  of  bad 
conduct,  make  many  importunities,  asking  for  horses  or  supplies. 

Neither  the  former  nor  the  latter  contribute  anything  to  the  King, 
who  has  spent  from  his  exchequer  since  the  time  of  the  reconquest, 
with  the  idea  of  sustaining  them,  more  than  five  and  a  half  million 
pesos,  without  now  or  at  any  other  time  having  any  hope  of  being  re- 
imbursed. The  sorties  which  are  prepared  never  have  any  other  object 
than  that  of  protecting  and  preserving  their  own  property,  and  each 
considers  the  concurrence  of  all  an  obligation,  as  a  matter  of  their 
own  interest. 

The  six  Queres  pueblos  nor  the  residents  of  Vallecito  and  Canada 
de  Cochiti  must  not  be  depended  upon  for  this  service.  These  are 
employed  in  maintaining  the  detachment  at  the  foot  of  the  Sierra  de 
San  Pedro,  which  covers  the  entrance  of  the  Apaches  in  their  territory 
into  that  of  the  adjacent  villa  and  ranches.  No  caution  nor  vigilance 
has  sufficed  to  free  themselves  from  the  dangers  that  these  enemies 
occasion  in  the  places  mentioned,  even  to  the  precaution  of  assigning 
the  said  detachment,  which  is  composed  of  fifteen  Indians,  a  resident  of 
Vallecito  or  of  la  Canada  according  to  whose  turn  it  is,  and  a  carbineer 
of  the  presidial  company,  who  commands  the  whole  group. 

According  to  the  scale  and  arrangement  which  is  formed  with 
the  total  force  of  Indians  and  citizenry,  each  of  the  former  receives 
fifteen  days  of  fatigue  every  two  years,  and  the  latter  an  equal  number 
of  days  every  six  years.  In  this  way,  being  exempt  from  the  monthly 
campaigns,  they  remain,  with  very  little  difference,  on  the  same  footing 
as  the  other  inhabitants. 

In  the  hands  of  the  carbineer  commander  of  the  detachment  shall 
be  orders  which  were  arranged  effectively  for  the  service  that  must 
be  performed  on  this  station,  taking  into  account  the  lands  assigned 
in  the  same  document,  describing  the  trails  and  others  matters  which 
are  noted,  and  so  forth. 

16.  The  supply  of  horses  which  has  always  been  held  in  the  Province 
at  the  King's  expense  should  not  be  used  for  any  other  purpose  than 


246  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  aid  the  allied  wild  tribes  who  voluntarily  present  themselves  in 
order  to  cooperate  with  our  forces  ordered  on  campaigns.  In  order 
to  fulfil  this  object  the  number  never  should  exceed  one  hundred  horses 
and  ten  mules,  for  if  it  is  greater  all  that  will  result  will  be  constant 
losses,  without  achieving  anything  at  all. 

17.  Whenever  the  Comanches  and  Utes  announce  that  within  so  many 
days  the  former  will  arrive  in  the  towns  of  Taos  and  Pecos,  and  the 
latter  in  the  vicinity  of  Santa  Clara  in  order  to  carry  on  their  ex- 
changes, the  Governor  will  send  the  information  to  all  the  districts  in 
order  that  the  desired  individuals  may  respond,  and  also  so  that  the 
respective  alcalde  mayor  may  attend  this  species  of  fair.    In  it  the 
alcalde  mayor  must  see  that  the  greatest  harmony  is  preserved  exactly ; 
without  permitting  any  injuries  or  prejudice  to  these  allies  who  con- 
stantly proceed  with  the  greatest  trust.   He  should  not  part  company 
from  them  up  to  the  time  he  is  certain  of  their  departure,  and  always 
must  be  extremely  vigilant  that  they  are  not  robbed  nor  that  a  single 
animal  is  seized.   If,  despite  this  caution,  it  proves  (as  has  happened 
many  times)  that  some  irresponsible  residents  steal  some  animals,  an 
account  must  be  given  to  the  government  immediately  so  that  a  search 
for  them  may  be  made,  and  the  thieves  punished  according  to  the 
circumstances. 

It  will  be  very  suitable  for  the  Governor  to  attend  in  person  the 
first  time  that  the  trading  occurs  in  his  administration.  This  way  he 
will  facilitate  his  recognizing  personally  the  greater  number  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  said  tribes,  and  also  the  method  and  rule  with  which  the 
fair  can  be  improved  if  by  chance  it  should  be  unfair. 

18.  In  consequence  of  the  various  supreme  orders,  the  government 
has  issued  various  edicts  prohibiting  the  inhabitants  of  the  Province 
from  going  to  the  land  of  the  Utes  to  trade.   Despite  these  reasonable 
measures  that  have  been  taken  with  the  object  of  depriving  the  former 
of  the  facility  with  which  they  cheat  the  latter  in  their  dealings,  it 
has  not  been  possible  to  eradicate  entirely  that  kind  of  vice.   In  order 
to  prevent  this  abuse  in  the  future,  it  is  necessary  to  repeat  the  same 
edicts,  and  to  sustain  vigorously  and  firmly  that  which  is  prescribed 
in  them,  without  listening  in  these  cases  to  the  clamors  and  importuni- 
ties which  the  infractors  make  and  declare. 

19.  Immediately  after  peace  with  the  Comanches  was  achieved,  I  per- 
mitted the  residents  and  Indians  who  solicited  their  commerce  to  go 
to  their  lands.    I  granted  this  liberty  with  the  idea  of  acquiring  a 
complete  knowledge  of  the  waterholes  and  lands  in  which  they  are 
situated,  in  order  to  wage  war  with  this  advantage  in  case  they  suffer 
some  alteration  in  the  established  peace.    This  liberty  lasted  for  two 
years,  at  the  end  of  which  it  was  necessary  to  modify  it,  as  much 
as  to  prevent  the  inconveniences  which  have  occurred  with  the  Utes 
as  well  as  the  incidents  that  resulted  which  were  always  contrary  to 
the  desired  good  harmony. 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  247 

For  these  reasons  it  was  decided  formerly  that  few  of  these  visits 
should  be  made;  and  most  of  them  were  solicited  by  the  Comanches 
themselves.  But  licenses  were  always  granted,  with  the  precaution 
that  one  of  the  interpreters  or  another  trusted  person  must  be  respon- 
sible for  the  conduct  and  intercourse  of  the  individuals  who  go  to  the 
camps,  who  must  take  charge  of  governing  them,  and  who  must  give 
me  an  account  of  what  happened  upon  their  return.  It  appears  to  me 
that  this  is  the  method  which  must  be  followed  in  order  to  preserve 
with  genuineness  so  valuable  a  peace. 

20.  An  inveterate  custom  of  the  people  of  this  Province  is,  upon  the 
arrival  of  a  new  Governor,  to  renew  disputes  and  petitions  begun  in 
very  remote  times.  For  knowledge  today  in  this  business  it  is  necessary 
for  him  to  take  note  of  the  fact  that  all  the  matters  of  that  nature 
have  been  determined  in  writing  and  verbally  in  the  visita  general 
which  his  predecessors  have  executed,  in  which  act  the  parties  gen- 
erally have  been  advised  that  if  they  are  not  satisfied,  and  consider 
themselves  wronged,  they  may  present  themselves  to  the  Audiencia  of 
the  district  to  produce  the  statements  that  they  have  in  their  power: 
consequently,  he  does  not  have  to  understand  anything  nor  to  take 
part  in  these  affairs,  except  to  facilitate  them  and  to  advise  them  of 
the  procedure  which  they  must  follow  in  their  appeals. 

21.  It  is  no  less  common  for  the  residents  of  the  districts  remote  from 
the  villa  to  resort  directly  to  the  Governor,  declaring  injuries,  damages, 
and  so  forth.    These  presentations  are  all  made  in  unison,  in  spite  of 
the  edicts  issued  against  this  practice.   They  never  make  them  before 
the  territorial  judicial  authorities  who  are  the  ones  who  should  enforce 
the  edict  according  to  their  own  judgment,  without  which  requisite 
it  is  impossible  for  the  Governor  to  prescribe  his  decision  with  cer- 
tainty.   Nothing  has  sufficed  to  attain  this  obvious  improvement,  and 
the  only  method  which  I  found  for  checking  such  disorder   is   not 
admitting  it,  nor  changing  a  decision  for  any  petition  which  lacks  the 
required  formalities. 

22.  In  order  to  determine  the  problems  and  cases  which  arise,  after 
being  preceded  by  the  necessary  statements,  there  is  no  other  way  for 
the  Governor  to  evaluate  them  except  by  prudence,  wise  judgment, 
and  good  reason.    This  is  what  has  been  favored  by  all  your  prede- 
cessors for  lack  of  a  lawyer  with  whom  to  consult:  but  at  the  present 
he  must  understand  that  never,  or  rarely,  is  the  first  person  who  makes 
demands  right,  and  that  from  anyone  whomsoever  he  receives  with 
the  greatest  ease  and  without  any  gratification  the  false  testimonies 
which  he  needs. 

23.  This  does  not  follow  with  the  Indians  of  the  towns,  whose  pro- 
cedure in  this  matter  is  diametrically  opposed  to  that  of  the  residents. 
In  them  one  always  finds  the  truth,  they  are  easily  persuaded  by  good 
advice,  and  they  never  are  involved  in  nor  contribute  to  any  thieving. 
Despite  these  fine  qualities,  they  constantly  promote  various  requests 


248  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

that  their  doctrinary  ministers  be  removed,  or  the  judicial  authorities 
who  govern  them.  They  do  not  usually  have  any  other  object  for  this 
claim  except  that  of  accommodating  the  priests  who  solicit  that  result, 
joining  with  the  neighboring  citizens  and  with  the  administrative 
authorities  of  the  same  towns,  for  which  reason  some  make  suppositions 
and  allegations  against  them,  which  generally  prove  false,  that  they 
are  responsible  for  a  number  of  wrongdoings.  For  this  reason  great 
care  is  necessary  in  order  to  take  action  in  the  matter.  It  is  necessary 
to  make  a  minute  examination  and  to  take  separate  account  of  the 
interests  which  motivate  the  religious  and  the  citizenry  in  this  kind 
of  conduct.  A  frank  confession  always  results  from  this  step,  if  man- 
aged with  prudence,  which  will  bring  out  the  truth  and  uncover  the 
ideas  which  promote  the  recommendation.  Neither  these  circumstances 
nor  their  reticence  is  sufficient  to  check  this,  nor  intimidating  the  pro- 
moters, who,  the  first  proceedings  over,  after  a  short  calm  repeat  the 
same  requests. 

24.  In  no  country  is  it  more  difficult  than  in  New  Mexico  to  remove 
the  alcaldes  mayores,  because  of  the  impossibility  of  replacing  them. 
There  are  few  inhabitants  who  know  how  to  write  and  to  inform,  and 
even  less  to  discharge  a  duty  of  such  consideration,  that  few  or  none 
are  useful ;  to  which  must  be  added  that  the  equality  of  fortunes  which 
is  the  rule  in  the  Province  disposes  the  spirits  of  the  people  to  obey 
with  violence  and  repugnancy  an  individual  who  a  short  time  before 
was  not  their  superior  in  anything.  The  continuation  in  office,  and 
the  invariable  custom  of  obedience  at  all  times  to  the  same  individual, 
eventually  reaches  a  certain  point  of  giving  him  some  ascendancy  over 
the  others,  and  provides  his  actions  with  respect  and  consideration 
in  their  eyes. 

Despite  these  difficulties  no  one  should  be  kept  on  whose  conduct 
is  not  in  keeping  with  the  object  to  which  he  is  dedicated.  Those  whom 
I  left  in  the  districts  at  the  time  of  my  departure  have  fulfilled  their 
obligations.  The  only  one  of  the  earlier  group  who  had  bad  intentions, 
and  who  finally  began  to  abuse  his  powers,  is  the  one  in  the  district 
of  Alameda,  for  which  I  judged  it  very  suitable  to  remove  him  from 
the  office,  putting  in  his  place  another  person  of  ability  and  honorable 
method  of  procedure.  I  do  not  remember  at  the  present  who  may  be 
fit  for  it,  but  the  alcalde  mayor  of  the  capital,  Don  Antonio  Joseph 
Ortiz,  in  whom  resides  the  necessary  knowledge  of  the  inhabitants,  will 
be  able  to  indicate  to  the  new  Governor  a  person  suitable  for  this  trust. 

The  same  Ortiz  has  formerly  given  me  notice  of  having  deposed 
the  contingent  commandant,  the  alcalde  mayor  of  Laguna,  Don  Juan 
Cristoval  Sanchez,  as  a  result  of  some  complaints  given  by  the  Navajos. 
It  is  very  difficult  to  understand  what  the  alcalde  may  have  supposed 
to  be  untrue  acts  on  our  part  against  that  tribe  which  he  has  so  near 
him,  and  that  only  his  friendship  and  reciprocal  good  harmony  is  able 
to  afford  them  any  advantages  and  assistance.  This  matter  requires 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  249 

a  new  examination  to  clarify  the  things  which  to  my  understanding 
were  invented  by  the  interpreters  with  the  Navajos.  Whatever  may 
be  the  result,  it  is  never  wise  that  the  person  who  has  been  removed 
from  office  should  go  on  living  in  the  same  place.  His  assistant  having 
served  in  the  grade  of  lieutenant  in  that  district,  and  being  of  bad 
conduct  and  disorderly,  I  prohibited  either  of  these  two  from  ever  going 
to  the  said  towns. 

25.  No  affair  in  that  place  entails  so  many  difficulties  as  checking 
the  bad  habits  which  govern  the  priests  of  the  custodia.   The  greater 
part  of  them  live  in  concubinage.  Interest  directs  their  maxims.  They 
have  many  ways  of  insinuating  malice  to  upset  or  destroy  the  good 
measures  prescribed  by  the  Governor,  always  directed  toward  checking 
their  excesses.    They  have  an  absolute  sway  over  the  inhabitants.    It 
is  impossible  to  realize  how  far  their  effrontery  and  boldness  goes 
with  which  they  control  every  kind  of  affair,  nor  yet  the  facility  with 
which  they  upset  the  same  inhabitants,  always  meditating  upon  their 
own  particular  ends.  In  a  word,  their  influence  upon  every  one  is  such 
that  the  general  expression  used  in  the  country  is  "If  the  padre  says 
it  is  so,  there  can  be  no  doubt." 

That  the  injuries  may  be  less  (supposing  it  impossible  to  eradicate 
the  vices)  I  am  of  the  opinion  the  methods  which  during  my  adminis- 
tration have  produced  good  results  must  be  followed.  These  have  been 
to  ignore  and  to  take  no  part  in  the  disputes  and  strife  which  originate 
among  them.  Never  yield  to  their  annoying  petitions  to  improve  their 
offices.  Oppose  with  firmness  the  actions  which  they  constantly  take 
to  destroy  good  order,  and  keep  on  harmonious  relations  with  their 
prelate,  if  this  person  is  less  vigilant.  Add  to  these  means  that  of 
intimidating  them  by  means  of  threats  that  they  may  be  removed  from 
the  Province  as  prejudicial  persons  provided  they  do  not  improve  their 
behavior.  In  order  to  effect  this  measure  if  the  circumstances  require 
it,  it  is  necessary  to  go  along  in  accord  with  the  prelate,  as  the  law 
provides,  and  above  all  that  the  superior  government  may  sustain  the 
measure  to  the  end  that  the  Governor  does  not  find  himself  exposed  nor 
his  honor  questioned. 

It  is  extremely  difficult  to  indicate  in  detail  the  incidents  which 
can  occur  with  the  religious,  through  the  variety  of  affairs  which 
animate  and  govern  them,  but  watching  them  under  the  aspect  which 
I  have  indicated,  managing  them  with  tact,  firmness,  understanding, 
and  prudence,  and  resorting  to  opportunities  to  check  them  in  your 
just  duty,  you  will  attain  without  doubt  the  appreciable  object  of 
quietude  and  tranquility  within  the  interior  of  the  Province. 

26.  The  new  Governor  must  apply  his  entire  attention  to  effecting  the 
complete  consolidation  of  the  capital  city.  In  the  year  1789  an  execu- 
tive order  from  the  higher  authorities  was  passed  to  me  in  order  that 
I  should  put  it  into  effect  without  delay  or  without  listening  to  peti- 
tions. Knowing  the  difficulties  which  attended  it  in  that  time,  I  stated 


250  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  methods  which  to  me  appeared  opportune  for  accomplishing  it 
without  serious  damage  on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants,  which  was 
adopting  the  prudent  means  of  not  permitting  rebuilding,  repairing, 
or  mending  of  the  establishments  which  are  widely  dispersed.  The 
chief  officers  approved,  and  in  consequence  I  issued  an  edict  which 
expounded  this  prohibition,  under  pain  of  the  infractors  incurring  the 
penalty  noted  in  it.  From  these  measures  already  it  has  been  given  a 
regular  form,  but  the  work  will  never  be  completed  if  the  least  negli- 
gence is  permitted,  and  if  you  are  not  vigilant  and  do  not  sustain 
the  measure  which  is  the  dominant  factor.  The  inhabitants  are  indo- 
lent. They  love  distance  which  makes  them  independent;  and  if  they 
recognize  the  advantages  of  union,  they  pretend  not  to  understand 
them,  in  order  to  adapt  the  liberty  and  slovenliness  which  they  see  and 
note  in  their  neighbors  the  wild  Indians. 

As  fast  as  the  establishments  are  deteriorating  and  becoming 
useless,  the  aforesaid  proprietors  will  find  themselves  in  the  situation 
of  soliciting  new  land  in  the  place  which  is  indicated,  in  order  to  con- 
struct with  regularity  new  habitations.  This  has  happened  to  various 
ones  ever  since  the  measure  was  put  into  effect.  But  I  repeat  that 
without  complete  vigilance  and  sternness,  the  object  never  will  be 
achieved. 

27.  The  preservation  of  the  newly  built  bridges  across  the  Rio  Grande 
del  Norte,  as  well  as  the  roads  which  have  just  been  completed  and 
opened,  is  no  less  important.   There  is  no  fund  nor  any  municipal  fees 
which  can  be  applied  to  these  two  projects,  so  useful,  so  necessary.   In 
order  that  they  may  always  be  kept  in  good  condition,  there  is  no  other 
means  than  personal  labor.    At  these  the  citizens  and  Indians  must 
concur  without  distinction,  according  to  and  in  the  district  which  will 
be  the  least  inconvenient  for  them;  and  as  it  is  desirable  for  all  to 
enjoy  the  fruits  of  the  benefit,  no  one  must  be  excused  from  the  work, 
in  conformance  with  the  judicial  notice  made  by  the  government. 

Provided  that  these  same  repairs  do  not  require  many  persons, 
it  can  be  practiced  by  means  of  assignment  to  them.  By  use  of  the 
prisoners,  of  whom  there  generally  are  some  in  the  jail,  who,  con- 
ducted by  a  corporal  or  carbineer  of  the  company,  and  maintained 
with  the  aid  of  some  small  fines  against  other  delinquents,  this  public 
utility  can  be  improved. 

In  order  to  attend  immediately  to  similar  projects,  if  they  should 
be  necessary,  there  are  at  present  eighty-odd  pesos  in  the  hands  of 
the  official  paymaster  held  for  the  purposes  of  this  branch  of  policy; 
its  distribution  must  be  in  virtue  of  orders  which  the  Governor  will 
issue. 

Third  and  Final  Matter 

28.  The  strength  of  the  presidial  company  amounts  to  one  hundred 
and  twenty  men.    Three  officers  also  pass  on  review  with  them,  and 
a  retired  sergeant  with  corresponding  pay;  and  also  eighteen  soldiers 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  251 

on  the  sick  list.  Some  few  must  be  enlisted  for  the  necessary  quota  of 
corporals,  and  all  must  be  liable,  even  those  living  under  the  penal 
laws,  in  virtue  of  Royal  orders. 

The  condition  of  debts  and  credits  which  have  just  been  turned 
over  to  the  new  Governor,  and  which  were  put  in  final  form  at  the 
end  of  December,  1793,  show  the  legal  balance  credited  to  the  company 
at  that  time. 

In  order  that  it  may  always  subsist  on  the  same  footing,  the  Gov- 
ernor should  not  permit  the  providing  for  any  individual  of  any 
quantity  not  in  accordance  with  his  warrant.  In  order  to  carry  out 
this  in  the  cases  which  require  it,  he  must  always  have  at  hand  the 
referred  conditions,  to  the  end  that  he  will  be  able  to  execute  it  without 
confusion,  and  with  knowledge  of  the  condition  of  the  balance  in  which 
the  applicant  is  found. 

29.  Every  first  of  the  month  all  of  the  individuals  indicated  pass  in 
review,  and  corresponding  lists  are  drawn  up,  completing  at  the  same 
time  the  journal  of  events  which  occurred  in  the  company,  and  the  con- 
dition of  the  mounted  force,  and  everything  accordingly,  and  in  the 
manner  in  keeping  with  the  original  records  that  are  located  in  the 
archives. 

These  documents  are  to  be  sent  on  the  first  opportunity  with 
security  to  the  Commanding  General. 

In  addition  to  the  said  review,  others  may  be  held  when  necessary; 
if  another  general  comes  through,  such  as  the  Sub-Inspector,  who  is 
of  that  command,  in  order  to  inform  himself  thoroughly  as  to  the 
condition  in  which  the  individuals  are  found,  to  check  on  the  abuses 
which  may  have  been  introduced,  and  to  establish  rules  of  economy 
which  will  appear  to  him  suitable. 

30.  The  second  lieutenant  Don  Pablo  Sandoval  is  charged  with  fur- 
nishing remounts  within  the  Province,  according  to  needs,  and  without 
assigning  special  time  for  it.  If  the  few  things  required  of  this  officer 
are  not  completely  satisfactory  in  that  kind  of  duty,  you  can  give 
the  commission  to  some  sergeant  or  corporal  who  will  perform  it 
promptly. 

The  only  way  to  acquire  horses  of  good  quality  cheaply  is  that 
of  charging  the  paymaster  to  provide  the  things  which  the  Pueblo 
Indians  use,  and  that  with  them  they  visit  all  the  districts.  In  them 
there  are  many  horses;  and  in  that  of  Taos  and  Pecos  there  is  a 
considerable  number,  which  the  natives  barter  from  the  Comanches. 
In  addition  there  is  no  difficulty  in  the  agent  passing  to  the  camps 
of  this  tribe  in  company  with  an  interpreter,  and  exchanging  similar 
goods,  buying  them  also  personally. 

Since  the  year  1791  the  remount  has  been  made  within  the  Prov- 
ince, and  accordingly  entered  in  the  record  books  of  the  soldiers,  the 
cost  of  each  horse  having  been  eight  pesos,  more  or  less.  This  informa- 
tion will  be  useful  as  a  guide  in  the  future. 


252  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

In  spite  of  the  published  edicts,  in  virtue  of  higher  orders,  that 
prohibit  it  to  them  and  impose  punishment  on  the  soldiers  who  trade 
or  sell  horses,  and  that  subject  equal  penalties  upon  the  buyers,  it  has 
not  been  possible  to  check  this  abuse.  The  connivance  of  the  sergeants 
and  corporals,  the  lack  of  discipline — difficult  to  establish  completely 
in  this  country — and  the  liaisons  which  individuals  have  with  the 
rest  of  the  citizens,  prevent  the  chief  officer  from  acquiring  the  neces- 
sary information  in  order  to  proceed  vigorously  in  this  matter.  Despite 
these  difficulties,  no  means  should  be  overlooked  in  order  to  correct 
this  disorder.  Nothing  will  be  so  effective,  provided  that  the  fraud 
be  proven,  as  punishing  the  purchaser  in  the  manner  provided  in  the 
edicts,  and  dismissing  from  the  service  the  delinquent  or  seller. 

Nothing  is  so  desirable  in  that  Province  as  obtaining  a  place  in  the 
company,  and  nothing  is  so  mortifying  to  those  who  possess  one,  as  to 
see  himself  expelled  from  it.  Under  this  concept,  that  removal  can  be 
accomplished,  not  only  in  this  case  but  in  any  of  that  kind  which  occur, 
it  is  not  difficult  to  achieve  obedience  and  subordination. 

31.  The  troops  of  the  company  are  generally  of  good  quality.    The 
officers  who  have  been  left  in  charge  do  not  correspond  to  it,  but  the 
material  merit  that  some  have  acquired,  and  the  age  of  others,  makes 
them  deserving  despite  the  fact  that  they  have  some  trifling  short- 
comings; but  under  no  circumstances  should  certain  vices  be  tolerated, 
for  which  they  are  prosecuted. 

32.  The  present  paymaster  does  not  have  the  best  inclination  for  his 
office.  He  suffers  frequent  negligence,  the  greater  part  of  it  proceeding 
from  some  disorderliness.   In  order  to  prevent  his  malversion  of  the 
interests  which  are  carried  in  his  accounts,  I  assigned  Don  Joseph 
Griego,  under  my  direction,  so  that  they  should  be  distributed,  carrying 
a  formal  account  of  the  receipts  at  opportune  times,  and  keeping  cur- 
rent all  the  operations  attached  to  that  commission.    This  lad  is  of 
good  character,  was  reared  in  the  house  of  Don  Francisco  Manuel 
Elguea,  and  is  of  unblemished  conduct;  these  qualities  give  some  sug- 
gestion of  the  said  paymaster,  who,  in  order  to  work  arbitrarily  natur- 
ally tries  to  keep  him  from  his  side,  putting  in  his  place  even  such  as 
Don  Antonio  Ruiz,  his  companion  in  the  excesses,  and  who  is  more 
stupid  and  ignorant  than  the  paymaster  himself.    In  no  way  is  any 
change  desirable  because  of  the  unfortunate  consequences  which  can 
result  from  it;  and  thus  it  is  necessary  that  these  matters  be  kept 
upon  the  same  footing  which  they  are  established. 

You  must  effect  a  balance  sheet  which  will  verify  the  condition  in 
which  the  office  of  the  paymaster  was  found  at  the  time  of  the  arrival 
of  the  new  Governor.  If  this  operation  results  in  shortages,  through 
faulty  method  or  malversion,  the  paymaster  must  be  suspended  from 
the  army,  treating  him  as  is  prescribed  in  a  former  general  order 
which  can  be  found  in  the  archive. 

None  of  the  other  officers  is  fit  for  being  paymaster;  and  thus  the 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  253 

only  recourse  which  remains  (in  case  the  accounts  which  are  presented 
are  not  in  order)  is  that  of  naming  one  of  the  three  sergeants  as  aide, 
and,  managed  by  the  said  Garcia,  with  a  little  attention  to  this  branch 
on  the  part  of  the  Governor,  it  is  not  possible  for  any  shortage  to  take 
place. 

In  order  to  obviate  unfounded  complaints  which  the  soldiers  con- 
stantly make,  about  the  weight  of  their  rations,  their  orders  for  pay- 
ment, and  so  forth,  I  established  separate  pay  orders  corresponding 
to  each  branch.  In  these  are  recorded  the  drafts  and  the  time  they 
were  given.  They  are  always  in  the  possession  of  the  interested  person ; 
and  by  means  of  them  it  is  easy  to  remove  whatever  doubt  that  occurs 
at  the  time  of  settling  the  account. 

33.  The  service  in  which  the  company  is  employed  is  confined  to  the 
horse  guard,  composed  of  thirty  men,  whose  command  is  confided  to 
one  of  the  three  sergeants  alternatively.    If  by  chance  this  number 
should  become  diminished,  it  is  necessary  that  it  be  again  reconstituted, 
as  much  as  is  required  for  the  security  of  the  horse  herd,  for  its 
increased  number  constantly  exceeds  two  thousand  animals,  because 
without  it  the  soldiers  will  live  in  ennervating  idleness. 

The  officers  do  not  have  other  duties  than  making  war  against  the 
Apaches;  and,  because  of  the  climate,  this  cannot  be  carried  on  except 
during  four  months  of  the  year,  so  they  live  in  complete  comfort  and 
almost  total  inaction. 

I  am  of  the  opinion  that  provided  the  said  Apaches  return  to  seek 
peace  in  Sabinal  an  officer  and  a  detachment  of  twenty  men  should  be 
put  at  that  post,  to  preserve  order,  to  administer,  to  dispense  rations, 
and  for  other  occurrences  which  take  place  among  them:  all  in  con- 
formance  with  the  instructions  which  the  Governor  gives  it.  This 
detachment  may  be  relieved  each  month  or  every  two  months,  as  seems 
suitable  to  the  senior  officer's  knowledge  of  extra  duties  of  a  similar 
nature,  never  depriving  the  troops  of  the  pleasure  of  time  for  rest  in 
the  capital,  where  a  guard  of  [word  missing]  is  maintained,  composed 
of  a  corporal  and  five  men. 

34.  With  the  desire  that  the  field  forces  should  be  in  the  best  condition 
to  operate  effectively,  it  was  arranged  to  leave  the  horse  guard  with 
a  sergeant  and  four  soldiers,  to  which  were  added  forty  or  fifty  of  the 
poorest  equipped  citizens,  who  were  ordered  to  cooperate  with  them. 
This  method  I  consider  advantageous  in  order  not  to  duplicate  work, 
and  to  fulfil  perfectly  the  two  objectives. 

35.  In  order  to  maintain  the  neatness  and  attractiveness  of  the  com- 
pany barracks,  it  is  necessary  not  to  excuse  the  slightest  fault.   Each 
officer  has  a  copy  of  the  instructions  which  I  drew  up  relative  to  this 
matter.  In  them  is  detailed  an  account  of  the  conduct  which  each  indi- 
vidual is  to  observe  in  his  home  and  on  his  respective  post;  and  the 
same  vigilance  with  which  he  must  proceed  in  order  that  the  officers, 
sergeants,  and  corporals  achieve  it.    Nothing  is  sufficient  to  achieve 


254  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

this  effect  if  the  senior  officer  does  not  inspect  and  examine  it  frequently 
in  person. 

36*.  In  the  month  of  November  the  annual  expedition  leaves  this  city, 
composed  of  many  and  various  individuals  of  the  Province.  With  it 
goes  the  paymaster  in  order  to  put  in  the  corresponding  memorial  of 
the  presidio.  This  officer  takes  general  command  over  all  the  persons 
who  compose  it.  He  is  accompanied  by  fifteen  soldiers  and  a  sergeant 
in  order  to  safeguard  the  said  report.  The  services  which  they  and 
the  civilians  must  perform  during  the  marches  going  and  returning, 
is  explained  in  the  orders  which  I  gave  to  the  present  paymaster,  so 
that  by  its  use  it  will  be  easy  to  enact  similar  instructions  in  the 
years  to  come. 

Chihuahua,  June  28,  1794.  Fernando  dela  Concha. 

A  copy  of  the  instructions  which  Colonel  Don  Fernando  dela  Concha 
gave  to  his  successor  as  Governor  of  the  Province  of  New  Mexico, 
and  of  which  a  copy  was  submitted  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Command- 
ancy  General  of  my  command.  Chihuahua,  June  22,  1797. 

MANUEL  MERINO 
[Rubrica] 

[This  copy  is  in  the  Mexican  archives,  and  is  listed  in  Herbert 
Eugene  Bolton,  Guide  to  Materials  for  the  History  of  the  United  States 
in  the  Principal  Archives  of  Mexico  (Washington,  D.  C.,  1913),  p.  34.] 


Book  Reviews 

The  Valley  Below.    Alice  Marriott.    Norman,  Oklahoma: 
University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1949.  Pp.  243.  $3.00. 

In  Maria:  The  Potter  of  San  Ildefonso,  Alice  Marriott 
wrote  sensitively  and  often  beautifully  of  the  life  of  a  people 
alien  to  her.  In  order  to  be  near  her  work  at  the  pueblo,  she 
set  up  housekeeping  with  Margaret  Lef  ranc,  artist  and  cre- 
ator of  fine  illustrations  for  Maria  and  this  present  book,  in 
a  Spanish-American  valley  community  nearby.  The  Valley 
Below  is  an  account  of  their  life  in  that  community,  the 
humorous  approach  dominant,  the  serious  present  too,  to 
make  an  interesting  blend.  To  say  all  this  so  solemnly  is  a 
little  foolish  and  foolhardy,  for  Miss  Marriott,  in  having  a 
thoroughly  witty  time,  has  thrust  now  and  then  at  the 
solemnities,  even  those  of  her  profession,  ethnography. 

In  the  first  part  of  the  book  she  takes  us  humorously, 
even  hilariously  at  times,  through  the  discomforts  and  mis- 
haps of  refurbishing  an  old  'dobe  house,  dealing  with  an 
earnest  but  inept  handyman,  controlling  a  houseful  of  irra- 
tional Siamese  cats,  getting  water  out  of  a  perverse  well  and 
equally  perverse  well  experts,  battling  the  eccentricities  of 
a  coal  and  wood  stove,  negotiating  the  intricacies  and  doubts 
of  house-buying,  getting  peace  and  sleep  during  the  noctur- 
nal debates  of  rights  to  irrigation  water,  the  purse-empty- 
ing, house-crowding  mania  for  pottery,  the  trials  of  building 
an  addition  to  the  house.  There  has  been  some  method  in  this 
approach.  Chapter  XIII  begins:  "Now  I  seem  to  have 
reached  the  point,  according  to  ethnological  custom,  where  I 
must  go  beyond  the  household  and  its  dwelling,  and  define 
and  describe  the  surrounding  community  in  relation  to  the 
specific  unit."  So  the  latter  half  of  the  book,  maintaining  the 
humorous  approach,  though  with  less  dominance,  deals  with 
the  social  life  of  Indians  and  Spanish- Americans,  ending  in 
a  series  of  well-told  little  stories  of  the  neighboring  Maclovio 
Salazars,  and  a  sensitively  felt  story  of  the  Penitentes.  Thus 
the  book  that  began  "with  the  idea  of  an  orderly  description 
of  a  society"  became  one  "about  a  house  and  its  being  lived 

255 


256  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

in,  and  about  some  of  the  people  who  came  and  went  there." 
It  traced  also  a  change  in  the  two  women.  "The  impersonal- 
ity of  being  moderately  successful,  urban,  professional 
women  was  gone  from  us.  We  were  women,  and  our  neigh- 
bors came  to  us  for  help  because  they  knew  we  would  under- 
stand and  would  give  it." 

There  are  some  things  one  regrets  about  this  book,  re- 
grets them  because  Alice  Marriott  writes  so  well.  Despite 
her  own  denials  of  success  in  portraying  a  society,  a  good 
deal  of  understanding  does  come  through,  but  it  has  to  make 
its  way  through  the  convention  that  controls  the  book.  The 
convention  goes  something  like  this.  An  urbanite,  feeling 
decay  in  the  city,  indeed  in  his  own  culture  in  general,  turns 
to  "the  simple  life."  He  does  not  do  it  with  the  whole-hearted 
romanticism  of,  say,  a  St.  John  de  Crevecoeur.  He  sees  some 
of  the  lighter  ironies  and  laughs  at  his  own  discomfiture. 
The  Atlantic  used  to  run  sketches  of  this  sort  for  its  urban 
readers,  and  still  does  occasionally.  And  slick  humor  uses 
the  idea.  The  convention  has  many  extensions.  Sometimes 
the  adventurer  not  only  finds  the  natives  inept,  costly,  but 
lovable,  but  is  himself  a  competent,  self-reliant  person  who 
may  with  ingenuity  control  the  situation.  As  long  as  this 
happens,  we  get  more  of  the  narrator  than  of  the  native. 
Miss  Mariott's  first  chapter  starts  off  so  thoughtfully,  in 
such  finely-woven  prose,  that  one  expects  more  objectivity 
than  he  gets.  The  humor,  as  I  said,  is  lively,  and  understand- 
ing comes  through.  But  the  enigmas  of  alien  ways,  that  we 
would  like  to  solve  rather  carefully,  remain  incompletely 
penetrated.  One  would  like  to  see  Miss  Marriott  try  a  serious 
approach  in  fiction,  something  like  that  of  Katherine  Anne 
Porter. 
University  of  New  Mexico  E.  W.  TEDLOCK,  JR. 

Apron  Full  of  Gold.  Edited  by  Rupert  Glass  Cleland.  The 
Huntington  Library,  San  Marino,  California,  1949.  Pp. 
IX,  99.  $3.50. 

The  book  consists  of  a  series  of  letters,  between  1849  and 
1856  during  the  gold  rush  period,  written  mostly  by  Mrs. 


BOOK  REVIEWS  257 

Mary  Jane  Megquier  to  her  children  back  in  Maine.  Her 
husband  was  a  physician  wishing  to  improve  his  financial 
position.  Mrs.  Megquier  decided  to  accompany  him,  having 
heard  that  in  California  there  were  opportunities  for  women 
also  to  acquire  large  incomes.  Her  husband  and  two  others 
invested  $10,000  in  galvanized  iron  sheets  for  a  building 
26  x  40  together  with  drugs  and  other  goods,  all  to  be 
shipped  around  Cape  Horn. 

The  Doctor  and  his  wife  took  the  shorter  route  by  way 
of  Panama.  The  details  of  the  trip,  as  related  in  the  letters, 
are  most  interesting.  They  left  New  York  by  boat  March  1, 
1849,  and  reached  Chagres  by  March  13.  In  a  few  hours 
after  their  arrival  they  started  up  the  Chagres  river  in  a 
small  steamboat  with  thirty  canoes  attached.  After  a  few 
miles  by  steamboat,  they  were  to  make  the  rest  of  the  water 
trip  in  these  native  boats.  Three  of  the  tourists  with  a 
native  crew  got  in  one  boat  twenty  feet  long  and  two  feet 
wide  to  go  to  Gorgona.  From  here  they  went  on  horses  to 
Panama,  where  they  arrived  March  24. 

By  May  20, 1849,  they  were  still  in  Panama  together  with 
about  2,000  others  waiting  for  transportation  to  California. 
The  doctor  practiced  medicine  here,  making  almost  enough 
to  pay  their  expenses.  They  arrived  at  San  Francisco  June 
16. 

By  September  of  the  same  year  they  had  accumulated  as 
much  as  they  would  have  made  in  Maine  in  two  years.  The 
doctor  practiced  medicine  and  ran  his  store,  while  his  wife 
kept  from  sixteen  to  twenty  roomers  and  boarders. 

For  a  period  of  eight  years  after  their  arrival,  these 
letters  describe  the  life  in  San  Francisco  as  seen  by  a  couple 
not  interested  in  the  adventure  of  gold  mining.  The  condi- 
tions, such  as  the  types  of  people,  cost  of  living,  nature  of 
amusements,  and  the  social  life  are  presented  by  a  hard 
working  and  intelligent  woman.  The  reader  gets  a  presen- 
tation of  the  reaction  of  a  new  arrival  in  a  wild  frontier 
mining  town ;  at  first  there  was  a  feeling  of  loneliness  and 
homesickness,  later  a  sense  of  satisfaction  and  enjoyment. 
While  she  missed  her  children  back  in  New  England,  there 


258  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

were  frequent  statements  that  the  locality  was  no  place  for 
children. 

The  book  is  another  snapshot  picture  of  a  most  interest- 
ing period,  and  a  work  valuable  to  the  historian  as  a  bit  of 
source  material  for  a  larger  view  of  an  important  national 
event.  The  general  reader  will  certainly  enjoy  the  letters,  so 
real,  so  vivid,  and  so  unpretentious. 

University  of  Arizona  H.  A.  HUBBARD 


Historical  l^eview 


Public  Library 

Kansas  City,  Mo. 


Palace  of  the  Governors,  Santa  Fe 


October,  1949 


Editors 
FRANK  D.  REEVE  PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

Associates 

PERCY  M.  BALDWIN  GEORGE  P.  HAMMOND 

FRANCE  V.  SCHOLES  THEODOSIUS  MEYER,  O.F.M. 

ARTHUR  J.  0.  ANDERSON 

VOL.  XXIV  OCTOBER,  1949  No.  4 


CONTENTS 

Page 

A  Soldier's  Experience  in  New  Mexico      .       .       .      John  Ayers     259 
New  Mexico  in  Transition  (concluded)     .    Arnold  L.  Rodriguez     267 


Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publications 

(continued) Wilma  Loy  Shelton     300 


Notes  and  Documents      .  .  .  ....      332 


THE  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL,  REVIEW  is  published  jointly  by  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  University  of  New  Mexico.  Subscription  to  the  quarterly  is 
$3.00  a  year  in  advance;  single  numbers,  except  those  which  have  become  scarce,  are 
$1.00  each. 

Business  communications  should  be  addressed  to  Mr.  P.  A.  F.  Walter,  State 
Museum,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. ;  manuscripts  and  editorial  correspondence  should  be 
addressed  to  Prof.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  University  of  New  Mexico,  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico 
UNIVERSITY  PRESS,  ALBUQUERQUE,  N.  M. 


NEW   MEXICO    HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

VOL.  XXIV  OCTOBER,  1949  No.  4 

A  SOLDIER'S  EXPERIENCE  IN  NEW  MEXICO 
By  JOHN  AYERS 
Santa  Fe,  1884  <"ibl!c  Library 

Kansas  City,  M 

TV/fAJOR  JOHN  AYERS  was  born  in  New  York  City,  1827, 
*•**•  spent  his  boyhood  in  Boston,  and  went  to  sea  at  13  years 
of  age,  round  Cape  Horn  in  the  sailing  vessel,  Chile,  Capt. 
Knowles;  was  with  him  five  years  trading  on  the  coast  of 
Peru —  Followed  the  sea  until  1849,  then  went  to  California 
in  May  1849 —  Grass  valley,  northern  mines,  until  the  war 
broke  out  in  1861.  Enlisted  as  a  common  soldier  in  1861,  in 
Company  D.  1st  Cav.  Cal.  Vol. —  went  down  to  Lower  Cali- 
fornia, Los  Angeles  &  San  Bernardino.  There  we  had  skir- 
mishes and  put  down  the  rebellion  there ;  then  were  ordered 
to  Tucson,  Arizona ;  we  fortified  at  Pimo  villages  and  waited 
for  the  main  column  to  come  up.  Our  first  engagement  was 
at  Capache  Pass  with  Hunter's  rebel  pickets.  There  we  took 
4  prisoners,  and  from  them  we  got  information  how  to  ad- 
vance. From  there  we  were  ordered  to  New  Mexico.  Gen. 
Sibley,  a  rebel,  had  possession  of  Las  Cruces,  of  southern 
N.  M.  From  there  was  in  skirmishes  and  scouts  till  I  was 
told  to  report  to  Gen.  Carleton  in  person.  I  acted  as  courier 
and  express  rider;  was  promoted  by  Gen.  Carleton  to  1st 


The  treaty  negotiated  with  the  Southern  Ute  Indians  related  to  the  San  Juan 
country  in  southwestern  Colorado,  not  in  northwestern  New  Mexico.  A  detailed 
account  of  this  affair  can  be  found  in  the  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  XIII,  146ff. 

The  secretary  of  interior  was  Columbus  Delano,  not  Dillnow.  There  is  a  marked 
discrepancy  in  the  dates  of  the  first  two-story  house  in  Santa  Fe. — Ed. 

The  original  of  the  John  Ayers  manuscript  is  in  the  Bancroft  Library,  Berkeley, 
Calif.— Ed. 

259 


260  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Lt.  of  Co.  I  N.  M.  volunteers  and  attached  as  commander 
of  Gen.  C's  escort,  composed  of  a  company  stationed  at  Fort 
Marcy,  Santa  Fe.  I  was  then  made  quartermaster  and  com- 
missary and  com.  of.  [ficer]  of  the  post  of  Ft.  Marcy. 

When  we  first  came  the  people  were  all  dressed  like  those 
in  old  Mexico.  They  wore  long  hair.  The  business  was  prin- 
cipally done  by  Jews ;  there  were  but  few  Americans  here. 
The  foreigners  were  mostly  gamblers  and  adventurers,  or 
men  of  that  class,  and  thoroughly  in  sympathy  with  the 
south. 

The  Plaza  was  then  an  open  market  place,  an  open 
square,  where  they  sold  wood  or  held  market  and  corralled 
burros.  The  old  Palace  was  dilapidated,  and  the  west  end 
broken  down.  Governor  Conley  [Connelly]  lived  there;  he 
was  married  to  a  Mexican.  The  place  was  also  used  for  the 
meeting  of  the  Legislature,  Assembly,  Superior  Court  etc. 

Santa  Fe  was  the  headquarters  of  the  army ;  many  troops 
at  different  times  rendezvoused  here.  I  got  permission  from 
Gen.  Carleton  to  open  up  Capitol  St.  and  set  out  trees.  There 
were  then  but  eight  trees,  (cottonwood)  in  the  place.  After 
opening  the  street,  I  conceived  the  idea  of  beautifying  the 
town,  and  of  enclosing  the  Plaza  and  planting  trees  there; 
so  I  employed  troops  to  get  trees  and  do  the  work,  and  got 
up  a  subscription  from  the  citizens  to  fence  it  in.  I  was  the 
instigator  of  it  all.  This  was  in  1866. 

Old  Fort  Marcy,  built  by  Gen.  Kearney  was  here ;  which 
made  the  place  army  headquarters.  The  war  was  a  great 
blessing  for  these  natives.  The  people  were  then  a  great  deal 
like  the  present  Pueblos;  they  raised  sheep  and  goat,  the 
lower  class,  in  Santa  Fe,  then  as  they  do  to-day ;  they  would 
have  perhaps  half  an  acre  of  land,  and  raise  corn  and  chili, 
and  ponchee;(?)  [punche]  (their  tobacco).  Their  goats 
would  provide  them  with  milk  and  cheese ;  they  would  grind 
their  corn  on  a  tenati(?)  [metate],  sometimes  boiling  it  in 
goats  milk,  other  times  using  it  without  milk,  the  same  as 
the  Indians ;  the  lower  classes  were  all  peons  to  the  higher. 
There  were  probably  not  more  than  500  or  700  rich  Mexi- 
cans in  the  territory.  They  were  able  to  read  and  write; 
some  were  educated  in  the  east ;  their  hair  was  short,  their 


A   SOLDIER'S   EXPERIENCE  261 

dress  and  appearance  that  of  the  Spanish  gentleman.  The 
lower  class,  and  in  fact  all,  more  or  less  were  intermixed 
with  Indian  blood. 

I  look  upon  Lincoln  as  a  second  Christ  almost ;  his  proc- 
lamation freeing  the  slaves  was  a  greater  boon  to  these 
enslaved  Mexicans,  than  even  to  the  negroes.  Our  troops 
were  here  and  the  people  gave  up  their  peons;  the  courts 
were  open  and  the  law  enforced  when  necessary.  As  soon  as 
they  were  emancipated,  they  were  enlisted  into  three  regi- 
ments of  New  Mexico  volunteers.  There  were  about  4500  in 
all;  their  hair  was  cut  and  dress  Americanized.  The  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior  has  all  the  particulars  concerning  the 
Mexican  militia. 

This  was  the  principle  upon  which  peonage  was  con- 
ducted. For  instance  if  a  peon  wanted  shoes  worth  $2.00  he 
would  be  peoned  for  debt ;  the  wealthier  class  always  looking 
out  to  keep  him  in  debt.  From  the  natural  lay  of  the  land 
people  held  ranches  of  great  extent.  The  lower  classes  made 
little  villages  around  the  ground  of  the  lord  of  these  estates, 
for  protection  from  Indians,  the  raising  of  cattle  and  sheep 
etc.  They  made  their  money  by  selling  the  hides  of  the  steers, 
and  the  wool  of  the  sheep  which  was  of  very  coarse  quality. 
These  peons,  when  liberated,  had  no  idea  what  to  charge  for 
anything ;  they  would  generally  say  "pay  what  you  please" ; 
even  now  they  will  put  an  extravagant  price  on  their  mer- 
chan[di]se  or  charge,  if  in  need  of  a  little  money,  ridicu- 
lously little. 

By  their  laws,  in  earlier  days,  their  peons  could  be  bought 
[brought?]  back,  if  they  ran  away.  They  could  punish  them 
in  any  way;  it  was  worse  than  slavery,  for  slaves  had  a 
mercantile  value,  while  if  a  peon  died  his  place  was  at  once 
filled  with  no  loss  but  the  small  debt  he  was  working  out; 
slaves  too,  were  generally  clothed  by  their  masters,  while 
these  peons  wore  little  or  nothing;  their  masters  cared  for 
nothing  but  the  work  got  out  of  them. 

When  we  came,  the  northern  troops,  we  paid  money  for 
what  we  took  and  gave  receipts,  but  the  Texans  took  all  they 
could  get  and  gave  nothing  in  return;  naturally  the  Mexi- 
cans preferred  the  party  that  should  protect  them. 


262  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

When  I  first  came,  the  lower  class  were  married  generally 
by  the  alcalde,  and  married  for  three  or  six  months  if  they 
so  desired.  The  Mexican  clergy  of  course  could  not  marry, 
but  lived  openly  with  their  mistresses.  They  had  all  the 
superstitions  of  the  Indians ;  had  their  penatentes  or  scourg- 
ings  etc. 

Within  three  weeks,  a  woman  was  beaten  to  death  as  a 
witch  in  Rio  Riva  [Arriba]  county. 

War  was  the  principle  cause  of  the  start  in  the  progres- 
sion of  the  people ;  another  was  the  Catholic  church  sending 
Bishop  Lamy  here ;  he  displaced  the  Mexican  with  priests  of 
his  own  selection.  In  this  way  he  did  a  great  deal  of  good.  The 
priests  were  so  corrupt  when  he  came  that  the  people  were 
naturally  very  immoral ;  the  bishops  went  through  the  pena- 
tente  business,  stripping  themselves  and  beating  themselves 
with  thongs;  superstitions  had  so  worked  themselves  for 
generations  with  their  religion.  Since  Bishop  Lamy's  rule 
the  Mexicans  through  the  territory  are  very  much  changed 
and  wonderfully  improved ;  he  has  made  an  immense  change 
for  the  better. 

The  mails  were  brought  in  at  intervals  of  five  or  six 
months ;  in  1866  they  came  in  monthly.  We  put  the  country 
under  martial  law,  and  had  a  provost  marshal  until  1865; 
then  the  civil  authorities  appointed  in  Washington,  took 
control. 

The  1st  Regiment  was  commanded  by  Kit  Carson.  He 
was  quiet  and  unassuming;  of  medium  height  and  weight; 
he  could  scarcely  read  or  write  but  had  wonderful  influence 
over  the  men.  He  was  a  genuine  frontiersman  and  a  splendid 
Indian  commander.  The  troops  sometimes  accused  him  of 
cowardice  because  he  was  so  cautious.  His  experience  en- 
abled him  to  read  character  readily ;  on  the  march  he  would 
never  build  fires  if  he  wanted  to  surprise  the  enemy;  he 
would  creep  up  cautiously;  he  whipped  the  Navajoes;  he 
was  a  long  time  in  New  Mexico. 

Most  of  the  California  troops  were  mustered  out  here, 
and  a  great  many  settled  here  and  married  Mexicans ;  espe- 
cially in  Grant  county.  The  Californians  were  the  first  to 
commence  mining  here ;  the  Mexicans  and  Indians  had  tra- 


A   SOLDIER'S   EXPERIENCE  263 

ditions  against  mining.  Long  ago  the  Jesuits  and  Mexicans 
had  enslaved  all  Indians;  then  there  had  been  a  revolt  and 
they  had  driven  all  Spaniards  out  of  the  country.  The  result 
of  it  all  was  that  most  of  our  men  who  settled  on  the  Gila 
river,  were  murdered  by  degrees,  in  isolated  spots. 

I  have  been  in  many  Indian  skirmishes;  generally  they 
were  surprises.  After  the  war  I  was  made  the  first  agent 
of  the  southern  Apaches  in  1867.  Later  I  was  made  agent 
of  the  Capote  and  Wimminoche  Utes  of  Northern  [New] 
Mexico. 

The  American  people  like  humbug  as  a  duck  does  water. 
They  won't  believe  the  truth.  There  is  so  much  interest  used 
in  Washington  to  get  big  appropriations,  and  the  estimates 
needed  are  greatly  exaggerated ;  the  Indians  meanwhile  are 
decreasing  at  the  rate  of  10  per  ct.  annually.  The  school 
business  and  all  is  mere  humbug;  to  use  money  for  other 
purposes  than  that  designated.  They,  the  Indians,  take  all 
our  vices  and  none  of  our  virtues.  The  Board  of  Presbyter- 
ians make  out  wonderful  stories  of  conversions,  when  there 
are  in  reality  no  conversions.  The  Catholics  are  the  only 
ones  who  impress  them  with  their  ceremonials  etc.  This  ap- 
peals to  the  eye;  it  is  something  they  can  understand;  it 
reminds  them  of  their  medicine  man  when  they  see  the 
priests  dressed  in  their  robes.  Among  the  Navajoes  there  are 
many  Catholics ;  they  are  found  now  with  beads  and  crosses. 
They  have  degenerated  through  the  use  of  whiskey  and 
disease. 

I  was  agent  when  the  treaty  was  made  to  buy  San  Juan 
Country.  The  Indians  they  were  to  treat  with  didn't  live 
there,  but  some  300,  perhaps  merely  hunted  in  that  territory. 
They  were  reported  as  numbering  700.  The  treaty  of  selling 
the  San  Juan  Country  was  made  without  one  Indian  being 
present,  unless  I  except  one  renegade;  not  one  of  my  men 
were  present.  The  compensation  was  to  be,  one  cow  valued  at 
not  less  than  $30.00,  and  one  bull  valued  at  not  less  than 
$20.00  for  each  family.  These  animals  were  in  truth  bought 
in  Texas  at  $3.00  a  head ;  cattle  then  was  very  cheap  there ; 
then  they  were  driven  to  Colorado  and  issued  on  paper. 
There  were  none  of  my  Indians  present  at  that  issue.  I  came 


264  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  Santa  Fe  to  the  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs,  Galle- 
gos.  He  gave  me  authority  to  call  together  all  the  Ute  chiefs 
to  Santa  Fe ;  we  held  council  in  the  hall  of  legislature.  Gen. 
Geo.  Getty  was  in  command  of  the  department  at  that  time 
and  all  federal  officers  stationed  here  understood  the  whole 
thing.  By  order  of  the  department,  all  communications  have 
to  go  through  the  regular  channel,  or  they  will  not  be  no- 
ticed; that  is  through  the  agent  to  the  Superintendent, 
through  the  Supt.  to  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  affairs  in 
Washington.  The  report  was  received  in  Washington  and 
pigeon-holed,  and  I  was  told  I  would  be  better  known  by  my 
masterly  inactivity.  In  1868  I  was  removed  by  Gov.  Hunt. 

I  found  afterward  that  this  same  Governor  Hunt  and 
Secretary  of  the  Interior  Dillnow  and  all  of  these  men  were 
in  this  fraud,  which  laid  the  foundation  of  their  present 
fortune. 

I  have  seen  old  letters  and  documents  300  years  old,  used 
to  put  up  tea  in ;  and  this  is  how  it  happened.  After  the  rebel- 
lion, Governor  Pyle  was  appointed  to  that  position.  He  had 
been  a  former  chaplain  in  the  army ;  came  in  with  Bond  as 
Secretary.  Of  course  all  the  archives  were  in  his  charge. 
Secretary  Bond  was  made  librarian;  he  found  everything 
upside  down;  seeing  many  old  papers  lying  around  he 
thought  it  would  be  a  good  idea  to  sell  this  waste  paper  to 
the  grocers  and  butchers.  Thousands  of  these  documents 
were  sold  before  it  was  realized  what  was  being  done.  Then 
as  one  after  another  began  to  notice  the  wrappers  about 
their  groceries  and  meat,  public  indignation  was  excited 
and  every  effort  was  made  to  collect  and  restore  these 
papers;  but  of  course  much  more  was  lost  than  recovered. 
Probably  many  of  the  fraudulent  grants  were  gotten  up  on 
these  papers.  After  this  more  care  was  observed,  and  the 
papers  were  filed ;  what  are  left  are  in  care  of  the  Librarian, 
Mr.  Ellison.  As  soon  as  this  great  mistake  was  discovered 
the  governor  hastened  to  retrieve  his  blunder ;  he  dismissed 
Secretary  Bond,  though  Bond  protested  that  what  he  did 
was  under  authority  from  the  governor. 

By  the  Guadalupe  Treaty,  Mexicans  were  accepted  as 
American  citizens;  they  were  to  be  protected  in  all  their 


A  SOLDIER'S  EXPERIENCE  265 

rights.  There  had  been  no  survey  of  property;  the  alcaldes 
were  generally  ignorant,  and  they  had  given  the  people 
pieces  of  paper  on  which  they  stated  that  such  and  such  a 
person  being  good  and  poor  and  wanting  a  piece  of  land  to 
support  his  wife  and  family,  the  alcalde  had  given  him  a 
piece  of  land,  commencing  at  a  certain  hill  and  running 
down  to  a  certain  ravine.  In  years  after  as  the  shrewd 
Americans  came  here,  he  bought  papers  for  little  or  nothing 
from  different  heirs,  and  then  would  change  those  boun- 
daries from  the  original  small  figures  to  immense  grants 
from  15  to  30  miles  square,  as  his  conscience  would  allow 
him  to  stretch  it. 

Some  of  these  grants  have  been  confirmed  by  Congress, 
but  thousands  are  not  confirmed.  All  the  testimony  has  to  be 
oral  as  the  people  are  unable  to  read  and  write;  they  are 
gradually  dying  off  and  these  grants,  in  consequence,  more 
easily  confirmed.  This  difficulty  about  titles  has  been  and  is 
a  great  curse  to  New  Mexico. 

As  an  illustration :  I  took  up  a  piece  of  land  3  miles  from 
Santa  Fe ;  after  improving  it,  I  was  informed  that  it  was  on 
the  Gonzales  grant.  Knowing  that  it  was  bought  from  Gon- 
zales  by  a  Jew  for  a  grocery  bill,  I  knew  it  had  been  enlarged 
to  a  30  miles  fraud,  I  took  means  to  have  it  reported  to 
Washington  in  1879.  The  surveyor  general  called  a  court  of 
enquiry  and  found  the  grant  was  enlarged;  pronounced  it 
open ;  and  now  is ;  has  not  been  surveyed  since. 

The  first  two-story  house  built  in  Santa  Fe,  was  built  by 
Mr.  Johnson  in  1875;  he  was  in  the  overland  freight  busi- 
ness. This  freight  company  had  large  ox  teams  called  schoon- 
ers; they  had  sometimes  8  or  10  yoke  of  oxen,  sometimes 
more ;  would  take  six  months  to  make  the  trip  from  here  to 
St.  Louis  and  Kansas  City;  the  latter  was  a  grand  trading 
point.  They  had  here  adobe  ware-houses.  The  streets  were 
filled  with  ox-teams  loaded;  the  people  made  a  mistake  in 
not  insisting  upon  the  main  road  of  the  railroad  coming 
through  here;  they  thought  the  branch  road  would  give  us 
preferred  rates.  Freight  was  then  10  cts  a  Ib;  sometimes 
more,  never  less.  The  Jews  had  the  trade ;  goods  out  of  date 
in  the  east  and  so  sold  cheap,  were  very  fashionable  here 


266  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

and  brought  extravagant  prices.  Labor  was  cheap — from 
$1.00  to  $1.50  per  day. 

I  say,  most  emphatically,  that  the  general  progression  of 
New  Mexico  commenced  from  the  war  of  the  rebellion.  It 
was  a  curse  to  many  but  a  blessing  to  the  Mexican  people.  It 
degenerated  our  soldiers,  but  elevated  the  Mexicans. 

Prior  to  1867  all  the  houses  were  built  of  adobe  and  dirt 
roofs  which  were  nice  and  cool  in  pleasant  weather,  but  in 
any  continuous  rain  or  storm  leaked  badly.  The  first  modern 
houses  with  pitched  roofs  were  built  at  the  post  of  Fort 
Marcy,  by  government,  for  officers  quarter  in  1868. 

To  show  how  isolated  these  people  were  even  as  late  as 
1864  and  1865,  there  were  hardly  any  glass  windows.  Even 
in  Santa  Fe  among  the  natives  only  the  rich  had  small  win- 
dows, or  openings  for  windows  were  made  and  in  the  sum- 
mer left  open  and  in  winter  a  piece  of  cotton  cloth  or  what 
they  call  manta  was  nailed  up  or  pegged  in  them ;  the  more 
wealthy  classes  in  the  pueblos  had  mica  windows  which  some 
still  have  to  this  day. 

The  first  two-story  house  was  built  by  James  H.  Johnson 
in  1868.  That  building  is  now  the  present  post-office  building. 
Most  of  the  other  improvements  have  been  made  since  the 
advent  of  the  Railroad.  All  the  history  prior  to  the  rebellion 
can  be  got  from  Mr.  Ellison,  from  whom  Judge  Prince  and 
Mr.  Ritch  who  have  written  up  some  history  since  they  have 
been  here,  got  from  him. 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  TRANSITION 
By  ARNOLD  L.  RODRIGUEZ,  0.  F.  M. 

CHAPTER  III 

Cultural  Development 

ONE  OF  THE  greatest  obstacles  to  the  progress  of  culture 
in  New  Mexico  was  the  lack  of  facilities  for  formal  edu- 
cation. The  few  schools  conducted  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Catholic  Church  proved  quite  successful  in  teaching  the  cate- 
chism to  children  and  how  to  read  and  write.1  But,  with  the 
exception  of  the  school  conducted  by  Father  Antonio  Jose 
Martinez  in  Taos,  where  there  was  some  instruction  in  the- 
ology, these  schools  seldom  taught  anything  else.  The  few 
public  schools  in  the  region  were  in  a  worse  condition  and 
their  existence  was  always  precarious.  Being  dependent 
upon  the  public  treasury,  which  was  never  well-off,  they 
often  opened  and  closed,  depending  upon  the  amount  of 
funds  available  for  educational  purposes. 

This  sad  state  of  education  aroused  considerable  com- 
ment among  the  Anglo-American  residents.  One  of  them, 
Josiah  Gregg,  remarked  that  there  was  "no  part  of  the 
civilized  globe  where  the  arts  had  been  so  much  neglected 
and  the  progress  of  science  so  successfully  impeded  as  in 
New  Mexico."2  As  early  as  1832,  Antonio  Barreiro  had  com- 
plained to  the  Mexican  authorities  that  the  schools  of  New 
Mexico  were  in  a  woeful  state,  and  he  attributed  this  con- 
dition to  the  lack  of  interest  on  the  part  of  the  government.3 
The  lower  classes  of  society  were  especially  blighted.  Wil- 
liam W.  H.  Davis  wrote  that  the  average  of  intelligence 
among  the  peons  was  lower  than  that  of  the  Negro  slaves  in 
the  Southern  States.4  Referring  to  the  census  of  1850,  he  ob- 


1.  Gregg,  op.  cit.,  I,  196. 

2.  Ibid. 

3.  Barreiro,  op.  cit.,  p.  29. 

4.  Davis,  El  Gringo,  p.  98.  One  has  to  be  cautious  in  accepting  the  statistics  of 
Davis.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  contemporary  newspapers,  notably  the  Santa 
Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  were  vehement  in  their  attacks  of  El  Gringo  upon  its  publication. 
Their  general  criticism   was   that  the  book   conveyed   the  wrong   impression   of   New 
Mexicans. 

267 


268  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

served  that  at  that  time,  out  of  a  New  Mexican  population 
of  61,549  there  were  25,089  adults  unable  to  read  and  write ; 
at  the  same  time  only  466  children  were  attending  school.5 
In  1854,  insofar  as  illiteracy  was  concerned,  the  editor  of 
the  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette  stated  that  the  United  States 
marshal,  in  summoning  the  jurors  for  the  district  court,  had 
found  that  in  some  counties  nearly  every  juror  could  write 
his  own  name  and  that  the  average  for  the  whole  Territory 
who  could  write,  was  about  fifty  per  cent.  The  jurors,  the 
editor  added,  were  selected  at  random,  without  any  consid- 
eration for  their  ability  to  read  and  write.6 

Governor  William  Carr  Lane,  while  regretting  the  sad 
state  of  education,  found  many  features  of  New  Mexican 
customs  to  compensate  for  this,  and  regretted  the  effects  of 
American  "progress."  He  said : 

I  do  not  advise  them  [the  Mexican  people]  to  change  any  of  their 
beneficial  or  praiseworthy  customs,  nor  do  I  advise  them  to  forget  their 
parent  stock,  and  the  proud  recollections  that  cluster  around  Castilian 
history.  I  do  not  advise  them  to  disuse  their  beautiful  language,  to  lay 
aside  their  dignified  manners  and  punctilious  attention  to  the  proprie- 
ties of  social  life,  and  I  sincerely  hope  that  the  profound  deference  that 
is  now  paid  to  age  by  the  young  will  undergo  no  change. . . .  True  it 
is,  that  the  Mexican  people  have  been  always  noted  for  their  distin- 
guished manners  and  Christian  customs,  it  is  only  to  be  regretted  to 
see  that  some  of  their  good  usages  are  disappearing  little  by  little 
before  what  is  called  progress  in  our  days.7 

Prior  to  the  Mexican  period,  education  in  New  Mexico 
was  limited  to  the  Indian  mission  schools  of  the  Franciscan 
friars,  chiefly  on  the  elementary  level,  and  to  the  educational 
influence  exerted  by  them  through  their  sermons  and  con- 


5.  Davis,  Message,  p.   10.   This  was  considered  the  highest  number  of  illiterates 
in  a  United  States  Territory  at  the  time.   Oregon,  with  a  population  of  13,294,   had 
only    162    adults    who   could    not   read   or   write.    Utah,    whose    population    was    about 
11,380,  had  only  154  illiterates.   During  the  Mexican  period  illiterates  had  even   been 
admitted  as  legislators,  for  in  1837  two  members  of  the  first  department  Junta  could 
not  read  or  write.  Ibid.;  Bloom,  op.  eft.,  II   (July,  1914),  13. 

6.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  June  17,   1854.   Sixteen  years  later  this  percentage 
of  illiteracy  was  about  the  same  as  in  1854,  according  to  Representative  Frederick  H. 
Teese.  Referring  to  the  census  of  1870,  he  stated  that  New  Mexico  had  a  population 
of  91,874,  of  whom  48,836  of  ten  years  of  age  and  over  could  not  read.  Congressional 
Record,  44  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  June  15,  1876,  pp.  8826-3827. 

7.  Journal  of  the  Hon.   Council  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico,   1   Legislative 
Assembly,  2  Sess.,  December  7,  1852,  p.  86. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  269 

tacts  with  the  people.8  During  the  Mexican  administration 
several  of  the  diocesan  clergy  took  an  active  part  in  educat- 
ing New  Mexican  youth.  About  1826  Father  Antonio  Jose 
Martinez  opened  a  primary  school  at  Taos,  his  native  town. 
This  school  functioned  for  more  than  twenty  years,  and  for 
a  time  it  served  as  a  seminary  where  future  priests  of  New 
Mexico  received  their  training.9  In  Santa  Fe  Father  Agustin 
Fernandez  also  established  a  primary  school.  Other  priests 
engaged  in  education  in  the  decade  of  the  eighteen  thirties 
were  Fathers  Jose  F.  Leyva,  who  conducted  a  primary  school 
at  Bado,  and  Juan  Rafael  Rascon,  vicar  general  of  Santa  Fe, 
who  established  an  elementary  and  secondary  school  in  his 
own  home.  In  charge  of  the  latter  school  was  Guadalupe 
Miranda,  a  capable  and  energetic  young  layman,  whose  ef- 
forts in  teaching  Spanish,  Latin,  and  philosophy  were  lauded 
before  the  Mexican  Congress.10 

Education  received  the  greatest  impetus  with  the  arrival, 
in  the  summer  of  1851,  of  the  first  Vicar  Apostolic  of  New 
Mexico,  John  Baptist  Lamy.  Appalled  by  the  poor  educa- 
tional facilities  in  the  region,  Lamy's  first  concern  was  to 
provide  education  for  the  youth.  In  the  spring  of  1852  he 
opened  a  school  for  boys  and  girls  near  the  parish  church 
in  Santa  Fe;  two  years  later  this  school  numbered  almost 
one  hundred  pupils.11  Also  of  special  significance  to  educa- 
tion in  New  Mexico  was  the  arrival  in  Santa  Fe,  on  Septem- 
ber 26,  1852,  of  the  Sisters  of  Loretto  at  the  Foot  of  the 
Cross,  from  Loretto,  Kentucky.  Lamy's  interest  in  education 
did  not  cease  with  the  establishment  of  a  parochial  school. 
He  was  fully  cognizant  of  the  need  for  training  girls.  This 
interest  in  the  education  of  girls  is  clearly  portrayed  by  one 
of  his  contemporaries.  In  a  letter  to  his  sister  in  France, 
Father  Joseph  Machebeuf,  pastor  at  Pena  Blanca,  wrote  in 
1852: 

As  the  source  of  evil  here  is  the  profound  ignorance  of  the  people, 


8.  France   V.    Scholes,    "Civil    Government   and    Society    in    New   Mexico    in    the 
Seventeenth  Century,"  New  Mexico  Historical  Review,  X    (April,   1935),  100. 

9.  Henry  R.  Wagner,   "New  Mexico  Spanish  Press,"  New  Mexico  Historical  Re- 
view, XII   (January,  1937),  4-5;  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  June  17,  1854. 

10.  Barreiro,  op.  cit.,  pp.  28-29. 

11.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  June  17,  1854. 


270  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  first  necessity  must  be  instruction,  and  for  this  we  need  Christian 
schools  for  the  youth  of  both  sexes,  but  especially  for  young  girls.  The 
means  of  forming  them  to  virtue,  and  to  good  example,  which  is  rare 
in  New  Mexico,  is  the  establishment  of  religious  houses  conducted  by 
persons  devoted  to  their  calling,  and  filled  with  the  spirit  of  self- 
sacrifice.  To  this  end  the  Bishop  has  already  opened  a  school  for  boys 
in  our  house,  and  he  has  knocked  at  many  doors  in  the  United  States 
to  secure  sisters  for  the  girls 12 

The  Sisters  assumed  charge  of  the  parochial  school  and 
in  1853,  scarcely  a  year  after  its  founding,  it  elicited  much 
praise  from  the  Weekly  Gazette  when  it  published  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  public  celebration  prepared  by  the  pupils  on  June 
24  to  mark  Bishop  Lamy's  birthday.  The  boys  and  girls  de- 
claimed in  Spanish  and  English  before  a  select  audience 
which  included  their  proud  parents  and  the  leading  civic 
and  ecclesiastical  officials  of  the  capital.  The  oratorical  part 
was  followed  by  a  musicale  in  which  some  of  the  children 
sang  French  songs.  The  editor  had  a  word  of  praise  for  the 
bishop,  whose  zeal  in  the  cause  of  education  was  widely 
known  and  was  beginning  to  bear  fruit ;  also  for  the  Sisters 
of  Loretto  who  conducted  the  school,  and  last  but  not  least 
for  the  pupils  who  manifested  rapid  progress  in  learning.13 

On  January  1,  1853,  the  Sisters  opened  the  Academy  of 
Our  Lady  of  Light  in  Santa  Fe,  the  first  Catholic  school  for 
girls  in  the  Territory.14  The  establishment  of  this  institu- 
tion resulted  in  a  marked  improvement  in  the  training  of 
girls.  Previously  their  education  had  been  almost  universally 
neglected.15  Now  within  a  short  time  there  were  many 
women  in  Santa  Fe  who  not  only  could  read  and  write,  but 
were  also  accomplished  in  other  ways.16 

On  August  20,  1855,  fifty  pupils  of  the  Academy,  aged 
five  to  eighteen  years,  took  part  in  literary  exercises,  which 
illustrated  the  rapid  progress  that  was  being  made.  Among 


12.  Quoted  by   Sister  M.   Lillians  Owens,   "Our  Lady  of   Light  Academy,"   New 
Mexico  Historical  Review,  XIII    (April,  1938),  130-131. 

13.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  June  25,  1853. 

14.  In  November,  1852,  the  Sisters  accepted  the  first  two  pupils.  They  were  two 
little  girls   whose  mother  had   died   recently.   On   accepting;   them   as   boarders,   Bishop 
Lamy   is   reported  to  have  remarked   to  the  superior,   Mother   Magdalene,   "It  is   well 
to  begin  with  an  act  of  charity."  Owens,  op.  cit.,  p.  136. 

15.  Davis,  El  Gringo,  p.  194 ;  Gregg,  op.  cit.,  I,  199. 

16.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  June  17,  1854. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  271 

the  guests  present  were  the  Bishop,  the  governor  and  the 
secretary  of  the  Territory,  military  officials  and  other  prom- 
inent citizens.  On  this  occasion  Lamy  presented  prizes  to 
several  pupils  for  embroidery,  music,  arithmetic,  geography, 
and  other  branches  of  learning.  The  Weekly  Gazette  devoted 
much  space  to  this  event,  and  said  in  part :"....  the  pieces 
spoken  were  generally  delivered  with  spirit;  and  in  them, 
as  also  the  dialogues,  the  pupils  acquitted  themselves  with 
much  credit.  In  addition  to  the  music  by  the  pupils,  the  Sis- 
ters sang,  with  piano  accompaniment,  a  few  old  songs  in  the 
most  delightful  manner. . . .  "17  And  speaking  of  the  exhibi- 
tion of  embroidery,  held  in  connection  with  the  literary  ex- 
ercises, the  editor  remarked  that  this  "in  particular,  was  ex- 
ceedingly well  done,  and  some  of  it  equalled  anything  of 
the  kind  we  had  ever  seen  at  the  seminaries  in  the  States; 
and  demonstrated,  that  in  this  species  of  handiwork,  the 
young  ladies  of  New  Mexico,  with  a  little  more  practice, 
will  not  be  behind  their  sisters  in  other  parts  of  the  Union."18 

Schools  for  boys  were  slower  in  being  organized.  In 
1856,  Father  Andres  de  Jesus  Camacho  announced  the  open- 
ing of  a  primary  and  secondary  school  for  boys  in  Santa  Fe, 
but  the  project  was  short-lived.19  In  1859  Bishop  Lamy  se- 
cured the  Christian  Brothers  for  his  diocese.  The  first  four 
arrived  in  Santa  Fe  from  France  in  October  of  that  year, 
and  the  following  month  they  opened  an  elementary  board- 
ing school  which  later  became  known  as  St.  Michael's  Col- 
lege.20 From  its  earliest  years  this  school  has  enjoyed  great 
prestige  among  the  institutions  of  learning  in  the  State. 

The  Protestant  churches  also  made  attempts  to  establish 
schools,  but  for  a  long  time  these  efforts  met  with  little  suc- 
cess. This,  one  author  stated,  was  due  to  the  opposition  of 
Catholic  priests,  who  refused  to  permit  Catholic  children  to 
attend  Protestant  schools.21  The  Rev.  Henry  W.  Read,  a 


17.  Ibid.,  September  8,  1855. 

18.  Ibid. 

19.  Ibid.,  January  12,  1856. 

20.  James  H.  Defouri,  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  New  Mexico 
(San  Francisco:  McCormick  Brothers,   1887),  pp.  50-52. 

21.  Antonio  Joseph,  Admison  de  Nuevo  Mexico    (New  York:  Imprenta  El  Poli- 
gloto,  1888),  p.  30. 


272  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Baptist  minister,  opened  a  school  for  boys  and  girls  in  Santa 
Fe  in  July,  1849.22  In  1852  another  Baptist  minister,  Samuel 
Gorman,  inaugurated  a  school  for  Indian  children  at  La- 
guna.23  Abandoning  his  Indian  mission  and  school  in  March, 
1859,  Gorman  moved  to  Santa  Fe  where  he  made  another  at- 
tempt at  conducting  a  school.24  His  class  here  consisted  of 
about  sixty  pupils,  aged  five  to  twenty-five  years.  He  also 
held  evening  classes  in  Spanish.  Early  in  April,  1862,  this 
school  closed  and  Gorman  moved  to  Canton,  Ohio.23 

As  stated  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  prior  to  the 
American  occupation  there  were  few  public  schools.  On 
April  27,  1822,  the  Provincial  Deputation  passed  an  act  re- 
quiring the  formation  of  primary  schools,  but  as  its  execu- 
tion was  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  town  councils  whose 
treasuries  were  usually  low,  little  was  actually  done.  In  1831 
the  teacher  of  the  only  public  school  in  Santa  Fe,  who  also 
acted  in  the  capacity  of  superintendent  of  schools  for  the 
region,  complained  that  the  various  town  mayors  and  coun- 
cils showed  little  co-operation  in  assembling  the  children  for 
classes,  and  he  urged  that  the  parents  be  fined  for  refusing 
to  send  their  children  to  school.26  To  improve  this  situation, 
Governor  Albino  Perez  re-organized  an  educational  system 
in  1836.  Regretting  the  number  of  children  out  of  school, 
exposed  to  all  kinds  of  vices,  he  proposed  two  more  schools 
for  Santa  Fe,  to  be  supported  by  the  parents  and  attended 
by  all  children,  five  to  twelve  years  old.  Those  above  twelve 
were  required  to  become  apprentices  at  some  trade.  Parents 
who  failed  to  comply  with  these  regulations  were  to  be 
fined  "from  one  to  five  pesos,  according  to  their  means,  in 
the  first,  double  in  the  second,  and  triple  in  the  third,  and 
those  who  are  still  recalcitrant,  and  those  who  cannot  pay 
the  fine,  shall  be  punished  by  law  with  three  days  arrest, 
doubling  this  punishment  in  the  same  way  as  the  pecuniary 


22.  Ralph  Emerson  Twitchell,  Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican  History    (2  vols., 
Cedar  Rapids:  Torch  Press,  1911-1912),  II,  860. 

23.  Old  Santa  Fe,  I   (January,  1914),  319. 

24.  Ibid.,  pp.  321-323. 

25.  Ibid. 

26.  Bloom,  op.  eit.,  I   (January,  1914),  274. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  273 

one."27  About  the  year  1834  there  were  only  six  public 
schools  in  the  entire  region,  and  the  combined  salary  of  the 
teachers  was  1,850  pesos.28  Good  teachers  were  occasionally 
introduced  from  Mexico  and  even  from  England.29  But  with 
school  finances  low,  and  teachers'  salaries  in  arrears,  there 
was  little  material  incentive  to  teach  in  New  Mexico. 

The  hope  was  often  expressed  that  under  the  American 
form  of  government  the  deplorable  state  of  education  might 
improve.  The  Kearny  Code  heightened  this  expectation.  It 
provided  that  "Schools  and  means  of  education  shall  be  for- 
ever encouraged  in  the  territory.  One  or  more  schools  shall 
be  established  in  each  village  as  soon  as  practicable,  where 
the  poor  shall  be  educated  free  of  charge."30  But  there  was 
more  wishful  thinking  in  these  words  than  their  author  may 
have  cared  to  admit.  One  of  the  greatest  handicaps  was  the 
lack  of  funds.  On  March  26,  1847,  the  city  council  at  Santa 
Fe  found  itself  without  money  to  continue  public  education. 
The  following  year  Governor  Donaciano  Vigil  informed  the 
first  New  Mexico  legislature  that  there  existed  but  one 
public  school  in  the  whole  Territory,  located  in  Santa  Fe,  and 
employing  one  teacher.31 

That  the  people  were  fully  conscious  of  the  need  for 
schools  and  were  desirous  that  the  need  be  filled  is  apparent 
from  the  resolutions  of  the  First  Territorial  Convention  of 
October,  1848.  That  body  urged  upon  Congress  the  need  of 
establishing  a  public  fund  for  the  education  of  the  people. 
For,  they  said,  "we  have  neither  the  means  nor  any  adopted 
plan  by  government  for  the  education  of  the  rising  genera- 
tion."32 The  Federal  Government,  unacquainted  with  the 
geography  of  New  Mexico,  responded  by  assigning  the  six- 
teenth and  the  thirty-sixth  sections  in  each  township  as 


27.  Twitchell,  op.  tit.,  II,  58. 

28.  Pino,  op.  cit.,  p.  62. 

29.  L.  Bradford  Prince,  A  Concise  History  of  New  Mexico  (Cedar  Rapids:  Torch 
Press,  1912),  p.  253. 

30.  Laws  of  New  Mexico,  1846,  Art.  V,  Sec.  4. 

31.  Prince,   A   Concise  History  of  New  Mexico,   p.   253.   Despite  these   financial 
limitations,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  some  discussed  the  possibility  of  founding  a 
university.  Laws  passed  by  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico  in 
the  Session  of  December,  1847  (Santa  Fe:  Hovey  and  Davis,  1848),  pp.  23-31. 

32.  W.  H.  H.  Allison,  ed.,  "Santa  Fe  in  1846,"  Old  Santa  Fe,  II    (April,  1915), 
403. 


274  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

sources  of  revenue  for  the  schools.  James  S.  Calhoun,  the 
first  territorial  governor,  complained  that  this  grant  was 
inadequate  for  the  needs  of  the  region,  and  he  added : 

The  singular  topography  of  New  Mexico  is  not  well  understood 

abroad So  soon  as  Congress  becomes  more  intimately  acquainted 

with  the  peculiar  formation  of  the  surface  of  this  Territory,  and  as- 
certains the  fact  that  a  vast  majority  of  its  area  is  covered  with  in- 
accessible and  rugged  mountains,  perhaps  wholly  valueless other 

provisions  will  be  substituted  or  added  to  this  well  purposed  grant 

...  .33 

Succeeding  governors  continued  to  press  Congress  for 
an  appropriation  of  money  for  the  establishment  of  schools 
with  little  success.  In  the  meantime,  the  territorial  legisla- 
ture attempted  to  raise  a  school  fund  by  imposing  a  poll  tax 
of  one  dollar  and  fifty  cents  on  each  adult  citizen.34  Having 
failed  in  this  also,  the  legislature  levied  a  property  tax  for 
the  support  of  education.  But  when  the  proposal  was  re- 
ferred to  the  people  on  March  31, 1856,  out  of  a  popular  vote 
of  5,053  only  thirty-seven  men  voted  in  favor  of  the  tax.35 
Public  education  made  slow  progress,  and  the  United  States 
census  of  1860  showed  that  New  Mexico  had  only  seventeen 
public  schools,  with  a  total  enrollment  of  235  pupils.86 

A  contemporary  has  left  an  amusing  and  revealing  ac- 
count of  a  typical  school  of  that  period.  The  building  was 
usually  an  adobe  structure,  consisting  of  a  single  room  with 
a  door,  a  window,  and  a  dirt  floor.  In  one  corner  was  a  fire- 
place and  along  the  walls  were  the  school  benches.  As  many 
boys  as  could  be  accommodated  attended  classes,  regardless 
of  grade.  School  began  at  sunrise  and  continued  until  sun- 
set, with  one  hour  off  for  lunch  and  no  time  out  for  recess. 
Every  morning  class  began  with  a  hymn,  after  which  the 
pupils  marched  to  the  fireplace  to  deposit  two  sticks  of  wood 
brought  from  home  for  the  fire  of  the  day.  The  boys  then 
lined  up  and,  one  by  one,  approached  the  schoolmaster  and 


88.     Journal  of  the  Hon.  Council  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico.  1   Legislative 
Assembly,  1  Sess.,  June  2,  1861,  pp.  90-91. 

84.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  January  8,  1853. 

85.  Davis,  El  Gringo,  p.   195. 

86.  Eighth  Census  of  the  United  States,  1860,  III,  506. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  275 

asked  for  his  blessing.  The  rules  of  the  school  also  required 
that  on  going  to  or  from  classes,  the  boys  ask  the  blessing 
of  any  elder  they  met  in  the  street.  Taking  his  hat  off,  the 
pupil  would  say,  "Your  blessing,  sir  (madam)."  This  cus- 
tom was  aimed  at  producing  in  the  boy  greater  respect  for 
his  elders. 

Since  there  were  no  textbooks,  the  readers  were  mostly 
story  books  which  the  pupils  found  at  home.  When  ready 
to  take  up  penmanship,  the  schoolmaster  would  ask  the 
pupils  to  bring  a  small  table  from  home,  a  piece  of  parch- 
ment, a  quill,  and  ink.  When  the  pupil  had  learned  to  read 
a  book  and  to  write,  he  was  ready  to  read  en  carta — that  is, 
learn  to  read  various  handwritings.  For  this  purpose  he 
would  bring  to  school  any  family  letter  he  could  find  and 
would  study  their  penmanship  and  contents.37 

Notwithstanding  the  absence  of  educational  facilities, 
people  of  culture  and  refinement  were  not  lacking  in  the  re- 
gion. Many  of  the  more  wealthy  families  sent  their  sons  to 
colleges  and  universities  outside  New  Mexico,  especially  to 
Mexico  City,  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  and  even  to  private  schools 
in  New  York  City.38  Some  youths  could  speak  French  and 
English  fluently,  their  proficiency  in  the  latter  language 
proving  particularly  useful  in  dealing  with  the  Americans 
after  1846.39  After  the  American  occupation,  a  few  socially- 
prominent  New  Mexican  families  periodically  visited  east- 
ern cities,  such  as  Washington,  D.  C.,  Philadelphia,  and  New 
York,  and  on  those  occasions  they  moved  about  in  the  highest 
official  circles.40 

There  were  few  professional  men  during  the  period  of 
Mexican  occupation,  1821-1846.  As  far  as  is  known,  the  only 
trained  lawyer  in  the  region  during  that  time  was  Antonio 
Barreiro,  who  served  as  representative  in  the  Mexican  Con- 
gress. This  condition  was  remedied  to  some  extent  after  the 
arrival  of  the  Americans  in  1846.  Several  lawyers  took  up 


37.  Antonio    Lucero,    "Early    School    Days    in    New    Mexico,"    Old   Santa   Fe,    II 
(October,  1914),  200-205. 

38.  House   Exec.   Docs.,   30    Cong.,    1    Sess.,   no.    41,    p.    482 ;   W.    H.    H.    Allison, 
"Colonel  Francisco  Perea,"  Old  Santa  Fe,  I    (October,  1913),  212-214. 

39.  Allison,  ibid.,  p.  213. 

40.  Ibid.,  pp.  214-221. 


276  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

residence  in  the  Territory  and  at  least  one  of  them,  Judge 
Kirby  Benedict,  became  outstanding  for  his  wise  decisions, 
his  learning,  and  his  deep  interest  in  cultural  affairs.  A 
man  of  fine  literary  tastes,  Benedict  was  one  of  the  first 
members  of  the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico,  organized 
in  1859.41 

As  may  be  expected  in  a  frontier  society,  literary  produc- 
tions during  this  period  were  few  in  number.  Manuel  Al- 
varez, a  Santa  Fe  scholar  and  a  keen  observer  of  national 
and  world  affairs,  is  said  to  have  contributed  articles  to  a 
periodical  in  Madrid,  Spain.42  In  1832,  Antonio  Barreiro 
published  his  valuable  Ojeada  sobre  Nuevo  Mexico,  dealing 
particularly  with  the  natural  resources  of  the  land.  Father 
Antonio  J.  Martinez,  of  Taos,  wrote  and  published  textbooks 
for  his  school,  as  well  as  prayer  books.  His  Cuademo  de  or- 
tografia,  published  in  1834,  is  considered  today  the  earliest 
known  specimen  of  New  Mexico  printing.43 

There  were  no  polished  poets  in  New  Mexico,  but  can- 
tadores  (troubadours)  existed  and  were  held  in  high  esteem 
among  the  people  of  all  classes.  Descendants  of  the  old 
troubadours  in  Spain,  these  popular  poets  were  in  constant 
demand  to  compose,  recite  or  sing  their  versos  (octosyllabic 
quatrains)  or  romances  tradicionales  (popular  ballads)  at 
baptisms,  weddings,  and  other  social  events.  Some  of  these 
ballads  and  versos  were  introduced  from  Spain  and  re- 
mained almost  as  they  were  sung  in  the  time  of  Cervantes, 
but  many  of  them  were  composed  in  New  Mexico.  They  were 
usually  sung  to  the  accompaniment  of  a  guitar  and  expressed 
the  feelings,  ideas,  and  philosophy  of  the  people.  Among 
the  common  people  of  Spanish  descent,  traditional  ballads, 


41.  In  an  article  entitled  "Kirby  Benedict,"  which  appeared  in  Old  Santa  Fe  (vol. 
I,  July,   1913,  p.   50),  it  was  stated  that  "Kirby  Benedict  was  the  first  president  of 
the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico."   This  error  is  rectified  by  Lansing  B.   Bloom 
in    "Historical    Society    Minutes,    1859-1863,"    New   Mexico   Historical   Review.    XVIII 
(July,  1943),  252-253. 

42.  W.  H.  H.  Allison,  ed.,   "Santa  Fe  as  it  Appeared  during  the  Winter  of  the 
Years  1837  and  1838,"  Old  Santa  Fe,  II  (October,  1914),  182. 

43.  Douglas    G.    McMurtrie,    The    Beginning    of   Printing    in    New    Mexico,    Jesus 
Maria  Baca,  the  First  New  Mexico  Printer   (Chicago:  Printed  Privately,  1932),  p.  8: 
Antonio  J.  Martinez,  Discurso  politico  sobre  lo  importante  y  necesario  de  que  el  hom- 
bre  este  instruido  en  sus  deberes    ( Taos :   Imprenta  del  Presbitero  Antonio  Jose  Mar- 
tinez,  1839),  passim. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  277 

folk  tales,  proverbs,  and  religious  poems  were  a  living  force 
in  popular  oral  tradition.44 

In  the  eighteen  fifties  there  were  a  number  of  Catholic 
priests  in  the  Territory  who  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
Americans  by  their  wide  learning  and  refinement.  Many  of 
them  took  an  active  part  in  the  cultural  growth  of  the  re- 
gion. Bishop  Lamy,  for  example,  was  among  the  first  mem- 
bers and  patrons  of  the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico.45 
Of  the  Italian  Franciscan,  Fr.  Donate  Rogieri,  who  traveled 
to  New  Mexico  by  stage  coach  in  1853,  William  W.  H.  Davis, 
who  later  became  Secretary  of  the  Territory,  states : 

He  was  a  man  of  learning  and  extensive  travel,  having  been  five 
years  a  missionary  in  the  Holy  Land,  and  had  passed  much  time  among 
the  Arabs,  whose  language  he  spoke  with  fluency.  Though  he  and  I 
were  far  asunder  in  matters  of  religion,  I  could  not  but  have  some 
respect  for  the  faith  he  professes,  and  for  which  he  sacrifices  all  the 
charms  of  life,  and  buries  himself  from  the  world  in  the  middle  of 
the  continent.  We  may  speak  about  the  tenets  of  the  Romish  Church, 
but  we  must  unite  in  giving  the  priesthood  credit  for  great  self-denial, 
and  meek  forbearance  with  all  the  trials  that  beset  them  hi  their 
lonely  path  through  life.4«  ^fnUUl 

One  of  the  principal  drawbacks  to  the  advancement  of 
learning  and  culture  in  New  Mexico  was  the  lack  of  books 
and  periodicals.  Except  for  the  books  brought  by  the  clergy 
and  the  government  officials  for  their  personal  use,  there 
were  few  books  in  the  region  up  to  the  time  of  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  printing  press  in  1834.  In  the  eighteenth  century 
the  textbooks  used  in  Franciscan  schools  came  with  the 
school  supplies  that  were  sent  from  Mexico  City  every  three 
years.  But  with  the  end  of  the  mission  era  and  of  Spanish 
rule  this  practice  was  stopped. 

As  regards  libraries,  information  is  scant.  There  is  no 
mention  of  a  public  library  or  bookseller  in  the  region.  In 


44.  Aurelio  M.   Espinosa,   "Spanish  Folk-lore  in   New  Mexico,"  New  Mexico  His- 
torical Review,  I    (April,  1926),  146-151;  Aurelio  M.  Espinosa,  "New  Mexican  Spanish 
Coplas   Populares,"  Hispania,  XVIII    (May,   1935),   141;  J.  Manuel  Espinosa,  Spanish 
Folk  Tales  of  New  Mexico   ( New  York :  G.  E.  Stechert  &  Co.,  1937 ) ,  passim. 

45.  Bloom,  "Historical  Society  Minutes "  op.  cit.,  pp.  252-253. 

46.  Davis,    El   Gringo,    p.    21.    Father    Donato    later    laid    the    foundation    for    the 
cathedral  of  Tucson,  Arizona,  according  to  Defouri,  op.  cit.,  p.  61.  What  his  status 
was  in  the  Franciscan  order  during  this  period  is  not  clear. 


278  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  eighteen  fifties  the  territorial  legislature  had  a  library  of 
about  2,000  volumes,  consisting  chiefly  of  standard  law 
books.47  In  all  probability,  this  was  the  largest  library  in  the 
Territory.  Some  wealthy  families  possessed  their  own  col- 
lection of  books,  imported  from  Mexico  and  Spain,48  and 
the  priests  also  had  their  own  private  libraries.  As  early 
as  the  seventeenth  century  some  of  the  Franciscan  missions 
and  colonial  governors  had  maintained  small  but  select  li- 
braries.49 Bishop  Lamy  was  also  a  bibliophile,  and  in  his  li- 
brary he  treasured  a  water-soaked  volume  which  was  all  he 
had  saved  of  the  many  books  he  was  taking  to  New  Mexico 
when  shipwrecked  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  in  1851.50  We  may 
reasonably  suspect  that  at  Taos,  where  Father  Martinez  is 
said  to  have  conducted  a  seminary,  there  was  a  fairly  good 
library,  at  least  of  theological  books.51  Although  there  is  an 
occasional  mention  of  collections  of  books  among  the  com- 
mon people,52  such  collections  were  more  often  an  inheri- 
tance rather  than  a  mark  of  culture. 

Nevertheless,  from  the  early  decades  of  the  nineteenth 
century  there  were  evidences  of  a  lively  interest  on  the  part 
of  civic-minded  persons  in  elevating  the  cultural  standards 
of  the  region.  At  least  one  contemporary  lamented  the  ab- 
sence of  a  printing  press  which  would  supply  New  Mexicans 
with  books  and  other  printed  items.  As  Barreiro  observed 
in  1832,  there  was  not  a  single  press  in  the  region  nor  any 
newspapers.53  A  public-spirited  individual,  Barreiro  must 
have  worked  fast  to  secure  a  press,  for  within  two  years 


47.  Davis,  El  Gringo,  p.  46.  The  New  Mexico  legislature  was  either  too  poor  or 
little   interested   in   books,   for  Davis   remarks   that  it   "refused   to  appropriate  a   few 
dollars  to  pay  the  freight  on  books  the  general  government  [in  Washington]  had  sent 
out  for  the  Territorial  library,  and  which  were  allowed  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  the 
freighter,  to  be  sold  or  destroyed."  Davis  shows  much  apprehension  over  this  neglect, 
and  concludes  by  saying  that  "if  this  fact  [is]  known  to  Congress,  it  might  deter  that 
body  from  donating  any  more  books  to  the  library  of  New  Mexico."  Ibid.,  p.  290. 

48.  Old  Santa  Fe,  I    (July,  1913),  77. 

49.  Eleanor  B.  Adams  and  France  V.  Scholes,  "Books  in  New  Mexico,  1598-1680," 
New  Mexico  Historical  Review,  XVII   (July,  1942),  226-270;  Eleanor  B.  Adams,  "Two 
Colonial    New    Mexico    Libraries,    1706,    1776,"    New   Mexico    Historical   Review,    XIX 
(April,  1944),  146-147. 

60.  Defouri,  op.  cit.,  p.  33. 

61.  Wagner,  op.  cit.,  pp.  4  ff. 

52.  Old  Santa  Fe,  I    (July,   1913),  p.  77. 

53.  Barreiro,  op.  cit.,  p.  29. 


NEW   MEXICO   IN   TRANSITION  279 

one  was  functioning  in  Santa  Fe.  The  first  official  record 
of  the  existence  of  a  press  is  a  document  which  a  certain 
Ramon  Abreu  sent  to  the  town  council  of  Santa  Fe  on  Janu- 
ary, 1834.  With  it  he  sent  a  file  of  a  publication  which  he 
called  El  Crepusculo  de  la  libertad.  He  further  mentioned 
that  he  had  established  the  printing  shop  in  the  city.54  Ap- 
parently, Abreu  was  applying  for  a  license  to  operate  the 
printing  establishment.  On  October  8,  1834,  Barreiro  sent 
to  the  Deputation  Territorial  (Territorial  Legislature)  a 
file  of  a  periodical  of  which  he  was  the  publisher.  He  did  not 
mention  the  name  of  the  publication,  but  it  may  rightly  be 
assumed,  as  Douglas  C.  McMurtrie,  an  authority  on  early 
printing  in  the  United  States  observes,  that  it  was  the  same 
paper  mentioned  by  Abreu.55  The  press,  McMurtrie  con- 
cludes, undoubtedly  belonged  to  Abreu. 

One  of  Barreiro's  principal  interests  in  the  newspaper 
was  to  secure  his  re-election  as  New  Mexico's  delegate  to  the 
Mexican  congress  in  1834.56  After  his  election  the  paper 
was  discontinued.  Of  this  publication  Josiah  Gregg  wrote  in 
1844: 

There  has  never  been  a  single  newspaper  or  periodical  of  any  kind 
published  in  New  Mexico,  except  in  the  year  1834,  when  a  foolscap 
sheet  (entitled  El  Crepusculo)  was  issued  weekly,  for  about  a  month, 
to  the  tune  of  fifty  subscribers,  and  was  then  abandoned,  partially 
for  want  of  patronage  and  partially  because  the  editor  had  accom- 
plished his  object  of  procuring  his  election  to  Congress.57 

To  Father  Martinez  belongs  the  honor  of  having  been 


54.  McMurtrie,  op.  cit.,  p.  3. 

55.  Douglas    C.    McMurtrie,    "The   History   of   Early   Printing   in    New   Mexico," 
New  Mexico  Historical  Review,  IV    (October,  1929),  375. 

56.  Ibid. 

57.  Gregg,   op.   cit.,   I,   200-201.   Some  historians   of   New   Mexico   maintain   that 
Father  Martinez  published  the  first  newspaper,  at  Taos.  Among  those  that  hold  this 
theory,  the  more  notable  are  Bancroft,  History  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  p.  341 ; 
Twitchell,    Leading    Facts    of    New   Mexican   History,    II,    184-185 ;    Prince,    Historical 
Sketches,  p.  234,  and  A  Concise  History  of  New  Mexico,  p.  153  ;  Pedro  Sanchez,  Me- 
moria  sobre  la  vida  del  presbitero  Antonio  Jose  Martinez   (Santa  Fe:   Compania  Im- 
presora  del  Nuevo  Mexico,   1903),  p.  29.  This  theory,  according  to  McMurtrie,  should 
be  rejected  for  two  reasons :    ( 1 )    Father  Martinez  does  not  mention  it  in  his   auto- 
biographical  sketch,   Relacion  de  meritos,   which   he   published   in    1838,   and    (2)    his 
Cuaderno  de  ortografia  was  published  in  Santa  Fe  in   1834  when  the  press  was  cer- 
tainly owned  by  Ramon  Abreu,  with  Jesus  Maria  Baca  as  printer.  Cf.  McMurtrie,  "The 
History  of  Early  Printing  in  New  Mexico,"  op.  cit.,  pp.  375-381. 


280  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

one  of  the  first  patrons  of  the  press.  As  has  been  noted,  his 
Cuaderno  de  ortografia  appeared  in  1834.  Upon  the  death  of 
Abreu,  in  August,  1837,  he  became  the  owner  of  the  press, 
transferring-  it  to  Taos,  where  he  began  publishing  various 
textbooks  and  devotional  treatises,58  now  regarded  as  the 
first  books  printed  in  New  Mexico.59  According  to  an  un- 
published biography  of  Father  Martinez,  by  Santiago  Val- 
dez,  the  priest  still  owned  the  press  when  the  American 
troops  occupied  Santa  Fe.  When  General  Kearny  needed  a 
press  in  Santa  Fe,  Martinez  lent  it  to  him  free  of  charge. 
It  was  on  this  press  that  Kearny's  Code  of  Laws  was 
printed.60 

In  1844  the  second  newspaper  in  New  Mexico  made  its 
appearance,  La  verdad,  but  it  is  not  known  who  the  owner 
of  the  press  was  at  that  time.61  On  June  28,  1845,  the  first 
issue  of  a  political  newspaper,  El  payo  de  Nuevo  Mexico, 
made  its  debut  in  Santa  Fe.  One  notable  feature  of  it  was 
its  frank  and  fearless  tone  in  criticizing  certain  government 
abuses.  For  instance,  the  issue  of  August  9,  1845,  carried 
a  caustic  article  complaining  of  government  waste  in  main- 
taining unnecessary  offices  and  employees  while  the  common 
laborers  and  farmers  were  overburdened  with  taxes.62  In 
1849  Ceran  St.  Vrain  founded  El  Nuevo  Mexicano,  with 
weekly  and  daily  editions.  The  first  daily  newspaper  of  the 
Rocky  Mountain  region,  it  was  succeeded  about  the  year 
1851  by  the  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette.™ 


58.     McMurtrie,  The  Beginning  of  Printing  in  New  Mexico,  p.  4. 
69.     Prince,  A  Concise  History  of  New  Mexico,  p.  253. 

60.  Illinois  Historical  Records  Survey,  Inventory  of  American  Imprints,  No.  25, 
Check  List  of  New  Mexico  Imprints  and  Publications,  1784-1876    (Michigan  Historical 
Records  Survey,  1942),  pp.  x-xi.  An  eyewitness  remarks  about  the  press:   "With  this 
poor  apology  for  a  printing  press  and  such  worn  type  and  indifferent  ink,  paper,  and 
other  materials  as  chanced  to  be  about  the  establishment  the  constitution   and   laws 
of  the  Territory  were  published.  As  the  Spanish  language  has  no  W,  a  difficulty  pre- 
sented itself  in  regard  to  the  type,  which  was  at  length  obviated  by  the  substitution 
of  two  Vs  for  one  W.  In  this  manner  were  the  constitution  and  laws  printed,  both 
in  the  Spanish  and  English  languages  in   double  column,  placed  in  juxtaposition  on 
each  page."  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  p.  64. 

61.  McMurtrie,  The  Beginning  of  Printing  in  New  Mexico,  p.  4. 

62.  Douglas   C.   McMurtrie,   El  Payo   de  Nuevo  Mexico    (Albuquerque:   Privately 
printed,  1933),  pp.  9-11. 

63.  Check  List  of  New  Mexico  Imprints,  p.  xii.  The  Gazette  was  an  Abolitionist 
paper,   and  in   1856  it  was  the  only  newspaper  published  in  the  Territory.  Santa  Fe 
Weekly  Gazette,  October  4,  1856. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  281 

Although  the  people  of  New  Mexico  took  little  or  no  part 
in  civil  affairs  during  the  Mexican  administration,  they  kept 
abreast  of  national  events  through  official  reports  or  com- 
muniques called  oficios.  Though  these  oficios  always  arrived 
several  weeks  late,  they  served  to  keep  the  people  informed 
of  political  matters.64  Another  means  of  information  were 
newspapers  and  pamphlets  printed  in  Mexico.  Particularly 
popular  in  the  region  were  the  three  Mexican  newspapers, 
El  nuevo  mundo,  El  gallo  pitagorico,  and  El  republicano. 
From  Spain  came  a  few  weekly  periodicals.65  As  may  be  ex- 
pected, these  papers  and  periodicals  had  a  very  limited  num- 
ber of  readers  in  New  Mexico,  and  these  were  mostly  resi- 
dents of  Santa  Fe. 

Outstanding  among  the  literary  and  learned  societies  or- 
ganized in  the  early  part  of  the  American  period  were  the 
Santa  Fe  Literary  Club,  and  the  Historical  Society  of  New 
Mexico.  The  former  consisted  of  a  group  of  citizens  from 
various  walks  of  life  eager  to  increase  their  own  knowledge 
by  participating  in  discussions  and  debates.  Founded  about 
1856,  this  literary  club  rapidly  gained  in  popularity,  and 
judging  from  the  comments  of  the  local  press,  treated  of  a 
variety  of  topics  of  current  interest.  Of  it  the  editor  of  the 
Gazette  wrote : 

Although  still  in  its  infancy,  this  association  has  assumed  a  posi- 
tion and  attained  a  point  in  the  small  space  of  two  months  which 
similar  institutions  in  the  States  might  be  proud  to  accomplish  in  the 
same  time.  Essays  have  been  delivered  on  such  topics  as,  "Are  the 
Principles  of  the  Know-Nothing  Party  conducive  to  the  interests  and 
well-being  of  the  United  States?"  and  "Which  is  the  greater  incentive 
to  action,  the  hope  of  reward  or  the  fear  of  punishment?"66 

One  of  the  first  presidents  of  this  club  was  a  New  Mexican, 
Nicolas  Quintana.67 

The  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico  was  founded  on 


64.  Bloom,  "New  Mexico  under  Mexican  Administration,"  op.  tit.,  I  (July,  1913), 
16. 

65.  Allison,  "Santa  Fe  as  it  Appeared  during  the  Winter  of  the  Years  1837  and 
1838,"  op.  cit.,  II    (October,  1914),  179;  House  Exec.  Docs.,  30  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  no.  41, 
p.  480 ;  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  p.   64. 

66.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  March  29,  1856. 

67.  Ibid.,  April  12,  1856. 


282  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

December  26,  1859,  with  Colonel  John  B.  Grayson,  an  army 
officer  stationed  in  Santa  Fe,  as  its  first  president.  Bishop 
Lamy  encouraged  the  formation  of  this  group  and  aided 
it  materially.  He  became  a  member  of  the  society  at  the 
first  meeting,  on  January  30,  1860,  and  the  first  meetings 
were  held  in  a  hall  belonging  to  him.68  The  formation  of  this 
historical  society  aroused  so  much  interest,  that  when  the 
first  meeting  was  held,  the  librarian,  Winslow  J.  Howard, 
reported  several  donations  of  books,  consisting  of  156  bound 
volumes,  ninety-three  pamphlets,  and  fifteen  maps.69 

Dramatic  presentations  were  popular  among  the  New 
Mexicans.  Mainly  of  a  religious  character,  dramatizing 
some  part  of  the  Old  or  New  Testament,  these  plays  were 
given  in  the  public  square  of  the  town,  especially  on  the 
eve  of  an  important  religious  feast.70  They  drew  large 
crowds,  even  in  the  small  villages.  John  T.  Hughes,  an 
American  soldier,  describes  one  performance  at  Peralta, 
attended  by  about  1,500  persons.  He  says: 

A  comedy  or  some  kind  of  theatrical  exhibition  .  .  .  was  being 
performed  by  several  ladies  and  gentlemen  on  a  stage  erected  in  a 
large  piazza  fronting  the  square.  Everything  was  said  in  the  Spanish 
language,  so  that  the  Americans  who  were  present  (very  few  of  whom 
could  speak  in  that  tongue)  were  unable  to  appreciate  the  merits  of 
the  play,  or  say  whether  it  was  original,  or  whether  it  was  from  Shake- 
speare or  the  Bible.  The  women  were  promiscously  [sic]  intermingled 
with  the  men,  and  the  music  of  instruments  with  the  discharge  of 
rockets,  made  horrid  discord.  The  pageant  would  have  been  imposing 
had  it  been  attended  with  order  and  solemnity.71 

Some  theatricals  were  based  on  the  works  of  great  Spanish 
authors  and  playwrights.  One  writer  stated  that  "some  of 
these  were  played  with  figures  and  images  hung  on  strings, 
to  be  moved  about  when  required."72  The  American  soldiers 
stationed  in  Santa  Fe  gave  added  impetus  to  dramatics.  In 
November,  1846,  they  organized  a  dramatic  society  among 
themselves  and,  with  the  permission  of  Governor  Charles 


68.  Bloom,  "Historical  Society  Minutes ,"  op.  cit.,  pp.  252-258 ;  272 ;  247. 

69.  Ibid.,  p.  277. 

70.  Emory,  op.  cit.,  p.  42. 

71.  Hughes,  op.  eft.,  pp.  61-62. 

72.  Allison,  "Santa  Fe  as  it  Appeared  during  the  Winter  of  the  Years  1837  and 
1838,"  op.  cit..  p.   180. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  283 

Bent,  transformed  the  ballroom  of  the  Governors'  Palace 
into  a  theatre  in  which  to  present  their  plays.73 

With  regard  to  architecture,  virtually  every  building 
was  constructed  of  adobe,  and  this  precluded  any  effort  at 
architectural  embellishment.  About  the  only  artistic  decora- 
tion was  in  the  woodwork.  Porches,  doors,  and  vigas  were 
often  elaborately  carved  with  various  designs.  Public  edi- 
fices, such  as  churches  and  chapels,  were  usually  tastefully 
adorned.  The  military  chapel  in  Santa  Fe,  La  Castrense,  had 
an  astonishingly  beautiful  reredos,  carved  of  native  stone.74 

The  parish  church  in  Santa  Fe  was  apparently  not  as 
artistic  as  the  military  chapel.  In  1846,  an  American  who 
visited  it,  found  it  adorned  with  about  fifty  crosses,  and  "a 
great  number  of  the  most  miserable  paintings  and  wax 
figures,  and  looking  glasses  trimmed  with  pieces  of  tinsel."75 
A  few  notable  paintings  decorated  some  of  the  churches. 
The  military  chapel,  for  example,  is  said  to  have  contained 
a  fine  mural,76  and  even  Indian  pueblos  at  times  could  boast 
of  an  exceptional  painting.77  In  1849  James  H.  Simpson 
found  a  defaced  painting  in  the  Jemez  chapel,  but  one  which 
still  showed  the  "touches  of  a  genuine  artist."78  Many  artis- 
tic pieces  were  to  be  found  in  the  humblest  homes.  In  a 
small  town  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande  a  man  was  re- 
ported to  have  had  "some  very  old  pictures,  in  large,  oval 
frames,  that  had  once  been  beautifully  gilded."79  An  Ameri- 
can with  some  artistic  taste  remarked  that 

Scattered  about  throughout  New  Mexico,  one  frequently  meets  with 
fine  specimens  of  art,  particularly  oil  paintings.  These  were  sent 


73.  Prince,  Historical  Sketches  of  New  Mexico,  p.  245. 

74.  Pedro  Tamaron  y  Romeral,  Demostracion  del  vastisimo  obispado  de  la.  Nueva 
Vizcaya — 1765,  Vol.  VII  of  Biblioteca  Historica  Mexicana  de  obras  ineditas    (Mexico: 
Antigua  Libreria  Robredo  de  Jose  Porrua  e  Hijos,  1937),  336.  In  1940  when  Archbishop 
Rudolph  A.  Gerken,  of  Santa  Fe,  erected  the  new  parish  church  of  Cristo  Rey  in  that 
city,  this  altar  was  moved  there  from  the  present  cathedral. 

75.  Emory,  op.  cit.,  p.  34. 

76.  Edwards,  op.  cit.,  p.  47. 

77.  House  Exec.  Docs.,  30  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  no.  41,  p.  469. 

78.  James    H.    Simpson,    Journal   of  a   Military   Reconnaissance   from  Santa   Fe, 
New  Mexico,  to  the  Navajo  Country,  Made  with  the  Troops  under  Command  of  Brevet 
Lieutenant  Colonel  John  M.  Washington,  Chief  of  the  Ninth  Military  Department,  and 
Governor  of  New  Mexico,  in  1849    (Philadelphia:   Lippincott,   Grambo  &   Co.,   1852), 
p.  20. 

79.  House  Exec.  Docs.,  30  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  no.  41,  p.  493. 


284  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

over  from  old  Spain ;  and,  at  one  time,  the  Spaniards  used  to  send  over 
fine  workmen  and  artists  to  construct  and  adorn  the  churches.  My 
Spanish  landlady  has  a  fine  picture  of  a  female  saint,  that  I  have 
endeavored  to  purchase  from  her;  but  she  conceives  that  it  repre- 
sents the  "virgen  santissima."  It  has  a  dagger  sticking  in  the  heart; 
this  I  called  her  attention  to,  but  she  could  not  be  induced  to  part  with 
it.80 

Indians  usually  ornamented  their  chapels  in  their  own  fash- 
ion, depicting  saints  in  a  not  too  elaborate  way,  using  bright 
pigments  of  red,  blue  and  yellow.81 


CHAPTER  IV 
The  Church 

The  period  from  1821  to  1860  was  a  critical  one  for  the 
Church  in  New  Mexico.  After  over  two  centuries  under  the 
rule  of  Spain,  the  region  became  a  part  of  the  empire  and 
later  of  the  republic  of  Mexico.  During  the  republic  the 
Mexican  government  was  too  engrossed  in  its  political 
struggles  to  devote  attention  to  the  frontier  provinces. 
Though  New  Mexico  had  made  no  positive  contribution  to 
the  movement  for  independence,  and  felt  only  slightly  the 
effects  of  war,  it  was,  nevertheless,  to  suffer  from  the  pas- 
sing of  the  special  relationship  between  Church  and  State, 
which,  in  spite  of  its  failings,  had  proved  successful  in  times 
past  in  spreading  Christianity  throughout  Spanish  Amer- 
ica. The  breaking  of  relations  with  Spain  meant  that  no 
longer  would  the  New  Mexico  missions  be  financed  by  the 
royal  treasury,  that  the  source  of  mission  personnel  would 
be  closed.  To  understand  the  true  significance  of  the  close 
union  of  Church  and  State  in  the  colonial  period,  and  its 
value  to  the  Church  in  New  Mexico,  it  is  necessary  to  touch 
upon  the  origin  and  nature  of  the  patronato  real,  or  royal 


80.  Ibid.,  p.  456.  Obviously,  it  was  a  picture  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Seven  Dolors. 

81.  Ibid.,  p.   469. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  285 

patronage,  whereby  certain  ecclesiastical  powers  were 
granted  to  the  Spanish  crown.1 

Royal  patronage  as  practised  in  Spain  greatly  influenced 
the  Church  in  America  and  set  up  the  conditions  under  which 
it  was  to  evangelize  the  New  World.  The  first  important 
document  granting  ecclesiastical  powers  in  America  to  the 
Spanish  rulers  was  the  bull  Inter  cetera,  of  Alexander  VI 
(May  4,  1493).  By  this  bull  the  pope  divided  all  new  dis- 
coveries between  the  Spaniards  and  the  Portuguese,  and 
imposed  the  moral  obligations  to  Christianize  the  Indians 
who  might  be  found  in  those  lands.  The  conversion  of  the 
natives,  then,  became  an  obligation  of  the  monarchs.  But 
the  principal  papal  pronouncement  giving  the  Spanish  sov- 
ereigns the  legal  right  to  exercise  jurisdiction  over  the 
Church  in  America  was  the  bull  Universalis  ecclesiae,  of 
Julius  II  (July  28,  1508) .  It  confirmed  previous  concessions 
to  the  kings  and  added  new  ones.  The  new  "Patronage  of 
the  Indies,"  as  it  became  known,  gave  to  the  Spanish  king 
almost  absolute  jurisdiction  over  ecclesiastical  affairs  in 
the  New  World.  It  was  his  right  to  present  bishops,  to  erect 
dioceses,  and  to  name  parish  priests.  Without  his  consent 
no  missionary  could  enter  or  leave  his  American  domains.2 

In  fairness  to  the  monarchs,  however,  it  must  be  admit- 
ted that  they  generally  made  a  sincere  effort  to  perform 
their  ecclesiastical  duties  well.  Again  and  again  in  their 
correspondence  with  the  royal  officials  in  New  Spain  the 
kings  made  reference  to  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  and 
to  the  need  of  providing  for  their  spiritual  care  and  direc- 
tion. From  the  tithes  which  the  popes  had  granted  to  the 
Crown,  and  from  the  royal  treasury,  came  the  funds  to 
support  the  work  of  the  missions  and  to  erect  churches  and 


1.  For  a  list  of  some  of  these  rights  and  privileges  see  Antonio  Joaquin  Riba- 
deneyra,   Manual  compendia  de  el  regio  patronato  indiano,  para  su  mds  fdcil  uso  en 
las  materias  condueentes  a  la  prdctica  (Madrid:  Antonio  Marin,  1755),  pp.  43-50.  See 
also  J.  Lloyd  Mecham,  Church  and  State  in  Latin  America   (Chapel  Hill:  University 
of  North  Carolina  Press,   1934),  p.   8;  Arthur  S.  Aiton,   "Ideas  on  the  Church-State 
Problem  in  Nineteenth  Century  Latin  America,"  Catholic  Historical  Review,  XXVIII 
(January,   1943),   451. 

2.  Ribadeneyra,  op.  cit.,  p.  412;  Juan  de  Solorzano,  Politico,  indiana   (Antwerp: 
Henrico  &  Cornelio  Verdussen,  1703),  pp.  276-281. 


286  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

monasteries.3  Under  this  system  of  Church  and  State,  the 
soldier  and  the  priest  advanced  together  to  new  frontiers, 
planting  simultaneously  the  banner  of  Spain  and  the  cross 
of  Christ.  It  is  readily  seen  that,  in  spite  of  its  shortcomings, 
this  system  was  especially  advantageous  to  the  progress  of 
religion  in  a  remote  frontier  area  such  as  New  Mexico. 

During  and  after  the  war  of  independence  in  Mexico, 
there  were  clergymen,  especially  Creoles  and  mestizos,  who 
displayed  open  opposition  to  the  monopolistic  and  restric- 
tive policy  of  the  Spanish  clergy.  This  feeling  reverberated 
in  far-off  New  Mexico.  For  instance,  the  establishment  of 
the  first  college  in  the  region,  in  1826,  came  to  naught  be- 
cause the  clergy  and  the  people  of  Santa  Fe  refused  to  tol- 
erate a  Spanish  friar  as  its  rector.4  This  antagonism  had 
been  perceptible  for  a  long  time,  and  it  partly  explains  the 
espousal  of  the  movement  for  independence  on  the  part  of 
many  Mexican  priests.  In  their  minds  the  struggle  for  po- 
litical independence  from  Spain  was  inseparable  from  their 
effort  to  acquire  a  certain  amount  of  religious  autonomy.5 

Having  attained  independence,  the  Mexican  government 
turned  its  attention  to  the  re-organization  of  the  Church. 
In  1821  the  Plan  de  Iguala  declared  that  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  would  be  the  only  one  tolerated  in  the  country  and 
assured  the  clergy  of  full  protection  of  their  rights.6  At  the 
same  time  politicians  began  to  agitate  for  the  retention  by 
Mexico  of  the  patronato  rights.  The  enormous  property  of 
the  Church  was  a  great  temptation  for  them,  and  they  longed 
for  the  day  when  they  could  handle  its  revenue  and,  in  gen- 
eral, use  the  Church  for  their  own  ends.  On  May  21,  1825, 
Father  Francisco  P.  Vasquez  was  sent  as  Mexican  envoy 
to  the  Vatican.  He  was  instructed  by  his  government  to  ob- 
tain from  the  pope  all  the  patronage  rights  which  formerly 


3.  Luis    Torres   de   Mendoza,   ed.,    Coleccion  de   documentor   ineditos   relatives   al 
descubrimiento,    conguista    y    organization    de    las    antiguas    posesiones    espanolas    en 
America  y  Oceania  (42  vols.,  Madrid:  Imprenta  de  Frias  y  Cia.,  1866),  VI,  497  flf. 

4.  Bloom,  "New  Mexico  under  Mexican  Rule,"  op.  eft.,  I  (January,  1914),  248. 

5.  Mariano  Cuevas,  Historia  de  la  iglesia  en  Mexico    (5  vols.,  3rd  ed.,  El  Paso: 
Revista  Catolica,  1928),  V,  passim. 

6.  Mecham,  op.  eft.,  p.  56. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  287 

belonged  to  Spain,  among  them  the  right  to  nominate  bishops 
to  sees.  Among  the  bishops  whom  the  government  wished  to 
appoint  was  one  to  serve  as  auxiliary  for  New  Mexico.7  But 
Vasquez  found  the  pope  unyielding,8  and  as  these  negotia- 
tions reached  an  impasse,  the  Church  in  Mexico  faced  the 
most  critical  period  of  its  history.  With  the  fall  of  Spanish 
administration  an  alarming  number  of  Spanish  priests  left 
the  country  or  were  exiled.9  The  number  of  bishops  also 
diminished,  either  through  death  or  exile,  so  that  in  1829 
not  a  single  bishop  remained  in  Mexico.  For  a  Catholic  na- 
tion the  passing  of  the  hierarchy  was  a  serious  blow.  Many 
of  the  clergy  were  lax  and  engaged  in  politics  or  became 
associated  with  the  Masonic  lodges.  At  that  critical  point 
Pope  Gregory  XVI  took  a  firm  stand.  In  spite  of  objections 
on  the  part  of  Spain  and  Mexico,  he  issued  a  bull,  Solicitudo 
ecclesiarum  (August,  1831),  in  which  he  informed  both 
nations  that  he  intended  to  exercise  his  own  spiritual  func- 
tions in  Mexico  without  any  fear  of  consequences.  That  same 
year  he  named  bishops  for  various  vacant  sees  in  Mexico, 
had  envoy  Vasquez  consecrated  in  Rome  and  sent  him  off 
to  Mexico  to  consecrate  other  bishops  and  thus  reestablish 
the  Mexican  hierarchy.  One  of  these  first  bishops  was  for 
the  long-vacant  diocese  of  Durango,  of  which  New  Mexico 
was  a  part.10 

In  1833  the  new  Bishop  of  Durango,  Jose  Antonio  Zu- 
biria,  visited  the  missions  of  New  Mexico  and  was  shocked 
at  the  sad  state  of  affairs.  It  had  been  the  policy  of  Spain 
and  of  the  Franciscans  to  rely  upon  the  mother  country  for 
vocations  and  for  missionaries.  When  the  Spaniards  were 


7.  W.   Eugene  Shiels,   "Church  and  State  in  the  First  Decade  of  Mexican  Inde- 
pendence,"  Catholic  Historical  Review,   XXVIII    (July,    1942),   225.    See   Luis   Medina 
Ascencio,  "La  Santa  Sede  y  la  emancipacion  mexicana,"  Estudios  Historicos  (Guadala- 
jara), 1943-1945,  passim. 

8.  J.  M.  March,  "La  exclusiva  dada  por  Espana  contra  el  Cardenal  Guistiniani 
en    el   conclave   de    1830-1831,    scgun    despachos    diplomaticos,"    Razon   y   Fe,    XCVIII 
(January,    1932),    55    ff. 

9.  By  1830  Mexico  had  lost  1,947  diocesan  priests  out  of  a  total  of  4,229  it  had 
in  1810  when  the  struggle  for  independence  began.  During  the  same  period  1,726  reli- 
gious priests  and  brothers  left  the  country.  Cf.  Cuevas,  op.  eft.,  V,  175-176. 

10.  Shiels,  op.  cit.,  pp.  210,  227 ;  Mecham,  op.  cit.,  p.  97 ;  John  Francis  Bannon 
and  Peter  Masten   Dunne,   Latin  America:  An  Historical  Survey    (Milwaukee:   Bruce 
Publishing  Co.),  pp.  462  ff. ;  Cuevas,  op.  cit.,  V,  154-187. 


288  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

expelled  from  Mexico  after  independence,  the  native  clergy 
was  insufficient  to  provide  for  the  needs  of  the  missions.  In 
New  Mexico,  for  example,  only  two  Franciscans  remained 
by  1828.  They  had  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  new 
government  and  were  permitted  to  remain.  The  rest  were 
forced  to  abandon  their  missions.11  Few  diocesan  priests 
were  attracted  to  the  region,  and  these  preferred  to  work 
in  the  larger  centers  of  population,  such  as  Santa  Fe,  Albu- 
querque, and  Santa  Cruz.  The  Mexican  government  still 
paid  the  salaries  of  missionaries,  but  few  were  willing  to 
take  those  positions.  The  New  Mexico  missions  disappeared, 
the  Indians  lapsed  into  the  freer  life  of  pagan  days,  and  the 
mission  buildings  deteriorated  rapidly.  Even  in  Santa  Fe, 
the  center  of  religious  life  in  the  region,  there  were  evidences 
of  religious  decline.  In  1833  Bishop  Zubiria  found  a  hand- 
some parish  church,  several  chapels,  and  about  three  private 
oratories.  But  the  church  was  so  neglected  that  it  was  desti- 
tute of  vestments  for  the  celebration  of  Mass.  Zubiria 
pleaded  with  the  faithful  to  provide  funds  for  the  purchase 
of  necessary  vestments  and  furnishings.12  In  an  effort  to 
ameliorate  conditions,  Father  Juan  Felipe  Ortiz,  a  native 
of  Santa  Fe,  was  appointed  vicar  general  for  New  Mexico 
in  1832.13 

The  clergy  in  New  Mexico  reflected  the  general  trend  of 
their  colleagues  south  of  the  border.  Many  were  affected 
with  liberalism,  while  others  were  so  engrossed  in  politics 
that  they  had  little  or  no  time  for  their  parochial  duties.14 
After  1836,  when  the  Mexican  constitution  became  law  and 
permitted  free  elections,  several  priests  ran  for  public  offices. 
The  first  representative  from  New  Mexico  to  the  Mexican 
congress  in  1837  was  Father  Juan  Felipe  Ortiz,  of  Santa 
Fe.15  Other  priests  held  various  public  offices  and,  as  one 


11.  The   Spaniards   were   expelled   from   Mexico  in    1821.    On    December   19,    1838 
the  missions,  were  secularized  by  G6mez   Farias.   Cuevas,   op,  cit.,  V,   196   ft. ;  Bloom, 
"New  Mexico  under  Mexican  Rule,"  op.  cit.,  II    (January,   1914),  268. 

12.  Salpointe,  op.  cit.,  p.  165. 

13.  Ibid. 

14.  One  of  these   liberals   was   Father   Martinez,   of  Taos.   Cf.   Sanchez,   op.   cit., 
passim. 

15.  Bloom,  "New  Mexico  under  Mexican  Rule,"  op.  cit.,  II    (July,  1914),  10. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  289 

writer  states,  about  half  of  the  clergy  of  New  Mexico  served 
the  region  as  deputies  or  alternates  in  the  Mexican  Congress 
at  one  time  or  another.16 

All  this  points  to  the  fact  that,  as  regards  politics,  New 
Mexico  had  an  articulate  clergy.  They  took  a  deep  interest 
in  the  government  of  the  region  and,  to  a  certain  extent, 
their  word  was  law  with  the  people.  This  fact  could  not  be 
overlooked  by  the  American  government  in  its  plans  to  send 
a  conquering  expedition  to  New  Mexico.  Various  diplomatic 
gestures  were  made  early  in  the  war  with  Mexico  to  assure 
the  Catholics  that  the  Americans  had  interest  in  their  wel- 
fare and  respect  for  their  religion.  Writing  to  General  Zach- 
ary  Taylor,  on  July  9,  1846,  Secretary  of  War  William  L. 
Marcy  deplored  the  fact  that  the  war  was  being  represented 
as  a  "war  of  'impiety,'  as  if  we  were  going  to  rob  churches 
and  pull  down  altars."17  To  remove  these  misapprehensions 
it  was  deemed  advisable  that  priests  accompany  the  Ameri- 
can army  into  New  Mexico.  In  his  instructions  to  Colonel 
Stephen  W.  Kearny,  who  was  to  lead  the  armed  forces  into 
that  territory,  Marcy  said : 

The  President  [James  K.  Polk]  has  been  informed  that  much  pain 
has  been  taken  to  alarm  the  religious  prejudices  of  the  Mexican  in- 
habitants of  Santa  Fe  and  its  vicinity  against  the  United  States.  He 
deems  it  important  that  their  misapprehensions  in  this  respect  should 
be  corrected,  as  far  as  it  can  be  done;  and,  for  that  purpose,  he  has 
caused  arrangements  to  be  made  for  a  person  of  high  character  and 
good  repute  in  the  Roman  Catholic  church  to  accompany  your  forces 
in  the  expedition  you  are  about  to  conduct  to  that  place.  You  are 
directed  to  receive  and  treat  with  respect  and  courtesy  any  person 
who  shall  present  himself  to  you  with  a  letter  of  introduction  from 
Bishop  Kenrick,  of  Missouri,  the  Rev.  J.  Vandervelde,  or  the  Rev.  J. 
Simon It  is  understood  that  the  person  who  will  be  invited  to  at- 
tend you  will  understand  and  speak  the  Spanish  language;  and  it  is 
hoped  that  he  will,  without  departing  from  the  path  of  his  duties  as 
a  clergyman,  be  useful  in  removing  the  false  impressions  of  the  Mexi- 
cans in  relation  to  the  United  States  and  their  objects  in  taking  pos- 
session of  New  Mexico,  and  inducing  them  to  confide  in  the  assur- 
ance you  will  make  that  their  religious  institutions  will  be  respected, 
the  property  of  the  church  protected,  their  worship  undisturbed — in 


16.  Ibid.,  II  (October,  1914),  135. 

17.  House  Exec.  Docs.,  30  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  no.  60. 


290  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

fine,  that  all  their  religious  rights  will  be  in  the  amplest  manner  pre- 
served to  them.18 

Kearny  was  also  provided  with  a  proclamation  in  Span- 
ish which  he  was  to  make  public  after  the  fall  of  Santa  Fe. 
It  read :  The  undersigned  has  instructions  from  his  Govern- 
ment to  respect  the  religious  institutions  of  New  Mexico,  to 
protect  the  property  of  the  church,  to  cause  the  worship  of 
those  belonging  to  it  to  be  undisturbed,  and  their  religious 
rights  in  the  amplest  manner  preserved  to  them.19 

That  Kearny  and  his  men  carried  out  these  instructions 
very  carefully  and  were  always  respectful  toward  religion 
in  New  Mexico,  is  apparent  from  a  careful  study  of  the 
period.  In  Las  Vegas,  New  Mexico,  Kearny  had  an  oppor- 
tunity to  rehearse  the  pronunciamento  he  was  to  deliver  in 
the  capital  of  New  Mexico.  Calling  the  inhabitants  to  the 
plaza  on  August  15,  1846,  he  informed  them  that  he  had 
come  to  take  over  the  country  in  the  name  of  the  United 
States  and  that  henceforth  they  owed  no  allegiance  to  the 
Mexican  government.  To  sweeten  this  bitter  pill,  he  added : 

My  government  .  .  .  will  protect  you  in  your  religion.  I  know  you 
are  all  great  Catholics;  that  some  of  your  priests  have  told  you  all  sorts 
of  stories — that  we  should  ill-treat  your  women,  and  brand  them  on 
the  cheek  as  you  do  your  mules  on  the  hip.  It  is  all  false.  My  govern- 
ment respects  your  religion  as  much  as  the  Protestant  religion,  and 
allows  each  man  to  worship  his  Creator  as  his  heart  tells  him  is 
best.  Its  laws  protect  the  Catholic  as  well  as  the  Protestant;  the  weak 
as  well  as  the  strong;  the  poor  as  well  as  the  rich.  I  am  not  a  Catholic 
myself — I  was  not  brought  up  in  that  faith;  but  at  least  one-third 
of  my  army  are  Catholics,  and  I  respect  a  good  Catholic  as  much  as  a 
good  Protestant.20 

Kearny  then  asked  the  town  mayor  and  other  officials  to 
take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States  in  the  pres- 
ence of  all  the  people.  This  was  done,  as  an  eye-witness  re- 


is.  Senate  Rep.  Com.,  31  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  no.  18,  pp.  233-234.  The  Bishop  of  St. 
Louis,  Peter  Richard  Kenrick,  failed  to  provide  any  priests  to  the  Kearny  expedi- 
tion. George  Rutledge  Gibson,  Journal  of  a  Soldier  under  Kearny  and  Doniphan, 
1846-1847.  VoL  III  of  The  Southwest  Historical  Series,  ed.  Ralph  P.  Bieber  (Glendale: 
Arthur  H.  Clark  Co.,  1935).  Introduction.  30. 

19.  House  Exec.  Docs.,  80  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  no.  60. 

20.  Emory,  op.  eft.,  pp.  27-28. 


NEW    MEXICO   IN   TRANSITION  291 

marks,  "using  the  sacred  cross  instead  of  the  Bible,"21  ad- 
mittedly a  more  familiar  object  to  the  New  Mexicans  than 
the  Bible.  This  scene  was  reenacted  on  August  22,  1846, 
after  Kearny's  army  took  over  Santa  Fe  without  firing  a 
single  shot.  On  that  day  the  Church  in  New  Mexico  entered 
a  new  modus  vivendi,  far  different  from  what  it  had  been 
accustomed  to.  No  longer  would  Catholicism  be  the  estab- 
lished religion,  for  the  Organic  Law  promulgated  by  Kearny 
stated  that 

All  men  have  a  natural  and  indefeasible  right  to  worship  Almighty 
God  according  to  the  dictates  of  their  consciences;  that  no  person 
can  ever  be  hurt,  molested,  or  restrained  in  his  religious  profession, 
if  he  does  not  disturb  others  in  their  religious  worship,  and  that  all 
Christian  churches  shall  be  protected  and  none  oppressed,  and  that 
no  person  on  account  of  his  religious  opinions  shall  be  rendered  in- 
eligible to  any  office  of  honor,  trust,  or  profit.22 

In  1851  the  laws  of  New  Mexico  further  decreed  that,  "No 
preference  shall  be  given  by  law  to  any  religious  denom- 
ination ;  and  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Legislature  to  enact 
the  necessary  laws  to  protect  equally  all  religious  denomina- 
tions, so  that  they  may  be  undisturbed  and  secure  in  the 
practice  of  their  institutions."23 

Personal  relations  between  the  clergy  and  the  Americans 
were  generally  cordial.  When  reaching  a  town  the  officers 
usually  paid  their  respects  to  the  parish  priest  first  and  then 
proceeded  with  the  business  that  engaged  them.  Regardless 
of  their  religion,  officers  attended  Mass  and  took  part  in 
other  services  whenever  possible.  They  were  instructed  to 
show  every  mark  of  respect  to  the  religious  observances  of 
the  country  and  not  to  decline  participation  in  the  ceremo- 
nies.24 As  may  be  expected,  many  of  them  did  not  under- 
stand Catholic  ceremonies,  nor  were  they  particularly  in- 
terested, but  as  one  officer  resignedly  put  it,  "when  you  are 
in  Rome,  do  as  Rome  does."25  The  men  were  especially  cour- 


21.  Henry  Inman,  The  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail,  the  Story  of  a  Great  Highway   (New 
York:  Macmillan  Co.,   1897),  p.   110. 

22.  James   K.   Polk,   Occupation  of  Mexican  Territory    (Washington,  D.  C. :   Gov- 
ernment  Printing   Office,    1912),   p.    33. 

23.  Meline,  op.  cit.,  p.  188. 

24.  Emory,  op.  cit.,  p.  42. 

25.  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  p.  62. 


292  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

teous  to  Bishop  Zubiria,  of  Durango.  He  is  described  by 
one  of  them  as  being  very  kind  and  intelligent,  and  mani- 
festing a  deep  interest  in  the  welfare  of  his  people  in  New 
Mexico.26  On  his  last  pastoral  visitation  to  New  Mexico  in 
1850,  he  was  tendered  every  mark  of  courtesy  and  attention 
by  the  civil  and  military  authorities,  and  was  provided  with 
military  escorts  through  dangerous  parts  of  the  region.27 
This  favorable  attitude  toward  religion  had  its  desired  ef- 
fect, for  some  of  the  tension  and  reserve  of  the  conquered 
people  and  clergy  began  to  disappear.  A  few  pastors  in  out- 
lying towns  traveled  to  Santa  Fe  to  acknowledge  the  au- 
thority of  the  Americans  and  to  ask  protection  for  their 
churches.28  One  of  the  priests  even  ventured  to  express  satis- 
faction over  the  new  political  situation.  He  is  reported  to 
have  said  that  Mexico  would  rather  lose  her  national  exist- 
ence and  become  part  of  the  United  States  than  submit  to 
a  foreign  prince.29 

As  regards  ecclesiastical  matters,  the  long-felt  need  for 
a  bishop  in  New  Mexico  was  at  long  last  filled  in  1850  with 
the  appointment  of  Father  John  Baptist  Lamy,  of  the  dio- 
cese of  Cincinnati,  as  vicar  apostolic.  The  news  of  his  ap- 
pointment was  received  in  Santa  Fe  with  mixed  feelings  of 
joy  and  regret.  For  many  years  the  people  had  longed  for  a 
prelate  with  authority  to  solve  the  many  perplexing  prob- 
lems of  the  Church  on  that  isolated  frontier.30  The  arrival 
of  a  bishop,  they  thought,  was  the  dawn  of  a  new  day  for 
New  Mexico.  Others,  however,  regretted  that  a  native  son 
had  not  been  chosen  for  the  position.  Nevertheless,  whatever 
their  personal  feelings  in  the  matter,  all  joined  in  giving 
the  prelate  a  hearty  welcome.  To  many  the  appointment  of 
an  American  as  the  first  bishop  of  New  Mexico  was  of  fun- 
damental significance,  for  they  hoped  that  he  would  revital- 


26.  John   Russell   Bartlett,  Personal  Narrative  of  Explorations  and  Incidents  in 
Texas,  New  Mexico,  California,  Sonora  and  Chihuahua  during  1850-1853   (2  vols.,  Lon- 
don: George  Routledge  &  Co.,  1854),  I,  146-147. 

27.  Ibid.,  p.  147. 

28.  Hughes,  op.  cit.,  p.  52. 

29.  Ibid.,  P.  146.  __ 

80.     Pino,  op.  cit.,  p.  81. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  293 

ize  the  Church  and  aid  in  establishing  harmonious  relations 
with  the  civil  authorities. 

Consecrated  in  Cincinnati  on  November  24,  1850,  Lamy 
arrived  in  Santa  Fe  on  August  9,  1851,  and  civil,  military, 
and  ecclesiastical  authorities  cooperated  in  welcoming  him. 
Writing  to  Bishop  John  B.  Purcell,  of  Cincinnati,  on  August 
14  of  that  year,  the  new  ordinary  of  Santa  Fe  said : 

On  last  Saturday,  the  9th  of  August,  we  reached  Santa  Fe.  I 
thought  it  probable  that  some  of  the  Faithful  would  come  forth  to 
meet  us,  but  little  did  I  expect  to  see  several  thousands  in  the  proces- 
sion! A  great  number  of  carriages  were  seen,  and  amongst  them  that 
of  the  Hon.  Calhoun  [James  S.  Calhoun],  Governor  of  the  Territory, 
who  came  out  several  miles  at  the  head  of  the  authorities,  civil  and 
military,  to  meet  us.  Along  the  road  a  number  of  tasty  triumphal 
arches  were  erected,  under  which  I  was  obliged  to  pass,  whilst  the 
cannon  fired  a  salute.  I  entered  the  Governor's  carriage  by  his  spe- 
cial request,  attended  by  the  Vicar  General  [Juan  Felipe  Ortiz]  and 
Rev.  Mr.  Machebeuf.31 

Lamy  was  well  aware  that  his  task  would  not  be  an  easy 
one.  His  vicariate  included  what  is  now  known  as  New  Mex- 
ico, Arizona,  and  Colorado,  and  for  this  vast  territory  he 
found  only  about  ten  priests,  some  of  whom  were  of  ques- 
tionable conduct.32  Having  few  priests  to  guide  them,  the 
people  had  grown  weak  in  their  faith  and  morals,  and  super- 
stition was  so  widespread  that  even  the  casual  observer  was 
struck  with  the  absurd  practices  that  had  found  their  way 
into  the  ceremonies  of  the  Church.33  The  clergy  were  often 
accused  of  immorality  and  of  being  in  some  ways  a  force  for 
evil  rather  than  for  good.  In  a  letter  to  the  Santa  Fe  Weekly 
Gazette,  a  writer  in  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  eloquently  pleads 
with  the  clergy  to  reform  their  own  lives  so  as  to  improve 
the  moral  and  spiritual  conditions  of  the  New  Mexicans. 
He  said : 

The  clergy  in  New  Mexico  have  an  immensity  to  answer  for. 
If  the  people  are  immoral,  it  is  chiefly  their  fault.  For  are  they  not, 
in  the  estimation  of  a  majority  of  New  Mexicans,  a  sacred  order?  In 
spiritual  and  moral  matters,  is  not  their  word  law?  Have  they  not 

31.  Catholic  Telegraph  and  Advocate,  October  11,  1861. 

32.  Prince,  A  Concise  History  of  New  Mexico,  p.  247. 

33.  Hughes,  op.  tit.,  p.  61 ;  Davis,  El  Gringo,  p.  221. 


294  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

held  in  their  hands  the  education  of  the  people?  Commanded  all  the 
inlets  and  avenues  to  the  hearts  and  minds  of  youth  among  them? 
Engrossed,  in  fine,  the  formation  of  the  sentiment  and  character  of 
the  New  Mexicans?  Then,  if  the  New  Mexicans  are  not  what  they 
ought  to  be,  where— on  whose  shoulders — rests  the  blame?  Again  I 
say,  the  clergy, — and  I  repeat  it,  the  clergy.  Ye  sacred  order  of  priests, 
then,  in  New  Mexico,  I  call  on  you — but  not  I  alone, — New  Mexico  calls 
on  you,  and  the  rest  of  the  American  Republic  calls  on  you,  to  use 
your  mighty  influence  to  raise  drooping  New  Mexico;  and  let  no 
longer  the  hearts  and  minds  of  her  sons  and  daughters  ....  be  shrouded 
in  darkness  and  doomed  to  debasement.34 

Upon  his  arrival  in  New  Mexico  Lamy  took  firm  steps 
to  remedy  this  situation.  He  and  his  new  vicar  general, 
Father  Joseph  P.  Machebeuf ,  at  once  set  out  to  visit  the  ex- 
tensive vicariate,  studying  the  needs  of  the  various  locali- 
ties.35 Returning  to  Santa  Fe  after  visiting  part  of  his  ec- 
clesiastical territory,  Lamy  wrote  his  first  pastoral  letter 
on  Christmas,  1852.  Most  of  the  letter  is  concerned  with 
plans  for  moral  and  religious  reform.  After  stressing  the 
need  for  schools,  and  soliciting  the  aid  of  the  faithful  in 
building  a  convent  school  for  girls,  he  enjoins  upon  them 
the  duty  of  obeying  the  Church  in  spiritual  matters,  and 
warns  them  against  the  evils  of  divorce.38 

But,  anxious  as  Lamy  was  to  raise  the  religious,  moral 
and  intellectual  level  of  his  people,  he  could  count  on  only 
a  few  priests  to  aid  him  with  his  plans.  This  lack  of  priests 
was  a  source  of  much  anxiety  for  the  young  vicar  apostolic. 
He  tried — but  with  no  success — to  obtain  the  services  of  the 
famous  Jesuit  missionary,  Father  Peter  J.  De  Smet,  and  of 
other  Spanish-speaking  Jesuits  in  St.  Louis,  Missouri.  He 
pleads  with  his  friend  in  that  city,  Father  John  Roothaan, 
S.  J.,  to  send  him  help.  In  a  letter  of  July  29,  1852,  Lamy 
describes  his  plight  to  Roothaan  in  these  words : 

To  administer  the  sacraments  to  so  many  of  the  faithful  scattered 
over  an  immense  territory,  I  have  only  a  dozen  priests  and  I  do  not 
think  I  can  rely  even  on  all  of  these.  We  have  in  the  same  territory 
an  Indian  tribe  whom  it  would  be  easy  to  bring  under  the  banner  of 
the  cross  if  we  had  a  number  of  good  missionaries,  men  of  God,  who 


34.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  March  26,  1853. 

35.  Defouri,  op.  cit.,  p.  44. 

86.     Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  January  1.  1853. 


NEW   MEXICO   IN   TRANSITION  295 

would  seek  only  the  good  of  souls  and  the  glory  of  our  Divine  Master. 
I  have  had  long  conversations  with  Father  De  Smet  at  the  college  of 
St.  Louis  where  the  Fathers  have  extended  to  me  and  my  party  the 

most  generous  hospitality He   [De  Smet]  has  a  particular  grace 

for  the  conversion  of  the  Indians.  Two  tribes,  the  Comanches  and 
Navajos,  number  10,000  together  and  are  ready  for  the  harvest.  And 
so  I  entreat  you  for  God's  glory  and  the  salvation  of  souls,  do  all  in 
your  power  to  send  some  of  your  Fathers  to  a  field  where  the  harvest 
is  already  ripe,  but  is  being  lost  for  lack  of  workers.37 

Lamy  was  to  wait  many  years  before  he  could  obtain  Jesuits 
for  his  missions.  On  August  15, 1867,  the  first  band  of  Jesuit 
missionaries  arrived  in  Santa  Fe  from  Naples,  Italy.38 

Lamy  was  also  confronted  with  problems  of  discipline 
among  his  clergy.  Some,  still  resentful  of  a  foreign  bishop 
in  their  midst,  and  perhaps  themselves  guilty  of  the  abuses 
he  was  trying  to  correct,  loudly  voiced  their  dislike  for  the 
prelate.39  On  July  29,  1853,  New  Mexico  was  created  a  dio- 
cese, with  Lamy  as  the  first  bishop.  This  news  caused  con- 
sternation among  a  few  priests,  for  they  realized  that  Lamy, 
a  French-born  priest,  would  be  their  permanent  superior. 
Two  of  these  clergymen,  Benigno  Cardenas  and  Manuel 
Gallegos,  apostatized.  Cardenas  became  a  Protestant  minis- 
ter and  from  that  time  tormented  Bishop  Lamy  with  his 
anti-Catholic  tirades  in  front  of  the  cathedral.40  Such  was 
the  scandal  given  that  even  the  local  paper,  edited  by  non- 
Catholics,  started  a  veritable  campaign  to  silence  the  recal- 
citrant priests.  On  one  occasion  the  editor  commented : 

Padre  Cardenas  has  changed  his  religion,  but  the  change  has 
neither  been  a  gain  to  Protestantism  nor  a  loss  to  Catholicism.  The 
same  remark  will  be  applicable  to  padre  Gallegos  whenever  he  is 
ready  to  publish  to  the  world  his  conversion  to  Protestantism  as  padre 
Cardenas  has  done.41 

In  1856  another  disgruntled  priest,  Antonio  Jose  Martinez, 


37.  Lamy  to  Roothaan,  quoted  by  Gilbert  J.  Garraghan,  The  Jesuits  of  the  Mid- 
dle United  States  (3  vols.,  New  York:  America  Press,  1938),  II,  490. 

38.  Giuseppe  M.  Sorrentino,  Dalla  Montague  Rocciose  al  Rio  Bravo:  Brevi  appu,nti 
storici  circa  la  missione  gesuitica  del  Nuovo  Messico  e  Colorado  negli  Stati  Uniti  di 
America  (Naples:  Casa  Editrice  Federico  &  Ardia,  n.  d.),  p.  19. 

39.     Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  August  27,  1853. 

40.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  December  3,  1853. 

41.  Ibid.,  September  3,  1853. 


296  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  Taos,  was  forced  to  resign  his  pastorate.42  Thus  Lamy 
was  gradually  clearing  the  atmosphere  for  the  fine  apostolic 
work  he  was  destined  to  do  during  the  next  thirty  years.  No 
sooner  were  parishes  vacant  than  an  excellent  group  of 
priests,  especially  from  France,  assumed  the  pastorates.  The 
Sisters  of  Loretto  and  the  Christian  Brothers  were  brought 
into  the  diocese  by  Lamy,  as  we  have  seen,43  proving  of  im- 
mense value  in  educating  the  youth  of  the  Territory.  All  this 
resulted  in  an  improvement  of  the  moral  and  spiritual  lifp 
of  the  people.  He  neglected  no  one.  The  Indians,  the  Mexi- 
cans and  the  Anglo-Americans  soon  had  capable  priests 
ministering  to  them.  When  the  gold  rush  in  Colorado  created 
a  demand  for  priests,  Lamy  sent  one  to  Denver.  Arizona 
also  claimed  his  attention,  and  occasionally  a  missionary  was 
sent  from  Santa  Fe  to  minister  to  the  needs  of  the  people, 
especially  in  Tucson.  All  this  he  accomplished  at  no  little 
sacrifice  to  himself,  and  often  at  the  risk  of  making  enemies. 
Needing  funds  to  build  schools  and  repair  churches  and 
for  other  religious  enterprises,  his  methods  of  collecting  the 
tithes  from  the  people  occasionally  became  the  target  of 
severe  criticism.  On  one  occasion,  for  instance,  a  writer  in 
the  Weekly  Gazette  roundly  took  him  to  task  for  using  the 
civil  courts  to  compel  the  Catholics  of  one  locality  to  pay 
their  tithes.  Among  other  things  the  article  stated  that 

There  is  something  deadly  'rotten  in  Rome'  when  the  terrible  engine 
of  the  civil  law  is  required  to  bring  defaulting  catholics  [sic]  to  the 
'scratch,'  and  compel  them  through  the  medium  of  an  alcalde's  court, 
to  pay  the  just  and  righteous  tythes  [sic]  of  Holy  Mother  Church.  This 
state  of  things  actually  exists,  as  every  justice  court  in  the  county, 
and  I  presume  in  the  whole  Rio  Aba  jo,  can  testify.44 

Civil  officials  and  visitors  took  notice  of  the  improvement 
which  had  taken  place  in  a  few  years.  Even  the  Indian  pueb- 
los, so  long  neglected,  responded  to  the  zeal  of  Lamy,  for  as 
one  government  official  wrote  in  1864 : 

The  Pueblos  are  all  nominally  Roman  Catholics,  and,  as  far  as 
can  be  discerned,  appear  to  be  sincere  and  earnestly  devoted  to  the 


42.  Ibid.,  May  31,  1856. 

43.  Supra,  pp. 

44.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  May  28,  1853. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  297 

rites  of  that  church.  Each  town  has  its  own  church  edifice,  which  is 
held  in  high  respect.  The  people  esteem  and  obey  their  priests.  They 
generally  marry,  baptize,  and  bury  according  to  the  rules  of  that 
sect.  The  holy  days  are  generally  attended  to.45 

An  observer  in  1866  remarked  that,  as  regards  the  clergy,  a 
great  improvement  had  taken  place.  Lamy,  he  said,  had 

found  a  degraded  clergy  in  1851,  but  " matters  are 

changed  since  then.  These  irregularities  have  disappeared, 
and  the  New  Mexicans  now  have  a  learned,  pious,  labor- 
ious and  edifying  priesthood,  mostly  missionaries  from 
France."46  The  picture  of  the  Angelus  hour  in  Santa  Fe,  the 
"City  of  the  Holy  Faith,"  was,  in  the  eighteen  sixties,  rem- 
iniscent of  the  early  days  of  the  New  Mexico  missions.  It 
reflects  the  improved  religious  devotion  of  the  people.  A 
writer  describes  that  moment  in  these  words : 

All  conversation  is  instantly  suspended — all  labor  ceases — people 
of  all  classes,  whether  on  foot  or  on  horseback,  make  a  sudden  halt 
— even  the  laden  porter,  groaning  under  the  weight  of  an  insupport- 
able burden,  stops  in  the  midst  of  his  career  and  stands  still.  An  almost 
breathless  silence  reigns  throughout  the  town,  disturbed  only  by  the 
occasional  sibilations  of  the  devout  multitude;  all  of  which,  accom- 
panied by  the  slow  peals  of  a  large  and  sonorous  bell,  affords  a 
scene  truly  solemn  and  appropriate.  At  the  expiration  of  about  two 
minutes,  the  charm  is  suddenly  broken  by  the  clatter  of  livelier-toned 
bells,  and  a  buenas  tardes  to  those  present — again  the  colloquial  chit- 
chat is  resumed — the  smith  plies  upon  his  anvil  with  redoubled  energy 
— the  click  of  the  hammer  simultaneously  resounds  in  every  direction 
— the  wayfarers  are  again  in  motion — both  pleasure  and  business,  in 
short,  assume  their  respective  sway.47 

To  characterize  the  political  scene  of  New  Mexico  as 
muddled  would  be  to  underestimate  the  true  state  of  affairs. 
Politically,  New  Mexico  had  not  benefited  under  Mexican 
rule,  and  it  was  too  early  to  foresee  any  benefits  from  the 
American  form  of  government.  Little  had  been  done  for  the 
people  in  the  first  five  years  of  American  rule,  and  political 
corruption  made  the  people  distrustful  of  the  Americans. 
Politics  were  not  yet  on  a  sure  footing,  and  despite  the  sin- 


45.  John  Ward,  in  the  Report    of    the    Commissioner    of    Indian    Affairs,    1864- 
Quoted  by  W.  F.  M.  Arny,  Interesting  Items  Regarding  New  Mexico,  p.  36. 

46.  Meline,  op.  cit.,  pp.  189-190. 

47.  Twitchell,  Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican  History,  II,  164-165. 


298  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

cere  efforts  of  some,  it  was  difficult  to  maintain  harmony  in 
the  midst  of  strange  currents  of  political  thought.  It  was 
truly  a  transitional  period,  and  discerning  politicians  tried 
to  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  promote  their  own 
rather  than  the  Territory's  welfare.  There  was  continual 
strife  between  the  civil  and  the  military  government,  neither 
of  which  apparently  knew  the  exact  limits  of  its  jurisdic- 
tion. The  army  was  ineffectual  in  checking  Indian  raids,48 
and  to  make  matters  worse,  Congress  was  toying  with  the 
idea  of  moving  into  New  Mexico  all  the  Indians  from  Cali- 
fornia and  Utah.49  There  was  corruption  in  the  territorial 
government,  and  still  more  in  town  and  county  politics.  The 
disgust  of  the  people  in  one  town  was  manifested  in  a  news- 
paper advertisement.  It  read : 

HANDSOME  REWARD 

One  blanket,  two  strings  of  pepper,  one  almo  of  beans,  one  pint  of 
whiskey,  and  one  roll  of  tobacco — this  will  be  given  to  any  person  that 
will  present  a  more  partial  alcalde  than  we  have  in  Las  Vegas,  or  in 
other  words  a  bigger  fool.50 

It  was  not  a  rare  occurrence  for  a  governor  to  rule  in  ab- 
sentia; at  least  on  one  occasion,  the  entire  territorial  gov- 
ernment left  New  Mexico,  leaving  an  outraged  population 
to  manage  affairs  as  best  they  could.51 

Although  Lamy's  relations  with  the  civil  government 
•were  for  the  most  part  amicable,  it  was  to  be  expected  that 
in  such  an  atmosphere  friction  between  Church  and  State 
would  be  inevitable.  On  such  occasions  Lamy  was  a  staunch 
defender  of  the  rights  of  the  Church.  Any  infringements  up- 
on his  jurisdiction  were  bound  to  draw  strong  protests  from 
him.  One  of  his  first  serious  clashes  came  with  Judge  Graf- 
ton  Baker,  who  had  confiscated  the  military  chapel,  La  Cas- 
trense,  for  his  courthouse.  This  building  belonged  to  the 
diocese  and  Lamy  claimed  it,  stating  that  it  was  a  conse- 
crated building  and  was  not  to  be  used  for  holding  court. 


48.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  March  6,  1853 ;  Smith,  op.  cit.,  p.   18 ;  Otero.  op. 
cit.,  pp.  9-15. 

49.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  April  80,  1853. 

50.  Ibid.,  August  20,  1853. 

51.  Ibid.,  October  81,  1857. 


NEW   MEXICO  IN   TRANSITION  299 

Baker  publicly  announced  that  he  would  not  relinquish  the 
property  and  that  he  was  ready  to  hang  the  bishop  and  his 
vicar  general  from  the  same  gibbet.52  When  this  spread 
through  town,  Catholics  and  Protestants  mobbed  the  judge 
and  forced  him  to  apologize  to  Lamy  and  to  return  the 
chapel  to  its  rightful  owner.53  There  were  also  a  few  in- 
stances in  which  local  politicians  tried  to  interfere  in  the 
appointment  of  pastors.  This  also  Lamy  firmly  resisted.54 

Thus,  slowly  but  inexorably  the  hand  of  the  Church  was 
felt  in  New  Mexico  in  those  days,  molding  the  morals  of  a 
new  generation  of  Anglo-  and  Spanish  Americans.  Its  in- 
fluence for  good  was  well  recognized.  To  Lamy,  more  than 
to  any  other  single  man,  belongs  the  credit  for  having  ele- 
vated the  moral  and  religious  standards  in  New  Mexico  dur- 
ing its  critical  period  of  transition,  and  for  having  facili- 
tated the  arduous  task  of  establishing  the  American  form 
of  government  in  that  newly-conquered  Territory. 


62.     Twitchell,  op.  cit.,  II,  330. 

53.  Poldervaart,  op.  cit.,  XXII   (April,  1947),  112-113. 

54.  Twitchell,   Military   Occupation  of  New   Mexico,   pp.    176-179 ;   Congressional 
Globe  (App.),  32  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  March  15,  1852,  pp.  326  ff. 


CHECKLIST  OF  NEW  MEXICO  PUBLICATIONS 
By  WILMA  LOY  SHELTON 

(Continued) 

Bulletin 

No.  IB.  Laws  and  regulations  governing  the  production  and  con- 
servation of  gas  and  oil  in  New  Mexico.  E.  H.  Wells,  state  geolo- 
gist. Santa  Fe,  N.  M.,  State  land  office,  1931,  19p. 

General  information  and  rules  and  regulations  relating  to  leasing 
and  sales  of  state  lands  and  contest  procedure,  effective  Aug.  23, 
1930.  Santa  Fe,  1930.  8p. 

General  information  and  rules  and  regulations  relating  to  leasing  and 
sales  of  state  lands  and  contest  procedure;  edition  of  rules  in  effect 
Oct.  5,  1940.  Santa  Fe,  1940.  8p. 

General  information  and  rules  and  regulations  relating  to  leasing  and 
sales  of  state  lands  and  contest  procedure;  edition  of  rules  in  effect 
Sept.  28,  1942.  Santa  Fe,  1942.  8p. 

General  information  and  rules  and  regulations  relating  to  leasing  of 
state  lands  for  all  forms  of  deposits  and  minerals  other  than  oil 
and  gas  and  regulations  relating  to  the  sale  of  state  timber  effec- 
tive Sept.  25, 1930.  Santa  Fe,  (1930)  8p. 

General  information  relating  to  sales  and  leasing  of  state  lands.  Pre- 
pared by  H.  R.  Rodgers.  n.  p.  n.  d.  8p.  mimeo. 

General  rules  relating  to  oil  and  gas  leases  on  state  lands.  (Chap.  125, 
Laws  1929;  Chap.  18,  Laws  1931)  effective  at  noon,  Sept.  25  1934. 
Santa  Fe,  1934.  7p. 

Informe  anual  del  comisionado  de  terrenos  publicos  de  Nuevo  Mexico. 
Dec.  31,  1900.  Santa  Fe,  1901.  47p. 

Laws  and  regulations  providing  for  the  leasing,  sale,  and  manage- 
ment and  control  of  territorial  lands,  May  15,  1905.  n.  p.  (1905) 
28p. 

Laws  and  regulations  relating  to  the  Board  of  public  lands  of  the  ter- 
ritory of  New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1899. 
26p. 

Laws  and  regulations  for  purchase  and  lease  of  state  lands  also  gov- 
erning the  issuance  of  leases  for  oil  and  gas;  effective  March  14, 
1925.  Santa  Fe,  1925.  (12)  p.  map. 

Laws  relative  to  leasing,  sale,  disposition  and  control  of  the  land 
belonging  to  the  state  of  New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe,  (1913)  30p. 

Laws  relative  to  leasing,  sale,  disposition  and  control  of  the  land  be- 
longing to  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  1915.  Santa  Fe,  1915.  40p. 

Laws  relative  to  leasing,  sale,  disposition  and  control  of  the  land 
belonging  to  the  state  of  New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe,  1918.  46p. 

300 


CHECKLIST  301 

Laws  relative  to  leasing  and  disposition  of  land  belonging  to  the  state 

of  New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe,  n.  d.  24p. 

Location  and  logs  of  various  wells  in  New  Mexico,  n.  p.  n.  d.  29p.  mimeo. 
Lode  mining  rules  and  regulations  and  information  relating  to  the 

locating,  prospecting  and  leasing  of  state  institutional  lands  for 

lode  mining  purposes.  Santa  Fe,  1941.  12p. 
Notice  of  sale  (of)  oil  and  gas  leases  (by  the)  office  of  commissioner 

of  public  lands.  May  10,  1946.  (Santa  Fe,  1946)  (2)p. 
New  Mexico  cookery,  some  products  of  the  state  and  how  to  prepare 

them,  a  useful  and  unique  booklet.  Santa  Fe,  1916.  64p. 
Picturesque  New  Mexico  .  .  .  Official  bulletin  of  the  State  land  office 

.  .  .  1916.  Santa  Fe,  1916.  (7)p. 
Primer  informe  anual  del  comisionado  de  terrenes  publicos  de  Nuevo 

Mexico.  Diciembre  31,  1900.  Santa  Fe,  Compania  Impresora  del 

Nuevo  Mexicano,  1901.  47p. 
Report  on  the  organization  and  administration  of  the  State  land  office 

.  .  .  prepared  for  New   Mexico   Special   revenue  commission  by 

Bureau  of  commercial  economics.  Chicago,  1921.  82p.  mimeo. 
Rules  and  regulations  of  State  land  office  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  1912.  23p. 
Rules  of  the  State  land  office  governing  the  issuance  of  leases  for  oil 

and  gas;  effective,  March  14th,  1925.  Santa  Fe,  1925.  (3) p. 
Poultry  raising  in  New  Mexico;  official  bulletin  of  State  land  office. 

Santa  Fe,  1916.  8p  (R.  P.  Erwien) 


Conservation  of  natural  resources  commission. 

Established  in  1909  for  purpose  of  making  an  inventory 
of  natural  resources  and  preparing  suggestions. 

The  natural  resources  survey  .  .  .  Report  no.  1-  1911-  Santa  Fe,  New 
Mexican  printing  co.,  1911.  150p.  (J.  A.  Pynch) 

Contractor's  licensing  board. 

Established  in  1939;  issues  licenses  and  furnishes  lists 
of  registered  contractors. 

Building  rules  and  regulations  (minimum  requirements)  pursuant  to 
an  act  passed  by  the  14th  Legislature;  approved  March  16,  1939; 
amended  by  the  16th  Legislature;  amended  by  the  17th  Legisla- 
ture, authorizing  the  Board  to  set  up  rules  and  regulations  per- 
taining to  a  State  building  code.  Adopted  Sept.  22,  1945,  effective, 
Nov.  1,  1945.  Santa  Fe,  1945.  322p. 

Building  rules  and  regulations  (minimum  requirements)  pursuant  to 
an  act  passed  by  the  14th  Legislature;  approved  March  16,  1939; 
amended  by  the  16th  Legislature;  amended  by  the  17th  Legisla- 


302  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ture,  authorizing  the  Board  to  set  up  rules  and  regulations  per- 
taining to  a  State  building  code.  Adopted  Sept.  22,  1945,  effective, 

Nov.  1, 1945.  Santa  Fe,  1948.  298p. 
Bulletin.  Santa  Fe,  1941 — 

Gives  supplementary  lists  of  licensed  contractors  and  changes  of 
classification  and  types  of  contracting. 

Issued  irregularly. 
New  Mexico  minimum  plumbing  rules  and  regulations  adopted  by  the 

Contractors'  License  Board,  Sept.  22,  1945.  Effective,  Nov.  1,  1945. 

Santa  Fe,  1945.  v.  1  (25p.) 
Official  directory  of  licensed  contractors,  v.  1-  Santa  Fe,  1940- 

June  30, 1939-June  30, 1940  51p.  v.  1 

June  30, 1940-June  30, 1941  62  p.  v.  2 

June  30,  1941-June  30, 1942  80p.  v.  3 

June  30, 1942-June  30,  1943  Tip.  v.  4 

June  30, 1943-June  30,  1944  76p.  v.  5 

June  30, 1944-June  30, 1945  77p.  v.  6 

June  30,  1945-June  30,  1946  76p.  v.  7 

June  30, 1946-June  30, 1947  115p.  v.  8 

June  30, 1947-June  30, 1948  136p. 

June  30, 1947-June  30, 1948  Supp.  no.  1,  March,  1948.  22p. 

June  30,  1948-June  30, 1949  143  p. 
Plumbing  rules  and  regulations  (minimum  requirements)  .  .  .  Santa 

Fe,  1945.  25p. 
Provisions  of  laws  relating  to  contractors  and  the  state  building  code. 

Santa  Fe  (1945)  16p. 
Provisions  of  laws  relating  to  contractors  and  the  state  building  code  as 

amended  by  the  eighteenth  legislature,  1947.  Santa  Fe,  1947.  16p. 
Uniform  building  code  for  the  state  of  New  Mexico;  1945  ed. 
Uniform  building  code  .  .  .  1948  ed. 


Coronado  cuarto  centennial  commission. 

Created  in  1935  for  observance  of  400th  anniversary  of 
explorations  of  Francisco  Vasquez  de  Coronado;  state  wide 
celebrations  were  held  from  May  29,  1940  to  Oct.  12,  1940. 

Third  annual  report,  including  activities  of  the  year  1937  "Analysis  of 
suggestions,"  Consolidated  lists  of  sponsors.  Albuquerque,  1938. 
64p. 

Coronado  magazine,  the  official  program  of  the  Coronado  cuarto  cen- 
tennial. (Albuquerque,  Pub.  by  Mrs.  C.  E.  Butler,  1940)  (56)p. 

Coronado  cuarto  centennial  celebrations;  N.  M.- Arizona-West  Texas- 
Oklahoma-Kansas-Colorado;  an  event  four  centuries  in  the  mak- 
ing. (4)  p. 


CHECKLIST  303 

The  Coronado  congress,  Albuquerque  and  Santa  Fe;   Aug.  6  to  15, 

1940.  .  .  calendar  of  meetings.  (Albuquerque,  1940)  (6)p. 
The  Coronado  congress,  Albuquerque  and  Santa  Fe,  Aug.  6-15,  1940. 

Program  (Albuquerque,  1940)  12p. 
Bandelier  centennial  series 

Bandelier,  A.  F.  A.   Pioneers  in  American  anthropology;  the  Ban- 
delier-Morgan  letters,  1873-1883;  ed.  by  Leslie  A.  White.  Albu- 
querque, University  of  New  Mexico  Press,  1940.  2v. 
Coronado  cuarto  centennial;  what  it  will  mean  to  New  Mexico,  n.  p.  n.  d. 

40p. 

Coronado  cuarto  centennial;  preliminary  outline,  n.  p.  n.  d.  8p.  (folder) 
Coronado  centennial  edition,  (in  New  Mexico  Alumnus  v.  11  &  no.  5 

Jan.  1939) 

Folk  festivals  1540-1940  .  .  .  (Albuquerque,  1940)  19p. 
Hammond,  G.  P.  Coronado's  seven  cities;  forward  by  Clinton  P.  Ander- 
son. Albuquerque,  U.  S.  Coronado  exposition  commission,  1940.  82p. 
Publications 

v.  2  Hammond,  G.  P.  ed.  &  tr.  Narratives  of  the  Coronado  expedi- 
tion, 1540-1542,  ed.  and  tr.  by  G.  P.  Hammond  and  Agapito  Rey. 
Albuquerque,  University  of  New  Mexico  press,  1940.  413p. 
v.  4  Hodge,  F.  W.,  Hammond,  G.  P.  and  Rey,  Agapito.  The  Bena- 
vides  memorial.  Albuquerque,  University  of  New  Mexico  press, 
1946.  368p. 

v.  8-9  Hackett,  C.  W.  ed.  Revolt  of  the  Pueblo  Indian  of  New  Mex- 
ico and  Otermin's  attempted  reconquest,  1680-1682;  introduction 
and  annotations  by  C.  W.  Hackett  .  .  .  translations  of  original 
documents  by  C.  C.  Shelby.  Albuquerque,  University  of  New 
Mexico  press,  1942.  2v. 

v.  10  Vargas  Zapata  y  Luxan  Ponce  de  Leon,  Diego  de.  First  expe- 
dition of  Vargas  into  Mexico,  1692;  tr.  with  introduction  and 
notes  by  J.  Manuel  Espinosa.  Albuquerque,  University  of  New 
Mexico  Press,  1940.  319p. 

v.  11  Thomas,  A.  B.  The  plains  Indians  and  New  Mexico,  1751- 
1778  .  .  .  Albuquerque,  University  of  New   Mexico  press,   1940. 

232p. 

Stevens,  Thomas  Wood,  The  entrada  of  Coronado;  a  spectacular  his- 
toric drama.  Albuquerque,  c!940.  135p. 


Department  of  education. 

Established  in  1863 ;  in  the  beginning  the  board  was  com- 
posed of  the  Governor,  Secretary,  Judges  of  the  Supreme 
court  and  the  Bishop  of  New  Mexico ;  in  1872  the  care  of  the 
public  schools  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  superintendent 
and  county  schools  superintendents;  in  1891  the  Board  in- 


304  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

eluded  the  governor,  superintendent  of  public  instruction, 
president  of  St.  Michael's  college,  president  of  the  university 
and  president  of  the  agricultural  college;  since  1912  the 
governor,  superintendent,  and  five  members  appointed  by 
the  governor  constitute  the  board;  it  is  the  governing 
authority  of  all  public  elementary  and  high  schools  of  the 
state. 

Annual  report  of  the  State  director  of  industrial  education,  lst-2nd, 

1913-15.  East  Las  Vegas,  1914-1916.  2  v. 

Report  of  the  conditions  of  the  schools  of  New  Mexico  for  1889,  pre- 
pared by  Trinidad  Alarid.  1890  (7) p. 
Report  of  the  Superintendent  of  public  instruction.  Santa  Fe,  1891- 

March  1, 1891-Dec.  31, 1891  44p.  (Amado  Chaves) 

Jan.  1, 1892-Dec.  31, 1892  31p.  (Amado  Chaves) 

Jan.  1, 1893-Dec.  31, 1893  65p.  (Amado  Chaves) 

Jan.  1, 1894-Dec.  31, 1894  50p.  (Amado  Chaves) 

Jan.  1, 1895-Dec.  31, 1895  (Amado  Chaves) 

Jan.  1,  1896-Dec.  31,  1896  52p.  (Amado  Chavez)   (E&S) 

Jan.  1, 1897-Dec.  31, 1897  (Placido  Sandoval) 

Jan.  1, 1898-Dec.  31, 1898.  76p.  (M.  C.  deBaca) 

also  in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  33rd  Legislative  assembly 
Jan.  16,  1899.  p.  195-245.  "Exhibit  H";  Council  and  House  Jour- 
nals, 1899.  "Exhibit  H"  p.  195-245. 

Jan.  1, 1899-Dec.  31, 1899. 19p.  (M.  C.  deBaca) 

also  in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  34th  Legislative  assembly. 
Jan.  21, 1901.  "Exhibit  H"  p.  173-274. 

1900-  Oct.  1, 1901 199p.  v.  11  ( J.  F.  Chaves) 

1901-  Oct.  1, 1902  v.  12  (J.  F.  Chaves) 

in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  35th  Legislative  assembly  Jan. 
19,  1903.  "Exhibit  S"  54p. 

Oct.  1,  1902-July  31,  1903  31p.  v.  13  (J.  F.  Chaves) 
Aug.  1, 1903-Oct.  1, 1904  61p.  v.  14  (Amado  Chaves) 

also  in  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  36th  Legislative  assembly 
Jan.  16, 1905.  "Exhibit  S"  61p  . 
1904-Oct.  1, 1905  58p.  v.  15  (Hiram  Hadley) 
1905- Aug.  1, 1906  39p.  v.  16  (Hiram  Hadley) 
also  in  Message  of  H.  J.  Hagerman  to  the  37th  Legislative  as- 
sembly Jan.  21, 1907.  "Exhibit  6"  39p. 
June  15,  1906-June  15, 1908  152p.  v.  17-18  (J.  E.  Clark) 
June  15, 1908-June  15, 1910  144p.  v.  19-20  (J.  E.  Clark) 
June  15, 1909-June  15, 1912  lOOp.  v.  21-22  (A.  N.  White)  1st  bien. 
*Jan.  1, 1912-Dec.  1, 1912  19p.  (A.  N.  White) 


*  Report  of  the  Department  of  education  showing  expenditures  of  funds  heretofore 
appropriated  for  its  maintenance  and  its  needs,  together  with  recommendations  for 
such  legislation  as  will  in  the  opinion  of  the  department  increase  its  efficiency. 


CHECKLIST  305 

Dec.  1,  1912-Nov.  30,  1914  22p.  v.  23-24  (A.  N.  White)  2nd  bien. 
**Dec.  1,  1914-Nov.  30,  1916  (6)  p.  v.  25-26  (A.  N.  White)  3rd  bien. 

Dec.  1,  1916-Nov.  30,  1918  45p.  v.  27-28  (J.  H.  Wagner)  4th  bien. 

Dec.  1,  1918-Nov.  30,  1920  58p.  v.  29-30  (  J.  H.  Wagner)  5th  bien. 

Dec.  1,  1920-Nov.  30,  1922  46p.  v.  31-32  (  J.  V.  Conroy)  6th  bien. 

Dec.  1,  1922-Nov.  30,  1924  85p.  v.  33-34  (I.  L.  Eckles)  7th  bien. 

Dec.  1,  1924-June  30,  1926  80p.  v.  35-36  (I.  L.  Eckles)  8th  bien. 

July  1,  1926-June  30,  1928  (Lois  Randolph)  9th  bien. 

July  1,  1928-June  30,  1930  (  Atanasio  Montoya)  10th  bien. 

July  1,  1930-  June  30,  1932  117p.  (G.  L.  Lusk)  llth  bien. 

July  1,  1932-June  30,  1934  131p.  (G.  L.  Lusk)  12th  bien. 

July  1,  1934-June  30,  1936  127p.  (H.  R.  Rodgers)  13th  bien. 

July  1,  1936-June  30,  1937  unp.  (H.  R.  Rodgers)  mime^ 

July  1,  1936-June  30,  1938  139p.  (H.  R.  Rodgers)  14th  bfe"fe//c 

July  1,  1938-June  30,  1940  133p.  (G.  J.  Corrigan)  15th  bie<<"a 

July  1,  1940-  June  30,  1942  133p.  (G.  L.  Corrigan)  16th  bien.         ^S  C/fv 

July  1,  1942-  June  30,  1944  188p.  (G.  L.  Lusk)  17th  bien. 

July  1,  1944-June  30,  1946  201p.  (G.  L.  Lusk)  18th  bien. 

July  1,  1946-June  30,  1948  (C.  L.  Rose)  19th  bien.  in  press 
An  address  delivered  by  Hon.  Alvan  N.  White,  state  supt.  of  public 

instruction  before  the  New  Mexico  educational  association,  Albu- 

querque, Nov.  7,  1912.  (Albuquerque,  1912)  8p.  Subject:  The  most 

important  step  in  educational  progress  in  New  Mexico  in  rural 

schools. 
Administrator's  responsibilities  and  suggestions  for  curriculum  build- 

ing; report  by  Marie  M.  Holland.  Santa  Fe,  1938.  29p.  mimeo. 
Annotated  bibliography  of  professional  magazines;  prepared  by  Mc- 

Kinley  county  teachers.  Santa  Fe,  1937.  29p. 
Bi-lingualism  and  mental  measures  (a  word  of  caution)  Special  rural 

leaflet.  June  1,  1934.  9p.  mimeo. 
Bulletin:  Feb.,  March,  April-May;  issued  by  Mrs.  Grace  J.  Corrigan. 

Santa  Fe,  1940.  3nos. 
Bulletin  .  .  .  abstract  of  the  minutes  of  the  meeting  of  the  State  board 

of  education.  Feb.  1915.  lOp. 
Bulletin,  no.  1-  (Santa  Fe)  1931- 

no.  1  Organization  and  administration  of  junior  and  senior  high 
school.  1931  28p. 

no.  2  Curriculum  development  in  the  elementary  schools  of  New 
Mexico.  1944.  413p. 

no.  2  Rev.  1947.  444p. 

A  child's  story  of  New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe,  1942.  16p. 
Circular  letter. 

no.  1  April  1,  1905  (Hiram  Hadley) 

no.  2  May  15,  1905  (Hiram  Hadley) 


**  In  Educational  bulletin  vo.  4  no.  4. 

Educational  reports,  1873-75  issued  by  the  Secretary's  office. 


306  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

no.  3  March  30, 1906  (Hiram  Hadley) 

no.  4  March  30,  1906  (Hiram  Hadley) 

no.  5  March  30, 1906  (Hiram  Hadley) 

no.  6  May  15,  1906  (Hiram  Hadley) 

no.  7 

no.  8  July  10, 1906  (Hiram  Hadley) 

no.  9  Aug.  27, 1906  (Hiram  Hadley) 

no.  10 

no.  11 

no.  12  Certification  of  teachers.  ( J.  E.  Clark) 

Code  of  instruction  revising  and  harmonizing  conflicting  school  laws. 
( Santa  Fe,  1914?)  47p. 

Codigo  de  escuelos  de  Nuevo  Mejico  publicado  por  Isabel  Lancaster 
Eckles,  superintendente  de  instruccion  publica.  (Santa  Fe)  1923. 
39p. 

Codigo  de  escolar  de  New  Mexico;  compilado  y  publicado  por  Lois 
Randolph,  superintendente  de  instruccion  publica  (Santa  Fe)  1927. 
68p. 

Codigo  escolar  de  Nuevo  Mexico;  aumento  del  codigo  original. — Inclu- 
yendo  la  legislacion  escolar,  segun  la  aprobacion  de  la  legislatura 
de  1931.  Comp.  bajo  la  direccion  de  Georgia  L.  Lusk  .  .  .  (Santa 
Fe)  1931. 126p. 

Compilacion  de  leyes  de  escuela  del  territorio  de  Nuevo  Mexico  Prepa- 
rada  bajo  supervision  de  J.  Franco  Chaves,  superintendente  de 
instruccion  publica,  Santa  Fe,  Imprenta  de  El  Boletin  popular, 
1903. 165p. 

Compilacion  de  leyes  de  escuela  del  territorio  de  Nuevo  Mexico.  Pre- 
parada  bajo  supervision  de  Hiram  Hadley,  superintendente  de 
instruccion  publica  .  .  .  Las  Vegas,  The  Optic  company,  1905. 
231p. 

Compilacion  de  leyes  de  escuela  del  territorio  de  Nuevo  Mexico.  Pre- 
parada  por  Acasio  Gallegos,  assistente  superintendente  de  instruc- 
cion publica.  James  E.  Clark,  superintendente  de  instruccion 
publica  .  .  .  Albuquerque,  Albuquerque  morning  journal,  (1909) 
332p. 

Compilacion  de  las  leyes  de  escuela  del  Estado  de  Nuevo  Mexico.  Pre- 
parado  por  Filadelfo  Baca,  asistente  superintendente  de  instruc- 
cion publica;  Alvan  N.  White,  superintendente  de  instruccion  pub- 
lica, Santa  Fe,  Nuevo  Mexico.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co. 
(1916)  163p. 

Compilacion  de  las  leyes  escolares  de  Nuevo  Mexico.  J.  H.  Wagner, 
superintendente  de  instruccion  publica.  Santa  Fe,  1919.  83,  (13)  p. 

Compilation  of  school  laws  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  1919  (Albu- 
querque, N.  M.,  Press  of  Central  printing  co.,  1919)  77,  (14)p. 

Compilation  of  the  public  school  laws  of  New  Mexico,  1914;  extracts 
from  the  state  constitution,  comp.  laws  of  1897  and  subsequent 


CHECKLIST  307 

territorial  session  laws,  together  with  all  school  laws  passed  by 
the  first  and  second  sessions  of  the  state  Legislature,  relative  to 
education  and  the  forms  used  in  school  administration  and  a  direc- 
tor's guide.  Prepared  under  the  direction  of  Alvan  N.  White, 
state  superintendent  of  public  instruction.  (Santa  Fe?  1914)  151p. 

Compilation  of  the  public  school  laws  of  New  Mexico,  1915;  containing 
sections  4807-5177  of  the  1915  codification  of  the  New  Mexico 
statutes  (annotated)  relating  to  schools,  school  districts  and  state 
institutions;  chapters  19,  29,  33,  36  ,38,  45,  74,  79,  81,  82,  88,  and  89 
of  the  session  laws  of  1915;  and  extracts  from  the  state  constitu- 
tion relating  to  education.  Prepared  under  the  direction  of  Alvan 
N.  White,  state  superintendent  public  instruction,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. 
Denver,  Colo.,  The  W.  H.  Courtright  publishing  co.,  1916.  121p. 

Compilation  of  the  public  school  laws  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico 
enacted  by  the  third  State  legislature,  1917.  Prepared  under  the 
direction  of  Jonathan  H.  Wagner,  state  superintendent  of  public 
instruction.  Santa  Fe,  N.  M.  Department  of  education,  1917.  20p. 

Compilation  of  the  school  laws  of  New  Mexico,  containing  laws  and 
parts  of  laws  relating  to  public  schools.  Pub.  by  the  territory.  Santa 
Fe,  N.  M.  New  Mexican  printing  company,  1891.  32p. 

Compilation  of  the  school  laws  of  New  Mexico,  containing  all  laws 
and  parts  of  laws  relating  to  public  schools  of  the  territory  of 
New  Mexico  .  .  .  East  Las  Vegas,  J.  A.  Carruth,  1889.  57p. 

Compilation  of  the  school  laws  of  New  Mexico  containing  laws  and 
parts  of  laws  relating  to  public  schools.  Pub.  by  the  territory. 
Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  company,  1895.  44p. 

Compilation  of  the  school  laws  of  New  Mexico,  containing  laws  and 
parts  of  laws  relative  to  public  schools,  until  adjournment  of  the 
thirty-third  Legislative  assembly.  M.  C.  de  Baca,  superintendent  of 
public  instruction.  Las  Vegas,  N.  M.,  Salazar  &  Baca,  1900.  73, 
(3)p. 

Compilation  of  the  school  laws  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico.  Pre- 
pared under  the  supervision  of  J.  Franco  Chaves,  superintendent 
of  public  instruction  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  N.  M.  El  Boletin  popular 
printing  co.,  1903.  139p. 

Compilation  of  the  school  laws  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico.  Pre- 
pared under  the  supervision  of  Hiram  Hadley,  superintendent  of 
public  instruction  .  .  .  Las  Vegas,  The  Optic  company,  1905. 
225p. 

Compilation  of  the  school  laws  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico.  1907. 
Prepared  under  the  supervision  of  J.  E.  Clark,  superintendent  of 
public  instruction,  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico.  Albuquerque,  Albu- 
querque morning  journal  (1907)  244p. 

Compilation  of  the  school  laws  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico;  pre- 
pared by  Acasio  Gallegos,  assistant  superintendent  of  public  in- 
struction under  the  supervision  of  J.  E.  Clark,  superintendent  of 


308  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

public  instruction,  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico.  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Albuquerque  morning  journal  (1909)  341  p. 
Compilation  of  statistics  on  status  of  rural  elementary  schools,  state 

of  New  Mexico  for  1936-37;  comp.  by  State  department  of  educa- 
tion, n.  p.  n.  d.  (6) p.  mimeo. 
Course  of  study  for  county  institutes;  prepared  for  publication  by 

C.  M.  Light  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  El  Boletin  popular  printing  co.,  1904. 

68p. 
Course  of  study  for  county  institutes;  prepared  by  the  Territorial 

Board  of  Education  Santa  Fe,  The  New  Mexican  printing  com- 
pany, 1905.  56p. 
Course  of  study  for  the  normal  institutes  of  New  Mexico  .  .  .  Silver 

City,  Enterprise  pub.  co.,  1902.  21p. 
Course  of  study  in  industrial  education  including  domestic  science, 

manual  training  and  agriculture  for  the  schools  of  New  Mexico. 

February,  1913.  Prepared  by  Manette  A.  Myers,  state  director  of 

industrial  education;  adopted  by  State  board  of  education;  issued 

by  State  department  of  education.  (Santa  Fe,  1913)  51p. 
Course  of  study  in  reading,  prepared  by  Lois  Randolph.  Santa  Fe, 

1928.  21p. 
Course  of  study  for  elementary  schools,  prepared  by  A.  0.  Bowden. 

Santa  Fe.  (1930)  790p. 
Curriculum  development  in  the  elementary  schools  of  New  Mexico. 

Santa  Fe,  Santa  Fe  press,  1944.  413  p.  (Bulletin  no.  2) 
Curriculum  development  in  the  elementary  schools  of  New  Mexico 

issued  by  Charles  L.  Rose,  superintendent  of  public  instruction;  a 

revision  of  the  1944  Curriculum  Development  in  the  Elementary 

Schools  .  .  .   (Santa  Fe)  1947.  444p.  (Bulletin  no.  2  rev.) 
Design  and  specifications  for  New  Mexico  public  school  buildings. 

Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1909.  94p. 
Educacion  en  Nuevo  Mejico;  tercer  informe  anual  del  Hon.  W.  G.  Ritch 

al  comisionado  de  educacion  .  .  .  traducio  del  original  en  Ingles 

por  E.  Hon.  Samuel  Ellison.  16p. 
Education  bulletin.    Industrial  series. 

no.  1  Parent  teacher  associations  and  mothers'  clubs,  1917.  8p. 

no.  2  Conservation  of  New  Mexico  products  in  the  family  dietary. 
Food  emergency  issue  1917.  8p. 

no.  3    Thrift  clubs  for  patriotic  service  "Over  the  top"  with  food 
gardens.  14p 

no.  4  Projects  for  classes  in  sewing.  Prepared  by  R.  C.  Miller. 
(2)  6p. 

no.  5  Agriculture  in  the  elementary  schools.  Prepared  by  R.  C. 
Miller.  8p. 

no.  6  Elementary  home   projects   in   agriculture.   Gardens.   Pre- 
pared under  the  direction  of  R.  C.  Miller.  24p. 


CHECKLIST  309 

no.  7  Elementary  home  projects  in  agriculture.  Poultry.  Prepared 
under  the  direction  of  R.  C.  Miller.  24p. 

no.  8  Elementary  home  projects  in  agriculture.  Rabbit  raising. 
16p. 

no.  9  Elementary  home  projects  in  agriculture.  Pig  raising.  Pre- 
pared under  the  direction  of  R.  C.  Miller.  16p. 

no.  10  Elementary  home  projects  in  agriculture.  Calf  raising.  14p. 

no.  11  Elementary  home  projects  in  agriculture.  Field  crops.  16p. 

no.  12  Parent  teacher  bulletin.  "Aim  of  parent-teacher  associa- 
tions. 7p. 

no.  13  Record  of  elementary  home  projects.  16p. 

no.  14  New  Mexico  branch  of  the  National  congress  of  mothers 

and  parent  teachers  association.  Yearbook  1919-20.  32p. 
Education  in  New  Mexico;  Report  of  Hon.  W.  G.  Ritch  to  the  Com- 
missioner of  education  for  the  year  1874,  Santa  Fe,  Manderfield  & 

Tucker,  1875.  14p. 
Education  in  New  Mexico;  Third  annual  report  of  Hon.  W.  G.  Ritch, 

secretary  of  the  territory  to  the  National  Bureau  of  Education 

with  statistical  tables.  Santa  Fe,  Northwestern  Steam  printing 

house,  1876.  16p. 

Education  in  New  Mexico,  n.  p.  1938  ?  12p. 
Educational  bulletin  v.  1- 

v.  1  no.  1  Relating  to  educational  legislation  enacted  at  the  last 
state  legislature  1915.  12p. 
Unnumbered  bulletin.  Certification  of  teachers.  1915.  8p. 

v.  1.  no.  3  The  elimination  of  illiteracy.  Address  by  State  super- 
intendent of  public  instruction,  A.  N.  White,  delivered  at  the 
commencement  exercises  of  the  New  Mexico  Normal  School 
Sept.  1915.  12p. 

v.  1  no.  4  Certification  of  teachers.  1915.  7p. 

v.  2  no.  1  Statistics  of  illiteracy.  1916.  8p. 

v.  2  no.  2  Minimum  requirements  for  standard  high  schools.  1916. 
12p. 

v.  2  no.  3  School  credit  for  home  work.  1916.  7p. 

v.  2  no.  4  Industrial  education.  1916.  21p. 

v.  3  no.  1  Arbor  and  bird  day.  1917.  24p. 

v.  3  no.  2  Parent  teacher  associations  and  mothers'  clubs.  1917. 
(2)  8p.  (Industrial  series,  no.  1) 

v.  3  no.  3  A  suggestive  list  of  books  for  school  libraries.  1917. 
94p. 

v.  3  no.  3  Supp.  Conservation  of  New  Mexico  products  in  the 
family  dietary.  Food  emergency  issue.  1917.  8p.  (Industrial 
series  no.  2) 

v.  3  no.  4  Journal  of  Proceedings  of  New  Mexico  educational  as- 
sociation. 31st  annual  meeting.  1917.  23p. 


310  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

v.  3  no.  5  Manual  of  the  common  schools  course  of  study  for 

the  public  schools  of  New  Mexico.  1917.  123p. 
v.  3  no.  6  Journal  of  Proceedings  of  the  New  Mexico  educational 

association.  32nd  annual  meeting.  1917.  23p. 

v.  4  no.  1  New  Mexico  educational  directory.  1917/18.  1918.  127p. 
v.  4  no.  2  Standards  proposed  for  the  high  schools  of  the  state 

of  New  Mexico.  In  effect  Sept.  1, 1918.  9p. 
v.  4  no.  3  New  Mexico  common  school  course  of  study,  1918. 103p. 

tion  ...  for  the  period  ending  Nov.  30,  1916.  1918.  (16)  p. 
v.  4  no.  5  Educational  laws  and  resolutions  passed  by  the  4th 

legislature  of  New  Mexico.  1919.  lip. 
v.  5  no.  1 
v.  5  no.  2  Standards  proposed  for  the  high  schools  of  the  state  of 

New  Mexico.  In  effect  Sept.  2,  1919.  1919.  14p. 
v.  5  no.3  Americanization  day  in  the  schools  of  N.  M.  in  memory 

of  Theodore  Roosevelt;  Friday  Oct.  24,  1919.  (10)p. 
v.  5  no.  4  Journal  of  proceedings  of  the  general  meetings  of  the 

34th  annual  meeting,  N.  M.  educational  association,  Nov.  22-26, 

1919.  12p. 
v.  6  no.  1  Form  of  transcript  of  Proceedings  in  regard  to  bond 

issues  of  rural  school  districts  in  New  Mexico.  1920.  lOp. 
v.  6  no.  2  Organization,     administration     and     supervision     of 

schools;  supp.  to  manual  for  county  institutes.  1920.  16p. 
v.  6  no.  3  (New  Mexico  child  welfare  service.  Bulletin  no.  1)  The 

organization  of  the  State  child  welfare  work.  1920.  32p. 
v.  6  no.  4  Journal  of  proceedings  of  the  general  meetings  of  the 

35th  annual  meeting  New  Mexico  educational  association.  1920. 

12p. 
v.  7  no.  1  Educational  laws  passed  by  the  5th  State  legislature. 

1921.  8p. 
v.  7  no.  2  Opinions  rendered  on  educational  affairs  on  questions 

submitted  for  decision.  1921.  18p. 
Educational  directory  of  New  Mexico  ...  Santa  Fe, 

1907  1921-22  none  published 

1908-09  108p.  1922-23  none  published 

1909-10  113p.  1923-24  112p. 

1910-11  121p.  1924-25  92p. 

1912-13  none  published  1925-26  93p. 

1913-14  62,  (14) p.  1926-27  104p. 

1914-15  93p.  1926-27  8p. 

1915-16  104p.  1927-28  92p. 

1916-17  121p.  1928-29  none  published 

1917-18  127p.  1929-30  57p. 

1918-19  120p.  1930-31  67p. 

1919-20  126p.  1931-32  none  published 

1920-21 142p.  1932-33  none  published 


CHECKLIST  311 

1933-34  none  published  1940-41  none  published 

1934-35  none  published  1941-42  ( 16 )  p. 

1935-36  71p.  1942-43  none  published 

1936-37  none  published  1943-44  17p.  mimeo. 

1937-38  84p.  1942/43-1947/48  none  published. 

1938-39  none  published  1948-49  104p. 

1939-40  none  published 

Title  varies:  1907  Official  school  register;  1908-28  New  Mexico 
educational      directory;     1929 — Educational     directory     of    New 
Mexico 

Educational  research  bulletin,  v.  1-  Nov.  1932-  Santa  Fe,  1932 

v.  1  no.  1  The  age  grade  status  of  the  rural  child  in  New  Mexico 
Public  elementary  schools,  1931-32,  by  George  I.  Sanchez,  1932. 
lip. 

Elementary  schools  and  the  challenge  of  bi-lingualism  by  G.  I.  San- 
chez, n.  p.  1934.  4p.  mimeo. 

Emergency  bulletin  to  Boards  of  education,  superintendents,  principals, 
and  teachers.  April  24,  1917.  (3) p. 

English;  tentative  guides  for  high  school  teachers,  approved  by  New 
Mexico  State  board  of  education.  (Santa  Fe)  Georgia  L.  Lusk, 
superintendent  of  public  instruction  (1945)  209p. 

Examination  questions  with  some  answers  and  information  relating 
to  public  schools.  (Las  Vegas,  1905)  63p. 

Expenditures  of  funds.  Report  of  the  Department  of  Education  to- 
gether with  such  recommendations  as  will  .  .  .  increase  its  effi- 
ciency, n.  p.  n.  d.  19p. 

First  grade  reading  suggestions;  prepared  by  Marie  M.  Hughes.  Santa 
Fe,  1933. 17p.  mimeo. 

Flag  day  one  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
1809-1909;  program  of  exercises,  New  Mexico,  February  twelfth, 
nineteen  hundred  and  nine.  Issued  by  Dept.  of  Public  Instruction, 
Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  Santa  Fe,  1909.  39p. 

Guide  for  teaching  humane  education.  Santa  Fe  (1942).  30p. 

Guide  for  the  teaching  of  defense.  (Santa  Fe),  1942.  32p.    Includes 
bibliographies. 
"Films  for  democracy":  p.  29-32. 

Handbook  for  elementary  schools;  approved  by  N.  M.  State  board  of 
education  rev.  Nov.  1946  (Santa  Fe)  1946.  40p. 

Handbook  for  secondary  schools  approved  by  N.  M.  State  board  of 
education  rev.  Nov.  1944  (Santa  Fe)  1944.  40p. 

Handbook  of  essentials  in  language  arts.  Mrs.  Grace  Corrigan,  State 
superintendent  of  public  instruction.  Issued  by  the  Curriculum 
division  of  the  state  Department  of  education.  Approved  by  the 
state  Board  of  education.  (Santa  Fe)  1942.  38p. 


312  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Handbook  on  organization  and  practices  for  the  secondary  schools. 

Issued  by  H.  R.  Rodgers,  state  superintendent  of  public  instruction, 

Santa  Fe.  Revised  1938.  (Artesia,  New  Mexico,  Advocate  print, 

1938)  19p.  (Bulletin  101) 

Handwriting  instructions;  prepared  with  assistance  of  Mary  J.  Mur- 
phy. Albuquerque,  1937,  54p.  mimeo. 
High  school  course  of  study  in  ...  General  chairman  J.  W.  Diefen- 

dorf,  high  school  visitor,  University  of  New  Mexico.  Mrs.  Georgia 

L.  Lusk,  state  superintendent  of  public  instruction,  Santa  Fe,  1931- 
Bulletin. 

no.  1  Organization  and  administration  of  junior  and  senior  high 
schools.  1931.  28p. 

no.  2  High  school  course  of  study  in  science.  1931.  120p. 

no.  3  High  school  course  of  study  in  social  sciences.  1931.  224p. 

no.  4  High  school  course  of  study  in  English.  1931.  93p. 

no.  5  Course  of  study  in  mathematics  for  secondary  schools.  1922. 
46p. 

no.  6  High  school  course  of  study  in  health  and  physical  educa- 
tion. 1931.  31p. 

no.  7  High  school  course  of  study  in  commercial  education.  1931. 
33p. 

No.  8  High  school  course  of  study  in  foreign  language.  1931.  33p. 

no.  9  (High  school  course  of  study  in  industrial  arts)  Never  pub- 
lished. 

no.  10  High  school  course  of  study  in  home  economics.  1931.  140p. 
High  school  directory,  1939-1940;  comp.  by  J.  W.  Diefendorf,  High 

school  supervisor;  pub.  by  Atanasio  Montoya,  state  superintend- 
ent of  public  instruction.  Santa  Fe,  n.  d.  31p. 
Homemaking:  A  suggested  guide  for  planning  learning  experiences. 

Santa  Fe,  State  dept.  of  education.  (Santa  Fe,  1941)  Iv. 
Loose-leaf;  reproduced  from  typewritten  copy. 
Includes  bibliographies. 
In  the  highland  mountains  of  Europe.    (Switzerland)    Prepared  by 

Marie  M.  Hughes.  Santa  Fe,  n.  d.  21p.  mimeo. 
List  of  books  recommended  for  first  buying  for  reference  material 

and  recreational  reading  for  the  school  libraries  and  schools  of 

New  Mexico.  Prepared  by  the  state  Department  of  education, 

Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico.  Approved  by  the  state  Board  of  education. 

(Santa  Fe)  1940.  174p.   "Prepared  ...  by  Laura  C.  Bailey." 
List  of  suggested  books  for  N.  M.  rural  school  libraries.  Prepared 

under  direction  of  Mrs.  Edna  Rousseau  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  1930.  25p. 

(mimeo) 
List  of  textbooks  adopted  for  basal  use  in  the  first  eight  grades  of 

the  public   schools  .  .  .  during  the  four  year  period  beginning 

June  15,  1911  and  closing  June  15,  1915.  (Santa  Fe,  1911)  8p. 


CHECKLIST  313 

Manual  for  county  institutes  .  .  .  Santa  Fe, 

1907  1915  223p. 

1908  191p.  1916  222p. 

1909  184p.  1921-22  165p. 

1910  196p.  1923-24  140p. 

1911  264p.  1925-26  150p. 
1913-14  254p. 

Manual  for  N.  M.  School  bus  drivers.  A  manual  prepared  for  and 
approved  by  the  State  Division  of  transportation,  Dept.  of  educ.  by 
Ernest  Z.  Martin  and  Marjorie  F.  Martin.  Santa  Fe,  1944.  123p. 

Manual  of  the  common  school  course  of  study  for  the  public  schools  of 
New  Mexico  .  .  .  Santa  Fe, 
1909  206p.  1915  108p. 

1911 150p.  1917  123p.  (Educational  bul.  v.  3#5) 

1913  114p.  1918  103p.  (Educational  bul.  v.  4#3) 

1914  120p. 

Manual   training.   Ten   lessons  in  woodworking   by  W.   Melvin  Fox. 

Santa  Fe,  n.  d.  15p. 
New  Mexico  common  school  course  of  study  .  .  .  Santa  Fe, 

1904  68p.  1920  160p. 

1911  150p.  1921  206p. 

1915  108p.  1923  272p. 
1919  160p. 

Title  varies:  1919-21  New  Mexico  common  schools  course  of  study 
and  some  important  school  laws. 

New  Mexico  course  of  study  for  elementary  schools  .  Issued  by  State 
department  of  education.  Atanasio  Montoya,  superintendent  of 
public  instruction  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  publishing  cor- 
poration, 1930.  790p. 

Minimum  essentials  of  arithmetic.  Issued  by  State  department  of  edu- 
cation. Santa  Fe  (1940)  lOp. 

New  Mexico  program  for  the  improvement  of  instruction.  Study  bul- 
letin no.  1 — Santa  Fe,  N.  M.,  1937- 

no.  1  N.  M.  program  for  the  improvement  of  instruction.  Santa 
Fe,  1936.  136p. 

New  Mexico  public  school  code,  1938  compilation.  Comp.  by  New  Mex- 
ico Legislative  reference  bureau,  Tom  W.  Neal,  director.  Issued 
by  state  Department  of  education.  R.  R.  Rodgers,  state  superinten- 
dent of  public  instruction.  (Santa  Fe?  1938)  128p. 

New  Mexico  public  school  code;  1941  supplement  to  New  Mexico  pub- 
lic school  code,  1938  compilation.  Comp.  and  issued  by  state 
Department  of  education.  Mrs.  Grace  J.  Corrigan,  state  superin- 
tendent of  public  instruction.  (Santa  Fe,  Santa  Fe  press,  inc.,  1941) 
78p. 

New  Mexico  school  code,  including  school  legislation,  as  passed  by  the 


314  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

1931  legislature.  Comp.  and  pub.  by  Georgia  L.  Lusk,  state  sup- 
erintendent of  public  instruction,  1931.  (Santa  Fe  1931)  161p. 

New  Mexico  school  code,  pub.  by  Isabel  Lancaster  Eckles,  superin- 
tendent of  public  instruction.  (Santa  Fe)  1923.  36p. 

New  Mexico  school  code  revised  to  include  session  laws  of  1925.  Pub. 
by  Isabel  Lancaster  Eckles,  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 
(Santa  Fe)  1925.  48p. 

New  Mexico  school  code,  rev.  to  include  session  laws  of  1927.  Comp.  and 
pub.  by  Lois  Randolph,  superintendent  of  public  instruction.  1927. 
Approved  by  Robert  C.  Dow,  attorney  general  (Santa  Fe  1927) 
65p. 

New  Mexico  school  health  manual  for  elementary  teachers.  (Santa  Fe) 
N.  M.  Dept.  of  education,  N.  M.  Dept.  of  public  health,  1947.  58p. 

Oldham,  Mrs.  W.  0.,  Primary  plans.  East  Las  Vegas,  Optic  pub.  co., 
1914.  59p.  on  cover:  Pub.  by  the  N.  M.  Journal  of  education. 

Patriotic  days,  1917  .  .  .  Comp.  by  Florence  E.  Bartlett.  Pub.  by 
Jonathan  H.  Wagner,  state  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 
Santa  Fe  (1917)  27p. 

Plans  and  specifications  for  small  school  buildings,  prepared  by  John- 
ston brothers,  Alma,  Nebraska.  Santa  Fe,  1909.  94p. 

Plans  and  suggestions  for  New  Mexico  rural  school  buildings.  Issued 
by  the  State  department  of  education,  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico. 
Jonathan  H.  Wagner,  state  superintendent  of  public  instruction 
.  .  .  (Santa  Fe,  1920)  (36)p. 

Prescripciones  en  la  constitucion  de  Nuevo  Mexico  tocante  a  escuelas  y 
educacion  y  leyes  de  escuela  aprobadas  por  la  primera  legislatura 
de  estado,  1912.  (Santa  Fe,  Impr.  de  la  voz  del  pueblo,  1912)  60p. 

Prescripciones  en  la  constitucion  de  Nuevo  Mexico  tocante  a  escuelas  y 
educacion  y  leyes  de  escuela  aprobadas  por  la  primera  Legislatura 
de  estado.  Santa  Fe,  (1913)  60p. 

(Program  of  the)  teachers'  meetings  for  discussions  on  Inter- American 
affairs.  Under  the  direction  of  Mrs.  Connie  Garza  Brockette. 
(Santa  Fe)  1945.  (3) p. 

Programs  and  selections  for  the  observance  of  special  days  in  the 
public  schools  of  New  Mexico  .  .  .  1909/10-1911/12.  Santa  Fe, 
N.  M.  (1909-1911) 

1909-10  95p.  (v.  1)  1911-12  89p.  (v.  3) 

1910-11  97p.  (v.  2) 

Progress  report  of  the  instructional  program  for  Jan.  1,  1939,  to  June 
1,  1940  by  Mrs.  Grace  Corrigan,  superintendent  of  public  instruc- 
tion, n.  p.  n.  d.  9p. 

Proposed  program  of  procedure  adopted  by  the  administrative  school 
officials  and  teachers  under  the  auspices  of  the  N.  M.  E.  A.  in  con- 
ference with  the  State  department  of  education  at  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. 
Jan.  9-10,  inclusive,  1919.  Santa  Fe,  1919.  14p. 


CHECKLIST  315 

References  and  outlines  for  the  study  of  some  phases  of  educational 
development,  by  D.  W.  Rockey,  state  supervisor  of  high  schools. 
Santa  Fe,  1924.  (14)p.  (Monograph  no.  10) 

Report  of  public  day  schools.  Enrollment,  supervision,  attendance, 
and  costs.  1924-25  term,  as  compiled  from  the  annual  reports 
of  rural  and  municipal  school  superintendents  and  other  sources. 
Santa  Fe,  1926.  75p. 

Report  of  trends  in  financial  support  of  public  schools  in  New  Mexico. 
Prepared  by  the  educational  plans  and  policies  commission.  1938. 
Artesia,  n.  d.  7p. 

Rules  and  regulations  concerning  certification  of  teachers  .  .  .  Santa 
Fe,  1912.  31p. 

Rules  and  regulations  of  the  New  Mexico  state  Board  of  education 
.  .  .  Rev.  April  10, 1918.  (Santa  Fe,  1918)  18p. 

Rules  and  regulations  of  New  Mexico  state  board  of  education  govern- 
ing the  issuing  of  professional  certificates,  elementary  certificates, 
special  and  institute  conductors'  and  instructors'  certificates,  n.  p. 
n.d.  (15)p.  Plihl! 

Rules  and  regulations  of  New  Mexico  state  Board  of  education  govern- 
ing the  issuing  of  professional  certificates,  elementary  certificates 
special  and  institute  conductors'  and  instructors'  certificates  .  Re- 
vised April  10, 1918,  n.  p.  n.  d.  (18)  p. 

Rules  and  regulations  of  the  New  Mexico  state  Board  of  education  gov- 
erning the  issuing  of  professional  certificates,  elementary  certifi- 
cates, special  and  institute  conductors'  and  instructors'  certificates. 
Revised  to  November  1,  1920.  n.  p.n.  d.  (23)p. 

Rules  and  regulations  of  the  New  Mexico  state  Board  of  education  gov- 
erning the  issuing  of  professional  certificates,  elementary  certi- 
ficates, special  and  institute  conductors'  and  instructors'  certi- 
ficates. Revised  to  June  1,  1921.  n.  p.n.  d.  (24)p. 

Rules  and  regulations  governing  the  certification  of  teachers  in  New 
Mexico,  adopted  by  state  Board  of  education.  January,  1923.  Re- 
vised to  February,  1924.  n.  p.  n.  d.  (4)p. 

Rules  and  regulations  governing  the  certification  of  teachers  in  New 
Mexico  adopted  by  state  Board  of  education  January,  1923.  Re- 
vised to  January,  1927.  n.  p.  n.  d.  (4)p. 

Rules  and  regulations  governing  the  certification  of  teachers  in  New 
Mexico  adopted  by  state  Board  of  education.  Jan.  1923.  Revised 
to  March,  1929.  Santa  Fe,  (1929)  lip. 

Rules  and  regulations  governing  the  certification  of  teachers  in  New 
Mexico  adopted  by  the  state  Board  of  education  June,  1931  .  .  . 
Santa  Fe,  (1931)  lip. 

Rules  and  regulations  governing  the  certification  of  teachers  in  New 
Mexico  adopted  by  the  state  Board  of  education  effective  Septem- 
ber 1,  1936  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  1936.  14p. 


316  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Rules  and  regulations  governing  the  certification  of  teachers  in  New 
Mexico  adopted  by  the  state  Board  of  education ;  effective  Septem- 
ber 1,  1937.  H.  R.  Rodgers,  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 
Santa  Fe,  (1937)  16p. 

Rules  and  regulations  governing  the  certification  of  teachers  in  New 
Mexico  adopted  by  the  state  Board  of  education.  Effective  June  1, 
1940.  Mrs.  Grace  T.  Corrigan,  superintendent  of  public  instruction, 
Santa  Fe.  1940.  16p. 

Rules  and  regulations  governing  the  certification  of  teachers  in  New 
Mexico.  Adopted  by  the  state  board  of  education,  effective  July 
1,  1942.  Santa  Fe,  (1942)  15p. 

Rural  industrial  arts  for  New  Mexico  by  Wm.  T.  Lumpkins  (Santa 
Fe,  1944)  28p.  mimeo. 

Rural  leaflet,  Dec.  1931-1936  ?  Prepared  by  Donald  Mackay.  Santa  Fe, 
1931-1936?  mimeo. 

Rural  school  laws,  prepared  by  Rose  H.  Salyer.  Las  Vegas,  Optic  pub. 
co.  n.  d.  90p. 

Rural  school  plans,  prepared  by  Rose  H.  Salyer,  state  supervisor  of 
rural  schools,  Lois  Randolph,  state  superintendent  of  public  in- 
struction, n.  p.  n.  d.  90p. 

Science;  tentative  guides  for  high  school  teacher  .  .  .  (Santa  Fe)  1946. 
98p.  (Bulletin  no.  5) 

School  directors'  guide,  pt.  1,  Statements  and  citations  of  law.  pt.  2, 
Questions  and  answers  (the  law  simplified) ;  pt.  3,  Forms  and 
blanks.  Santa  Fe,  1910.  54p. 

School  directors'  guide  .  .  .  (2nd  ed.)  prepared  by  the  State  depart- 
ment of  education,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M.  (Albuquerque,  N.  M.,  Press 
of  the  Morning  journal,  1912)  76p. 

pt.  1.  Twelve  school  laws  enacted  by  the  first  state  legislature. — 
pt.  II.  Statements  and  citations  of  law. — pt.  III.  Questions  and 
answers  (the  law  simplified) — pt.  IV.  Forms  and  blanks. 

Social  studies;  tentative  guide  for  high  school  teachers  .  .  .  (Santa 
Fe)  1946.  230p.  (bulletin  no.  3) 

Spanish;  tentative  guide  for  high  school  teachers  .  .  .  (Santa  Fe) 
1946,  49p.  (bulletin  no.  4) 

Specifications  for  school  busses  1939-1940.  Santa  Fe,  (1944)  24p. 

Standard  course  of  study  for  New  Mexico  high  schools  .  .  .  approved 
by  the  State  board  of  education,  with  amendments,  February  4, 
1914.  (Santa  Fe,  1914)  1  leaf. 

Suggested  relationships  for  administration  and  supervision  of  public 
schools,  n.  p.  n.  d.  5p. 

Suggestions  for  an  activity  program  in  the  rural  schools  (by)  Mari- 
anne Geyer.  (Santa  Fe,  19-)  10  leaves,  (mimeo). 

Suggestions  for  program  making,  n.  p.  n.  d.  9p.  (mimeo). 

Suggestions  for  teaching  our  inheritance  of  freedom.  Santa  Fe  (19-) 
20p. 


CHECKLIST  317 

Suggestive  list  of  industrial  equipment  for  New  Mexico  schools.  Pre- 
pared by  L.  C.  Mersf  elder,  state  supervisor  of  industrial  education. 
1916.  (20)p. 

Suggested  textbooks  and  supplementary  material  for  high  schools 
1932-33.  Mrs.  Louise  H.  Coe,  state  high  school  supervisor  (Santa 
Fe,  1933)  18p.  mimeo. 

Supervised  study  for  high  schools.  Santa  Fe,  n.  d.  6p.  mimeo. 

Teaching  a  standard  English  vocabulary  with  initial  reading  instruc- 
tion, by  Marie  M.  Hughes;  issued  by  the  State  dept.  of  education, 
Las  Cruces,  c!932.  178p. 

Teaching  of  literature;  English  bulletin  in  high  schools,  1933.  (10) p. 
mimeo. 

Teaching  vocabulary  to  non-English  speaking  beginners;  worked  by 
E.  W.  Bohr.  n.  p.  n.  d.  14p.  (Supervisory  series  no.  9)  mimeo 

Tentative  guides  for  high  school  teachers,  approved  by  the  New  Mexico 
State  board  of  education,  no.  1-  Santa  Fe,  1945- 
no.  1  English.  1945  209p. 
no.  2  Mathematics.  1946  55p. 
no.  3  Social  studies.  1946  230p. 
no.  4  Spanish.  1946  49p. 
no.  5  Science.  1946  98p. 

Trade  and  industrial  training  .  .  .  ( Santa  Fe) 

pt.  2  Course  of  study  for  high  schools,  n.  p.  n.  d.  5p.  mimeo. 

True  aim  of  industrial  work  (Poster  issued  by  L.  C.  Mersf  elder,  state 
supervisor  of  industrial  education.  Feb.  1,  1916)  (Santa  Fe,  1916) 
Broadside  36^  x  20  cm. 

World  book,  "Around  the  world  with  children,"  second  unit  compiled 
by  Marie  Hughes.  (Santa  Fe,  19-)  (1),  23,  (1)  17p.  mimeo. 


Department  of  education.  Curriculum  division. 

Established  at  the  University  in  1936;  moved  to  the 
Department  of  education  in  1939. 

Annotated  bibliography  of  professional  magazines,  prepared  by  Gallup 
city  school  teachers,  McKinley  county  teachers;  Agnes  Bartlett, 
district  director.  Albuquerque,  State  curriculum  laboratory,  Uni- 
versity of  New  Mexico,  1937.  29p. 

Experiences  in  elementary  classrooms,  Public  schools,  Albuquerque. 
Albuquerque,  State  curriculum  laboratory,  1938.  40p.  mimeo. 

Conservation  of  land  and  water,  a  teaching  unit,  Santa  Cruz  school; 
Sister  Sienna,  teacher.  Albuquerque,  N.  M.  Curriculum  laboratory, 
1938.  27p.  mimeo. 

Handbook  of  essentials  in  language  arts.  Mrs.  Grace  J.  Corrigan,  state 
superintendent  of  public  instruction.  Issued  by  the  Curriculum 


318  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

division  of  the  state  Department  of  education.  Approved  by  the 
state  Board  of  education.  (Santa  Fe?)  1942.  38p. 
Handwriting  instruction,  prepared  with  the  assistance  of  Mary  Jones 
Murphy.   University  of  New   Mexico,   Sept.   1937.   Albuquerque, 
State  curriculum  laboratory,  University  of  New  Mexico,  1937.  54p. 
Materials  of  instruction  .  .  .  Albuquerque,  State  curriculum  labora- 
tory, 1937-1938.  3v. 
mimeo. 

Bibliographies 

Contents. — No.  1  Problems  related  to  equipment  and  materials. 
1937.  168,  23p. 

no.  2  Activities  for  the  non-recitation  period.  1938. 108, 12p. 
no.  3  Sources  of  free  and  inexpensive  materials.  1938.  132p. 
Social  science  bibliographies,  grades  one  through  six.  Albuquerque, 
State  curriculum  laboratory,  1938-39.  6v.  mimeo. 
v.  1 — First  grade  bibliography.  Albuquerque,  1938  6p. 
v.  2 — Second  grade  bibliography.  Albuquerque,  1938  4p. 
v.  3 — Third  grade  bibliography.  Albuquerque,  1938.  lOp. 
v.  4 — Fourth  grade  bibliography.  Albuquerque,  1938. 14p. 
v.  5 — Fifth  grade  bibliography.  Albuquerque,  1939. 14p. 
v.  6 — Sixth  grade  bibliography.  Albuquerque,  1939.  lOp. 
Social  science  program  for  New  Mexico  showing  relationship  of  the 
aspects  of  the  areas  of  living.  Albuquerque,  State  department  of 
education.  Curriculum  division,  1938.  (mimeo.) 

The  teacher  in  a  modern  school,  notes  for  faculty  discussion  by  Corine 
Seeds  .  .  .  Albuquerque,  State  curriculum  laboratory,  1939.  7p. 
mimeo. 

Travel  by  bus  (second  grade  level)  Record  of  exploration  of  an  aspect 
of  the  area.  Transporting  people  and  goods.  Albuquerque,  Cur- 
riculum laboratory,  1939.  39p.  mimeo. 
Suggested  program  for  a  one  room  school.  Albuquerque,  1939.  2p. 

mimeo. 

Suggestions  for  the  reorganization  of  the  social  studies  program  in 
New  Mexico.  Albuquerque,  University  of  New  Mexico  press,  1938. 
45p. 

Upper  grade  social  science  prepared  by  Mrs.  Eunice  Adams.  Santa  Fe, 
1940.  5p.  mimeo.  (bibliography) 

Department  of  education.  Division  of  information  and 
statistics. 

New  Mexico  common  schools;  annual  financial  and  statistical  report  of 
the  State  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 
1930-31.  9p  1932-33.  9p. 

1931-32.  9p.  1933-34.  9p. 


CHECKLIST  319 

Department  of  education.  Division  of  transportation. 

Manual  for  New  Mexico  school  bus  drivers.  A  manual  prepared  for  and 
approved  by  the  state  Division  of  transportation,  Department  of 
education,  by  Ernest  L.  Martin  and  Marjorie  F.  Martin.  Santa  Fe, 
1944.  123p. 

Manual  for  school  bus  drivers;  sound  driving  practices.  Prepared  by 
the  New  Mexico  state  teachers  college  and  the  Division  of  trans- 
portation of  the  Department  of  education,  1940.  23p.  mimeo. 

Regulations  and  reports  for  school  bus  drivers,  1940-41.  Santa  Fe,  n.  d. 
31p. 

Regulations  and  reports  for  school  bus  drivers,  1942-43.  Mrs.  Grace  J. 
Corrigan,  State  superintendent  of  public  instruction.  Santa  Fe, 
n.d.  36p. 

Specifications  for  school  busses,  1939-1940.  Santa  Fe  (1944)  24p. 

Work  book  for  school  bus  drivers  by  E.  L.  Martin.  Prepared  at  the 
New  Mexico  state  teachers  college  for  the  Division  of  transporta- 
tion of  the  Department  of  education.  Santa  Fe,  1940.  27p.  mimeo. 

Dept.  of  education.  Rural  division. 

Supervisory  series.  (Santa  Fe)  1934-35. 

no.  1  Course  of  study  unit  on  Alaska,  prepared  by  Mrs.  Hattie  W. 

Singer.  5p. 
no.  2 

no.  3  School  and  playground  unit  worked  out  by  E.  W.  Bohr.  7p. 
No.  4  School  and  playground  unit  worked  out  by  E.  W.  Bohr.  13, 

7p. 
no.  5 
no.  6 
no.  7  A  course  of  study  unit  on  nature  study  prepared  by  Ellen 

Arledge  (14)  p. 
no.  8 
no.  9  Teaching  vocabulary  to  non-English  speaking  beginners: 

worked  out  by  E.  W.  Bohr.  14p. 
no.  10 
no.  11 

no.  12  Top  unit  for  first  grade  worked  out  by  Sofia  Rodriquez.  4p. 
no.  13  Home  unit  for  first  grade  worked  out  by  Sofia  Rodriquez. 

5p. 
no.  14  Third  grade  transportation  worked  out  by  Mrs.  Jennie  M. 

Gonzalez.  4p. 
no.  15 
no.  16  Third  grade  Indian  unit,  prepared  and  used  by  Mrs.  Nellie 

Harper.  3p. 


320  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Department  of  education.  State  advisory  committee  on 
physical  fitness  for  the  schools  of  New  Mexico. 

Physical  fitness  bulletin  for  secondary  and  elementary  school;  final 
report  of  the  state  committee  on  physical  fitness;  approved  by 
the  State  board  of  education.  (Santa  Fe)  1943.  42p. 


Department  of  game  and  fish. 

Created  in  1903  for  purpose  of  preserving  and  regulating 
the  use  of  game  and  fish  for  public  recreation  and  food 
supply. 

Report 

March  23, 1903-Dec.  1, 1904.  (P.  B.  Otero) 

In  Message  of  M.  A.  Otero  to  the  36th  Legislative  assembly 

Jan.  16, 1905.  Exhibit  "A3"  5p. 
Dec.  1, 1904-Dec.  18, 1906.  (W.  E.  Griffin) 

In  Message  of  H.  J.  Hagerman  to  the  37th  Legislative  assembly. 

Jan.  21, 1907.  Exhibit  no.  10.  lip. 
1909-1910-1911.  88p.  v.  1  (T.  P.  Gable) 
June  11, 1912-Nov.  30, 1914. 116p.  v.  2  (T.  C.  deBaca) 
Dec.  1, 1914-Nov.  30, 1916. 125p.  v.  3  (T.  C.  deBaca) 
Dec.  1, 1916-Nov.  30, 1918.  73p.  4-6  (Theodore  Rouault,  jr.) 
Jan.  1, 1919-Dec.  31, 1920. 16p.  7-8  (T.  P.  Gable) 
Jan.  1, 1921-Dec.  31, 1922.  23p.  9-10  (T.  P.  Gable) 
March  8, 1919-Dec.  31, 1922.  3p.  Supp.  (T.  P.  Gable) 
Dec.  1, 1922-Nov.  30, 1924.  47p.  11-12  (Grace  B.  Melaven) 
Dec.  1, 1924-June  30, 1926.  29p.  13-14  (T.  P.  Delgado) 
*July  1, 1926-June  30, 1928.  p.  19-28. 15-16  (E.  L.  Perry) 
*July  1, 1928-June  30, 1930.  p.  7-28. 17-18  (E.  L.  Perry) 
July  1, 1931-Dec.  31, 1931.  lip.  v.  19  (E.  S.  Barker) 
June  30, 1931-June  30, 1932.  4p.  v.  20  (E.  S.  Barker) 
July  1, 1932-June  30, 1933.  8p.  v.  21  (E.  S.  Barker) 
July  1, 1933-June  30, 1934. 12p.  v.  22  (E.  S.  Barker) 
July  1, 1934-June  30, 1935. 12p.  v.  23  (E.  S.  Barker) 
July  1, 1935-June  30,  1936. 12p.  v.  24  (E.  S.  Barker) 
July  1, 1936- June  30, 1937. 12p.  v.  25  (E.  S.  Barker) 
July  1, 1937- June  30, 1938. 12p.  v.  26  (E.  S.  Barker) 
July  1, 1938-June  30, 1939. 12p.  v.  27  (E.  S.  Barker) 
July  1,  1939-June  30, 1940.  lOp.  v.  28  (E.  S.  Barker) 
July  1, 1940-June  30, 1941. 12p.  v.  29  (E.  S.  Barker) 
July  1, 1941-June  30, 1942. 12p.  v.  30  (E.  S.  Barker) 
July  1, 1942- June  30, 1943. 12p.  v.  31  (E.  S.  Barker) 
July  1, 1943-June  30, 1944. 12p.  v.  32  (E.  S.  Barker) 


*  In  New  Mexico  Conservationist:  v.  2  no.  1  Sept.  1928  and  v.  S  no.  8  July,  1930. 


CHECKLIST  321 

July  1, 1944-June  30, 1945. 12p.  v.  33  (E.  S.  Barker) 

July  1, 1945-June  30, 1946. 12p.  v.  34  (E.  S.  Barker) 

July  1, 1946- June  30, 1947. 12p.  v.  35  (E.  S.  Barker) 

July  1, 1947- June  30, 1948. 15p.  v.  36  (E.  S.  Barker) 

Title  varies:   Dept.  of  game  and  fish,  1903-04;   Fish  and  game 

warden,  1904-1906;  Game  and  fish  warden's  dept.,  1909-1911;  Game 

and  Fish  warden,  1912-1920;  Dept.  of  game  and  fish,  1921- 

July  1-Dec.  31,  1931  report  includes  Report  by  J.  Stokley  Ligon  on  the 
Black  Canyon  Deer  situation  p.  8-11. 

Basic  regulations  .  .  .  effective  Aug.  1,  1948  .  .  .  Santa  Fe,  13  (3) p. 

Birds  of  New  Mexico,  by  Florence  Merriam  Bailey.  Santa  Fe,  1928. 
807p. 

Digest  of  game  and  fish  laws;  April  1,  1938  to  March  31,  1939.  6p. 

Digest  of  hunting  and  fishing  laws  and  regulations,  April  1,  1941  to 
March  31,  1942  and  game  refuge  map.  (Santa  Fe,  1942)  12p. 
(folder) 

Digest  of  hunting  and  fishing  laws  and  regulations  April  1,  1942  to 
March  31,  1943  and  game  refuge  map.  (Santa  Fe,  1943)  12p. 

Digest  of  hunting  and  fishing  laws  and  regulations.  April  1,  1943  to 
March  31,  1944  and  game  refuge  map.  (6) p. 

Digest  of  hunting  and  fishing  laws  and  regulations.  April  1,  1947  to 
March  31,  1948  and  game  refuge  map  .  .  .  (6) p. 

Digest  of  hunting  and  fishing  laws  and  regulations  April  1,  1949  to 
March  31,  1950  and  game  refuge  map.  8  columns. 

Digest  of  laws  and  regulations  relating  to  game  and  fish.  April  1,  1940 
to  March  31,  1941,  and  game  refuge  map.  Santa  Fe  (1941)  6p. 

Game  and  fish  laws  of  New  Mexico;  rev.  and  pub.  by  the  authority  of 
Theo.  Rouault,  jr.  State  game  and  fish  warden.  Santa  Fe,  1917.  36p. 

Game  and  fish  laws  of  New  Mexico;  revised  by  Thomas  P.  Gable  .  .  . 
Santa  Fe,  March  15, 1919.  East  Las  Vegas  (1919)  40p. 

Game  and  fish  laws  and  regulations  effective  from  April  1,  1934.  Mi- 
gratory bird  treaty  act,  Lacy  act,  Duck  stamp  act;  compiled  and 
published  by  the  State  game  commission.  (Santa  Fe,  1934)  71p. 

Game  and  fish  laws  and  regulations;  effective  from  June  15,  1937.  Las 
Vegas,  1937.  83p. 

Game  and  fish  laws  and  regulations,  effective  from  Oct.  1,  1940.  Santa 
Fe  (1940)  93p. 

Game  refuge  map  .  .  .  revised  to  October  1,  1937.  Santa  Fe  (1937) 

Game  refuge  map  .  .  .  revised  to  October  1,  1939.  Santa  Fe  (1939) 

Game  refuge  map  .  .  .  revised  to  Jan.  1,  1948.  Santa  Fe  (1947) 

History  and  management  of  Merriam's  wild  turkey;  J.  Stokley  Ligon 
published  by  N.  M.  Game  and  Fish  Commission  under  Pittman- 
Robertson  Act,  1946.  Albuquerque,  Univ.  of  N.  M.  press,  1946.  84p. 

Hunting  and  fishing  in  New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe  (1940)  (16) p.  (folder) 
at  head  of  title:  Primitive  paradise  for  sportsmen. 

Hunting  and  fishing  in  New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe  (194-)   (16)  p.  folder 


322  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Hunting  and  fishing  in  New  Mexico;  the  primitive  paradise,  n.  p.  n.  d. 

12p. 
Hunting  and  fishing  in  New  Mexico;  where  to  go  and  how  to  get  there. 

Santa  Fe,  1917.  12p. 
Hunting  and  fishing  seasons  and  bag  limits  for  1940.  7p.  (Regulation 

No.  87) 
Hunting  and  fishing  seasons  and  bag  limits  for  1942.  4p.  (Regulation 

No.  110) 
Hunting  and  fishing  seasons  and  bag  limits  for  1943.  4p.  (Regulation 

No.  126) 
Hunting  and  fishing  seasons  and  bag  limits  for  1947.  6p.  (Regulation 

No.  190) 
Hunting  and  fishing  seasons  and  bag  limits  for  1948.  6p.  (Regulation 

No.  214) 
New  Mexico  conservationist.  Sept.  1927-Spring,  1931.  Santa  Fe,  1927- 

1931.  v.  1-4  #1. 
Beginning  July  1931  the  conservationist  and  the  New  Mexico  Highway 

journal  combined  to  form  "New  Mexico." 
New  Mexico  game  and  fish  laws  and  certain  federal  statutes  effective 

from  June  15, 1947.  Santa  Fe,  (1947)  88p. 
Practical  predator  control  featuring  coyote  trapping.  Santa  Fe,  1936. 

16p. 
Upland  game  bird  restoration  through  trapping  and  transplanting  by 

J.  Stokley  Ligon,  Field  biologist,  U.  S.  Fish  and  Wildlife  service 

.  .  .  Albuquerque,  1946.  77p. 
Wild  life  of  New  Mexico;  its  conservation  and  management;  being  a 

report  on  the  game  survey  of  this  state  1926  and  1927  by  J.  Stok- 
ley Ligon.  Santa  Fe,  (1927)  212p. 

Department  of  public  health. 

In  1919,  the  state  health  agency  was  first  established  as 
a  full  time  office.  It  was  then  the  State  department  of  health ; 
in  1921,  it  became  the  Bureau  of  public  health  under  the 
Department  of  public  welfare;  the  Department  of  public 
health  was  officially  created  in  1937. 

Report 

Apr.  25,  1919-Dec.  31,  1920  (v.  1)  (C.  E.  Waller)  in  N.  M.  health 

officer  v.  12  #3-4 

Jan.  1, 1921-Dec.  31, 1922  (v.  2)  6p.  (G.  S.  Luckett)  mimeo 
Jan.  1, 1923-Dec.  31, 1924  v.  3  24p.  (G.  S.  Luckett)  mimeo 
Jan.  1, 1925-June  30, 1926  v.  4  34p.  (G.  S.  Luckett) 
July  1,  1926-June  30,  1928  v.  5  38p.  (G.  S.  Luckett) 
July  1, 1928-June  30, 1930  v.  6  42p.  (G.  S.  Luckett) 


CHECKLIST  323 

July  30,  1930-June  30,  1932  v.  7  29p.  (J.  R.  Earp)  (E&S) 
July  30, 1932-Dec.  1934  v.  8  19,  20p.  (J.  R.  Earp)  (E&S) 
Jan.  1,  1935-Oct.  31,  1936  v.  9  91p.  (J.  R.  Earp)  in  N.  M.  Health 

Off.  v.  6,  no.  4 
Jan.  1,  1937-Dec.  31,  1938  v.  10  61p.   (E.  B.  Godfrey)  in  N.  M. 

Health  Off.  v.  8,  no.  2 
Jan.  1,  1939-Dec.  31,  1940  v.  11  67p.  (J.  R.  Scott)  in  N.  M.  Health 

Off.  v.  9,  no.  1. 
Jan.  1, 1941-Dec.  31, 1941  (v.  12)  49p.  (J.  R.  Scott)  in  N.  M.  Health 

Off.  v.  10,  no.  1 
Jan.  1, 1942-Dec.  31, 1942  (v.  13)  59p.  (J.  R.  Scott)  in  N.  M.  Health 

Off.  v.  11,  no.  1 
Jan.  1,  1943-Dec.  31, 1943  (v.  14)  84p.  (J.  R.  Scott)  in  N.  M.  Health 

Off.  v.  12,  no.  1 

Apr.  25,  1919-Dec.  31,  1944   (v.  15)   81p.   (J.  R.  Scott)  in  N.  M. 
Health  Off.  v.  12,  nos.  3&4 

(Twenty-five  years  of  public  health  in  N.  M.;  in  lieu  of  Annual 
Rep.,  1944) 
Jan.  1,  1945-Dec.  31, 1945  (v.  16)  55p.  (J.  R.  Scott)  in  N.  M.  Health 

Off.  v.  13,  no.  4. 

Jan.  1, 1946-Dec.  31, 1946  (v.  17)  56p.  ( J.  R.  Scott)  in  N.  M.  Health 
Off.  v.  14,  no.  4 

Biennial,  1923/24-1939/40;  annual,  1941 

Report  year  irregular;  1935/36-  issued  in  N.  M.  Health  Officer 
1921  -1935/36  issued  by  Bureau  of  Public  health 
1937/38-  issued  by  Department  of  Public  health 
Un  catecismo  de  salubridad  (4p.) 

The  County  Health  unit,  by  James  R.  Scott  (3) p.  (reprint  from  South- 
western medicine,  for  August,  1931). 

Diphtheria  Immunization  law;  (Chapter  50,  Session  Laws  1943) 
Facts  about  gonorrhea.  Santa  Fe,  n.  d.  (2)  p.  (E&S) 
Facts  about  syphillis.  Santa  Fe,  4  leaves.  (E&S) 
Health  education  bulletins,  no.  1-  Santa  Fe,  1944?- 

No.  1  Cancer  by  James  R.  Scott.  1944  ?  lip.  (E&S) 
Healthful  living  series.  Bulletin,  no.  1-  Santa  Fe,  1940- 

No.  1  Healthful  living  through  the  school  day  and  in  home  and 

community  by  Nina  B.  Lamkin.  1939.  71p. 
Rev.  ed.  1940.  103p. 

Liquified  gas  act  of  1939  and  rules  and  regulations  promulgated  by 
the  State  bd.  of  public  health.  Dec.  15,  1939.  Authorizing  act,  chap. 
155,  Laws  of  1939.  Penalty  of  violation.  31p. 

A  la  madre  encinta;  un  librito  de  informacion  y  consejos,  traducido  por 
John  P.  Flores;  ilustrado  por  Jane  Hathaway.  (Santa  Fe)  1939. 
20p. 
Manteniendo  al  bebe  sano  en  salud;  un  librito  para  las  madres;  tornado 


324 


NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


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CHECKLIST  325 

de  la  publicacion  del  children's  bureau  de  los  Estados  Unidos,  por 
el  Dept.  de  salubridad  publica  de  Nuevo  Mexico;  traducido  por 
John  P.  Flores.  1937. 14p. 

Monthly  report  of  certificates  received  Dec.  21,  1944  to  Jan.  20,  1945. 
1  leaf  mimeo. 

Navajo  Medical  News;  A  house  organ  primarily  devoted  to  keeping 
members  of  our  team  informed  of  developments  in  our  own  health 
work  on  this,  the  largest  Indian  Reservation  in  the  country. 

Morbidity  statistics  bulletin.  Jan.  3,  1948-  (Santa  Fe)  1948-  weekly. 

New  Mexico  Bureau  of  public  health;  surveyed  by  the  Rockefeller 
foundation;  abstract  of  a  report  made  to  the  International  health 
division  by  Platt  W.  Covington  .  .  .  rev.  and  reedited  by  J.  Ross- 
lyn  Earp,  and  reprinted  for  circulation  in  the  state  of  N.  M.  by 
the  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican  pub.  corp.  7p. 

New  Mexico  health  officer,  v.  1-  Santa  Fe,  1931-  quarterly. 

New  Mexico  health  planning  conference.  March  28-29.  Albuquerque, 
1946.  4  leaves.  (Program) 

New  Mexico  Malarial  Control;   State  Bureau  of  Pub.  health  in  co- 
operation with  W.P.A.  and  U.S.P.H.S.  (Santa  Fe,  1936)   (2)v. 
(v.  1)   Mosquitoes  of  New  Mexico,  by  B.  E.  Greiner.  8p.  mimeo. 
(v.  2)  Weed  control;  an  experimental  project  in  chemical  control 
of  aquatic  vegetation.  Report  by  John  Greenbank.  Albuquerque, 
1936.  35p.  mimeo. 

New  Mexico  school  health  manual  for  elementary  teachers.  (Santa  Fe) 
N.  M.  Dept.  of  education,  N.  M.  Dept.  of  public  health,  1947.  58p. 

Nurse-midwife  regulations  for  New  Mexico;  promulgated  by  the  State 
board  of  public  health,  Aug.  4,  1945;  Authorizing  act,  chap.  39, 
Laws  of  1937. 
Penalty  for  violation,  sec.  14,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937. 

Protection  of  wells  (with  plans  showing  the  proper  construction  of 
four  types  of  wells.)  1  leaf. 

Program,  v.  p.  The  association,  1937  v.  12  (Albuquerque)  4p. 

Public  health  laws  of  New  Mexico,  arranged  by  subjects.  Santa  Fe, 
1936.  27p. 

Public  health  Library  list.  Santa  Fe,  n.  d.  6p.  mimeo. 

Monthly  vital  statistics  bulletin.  1930- 

Quarterly  Jan.  1930- Aug.  1947;  monthly  Sept.  1947- 

Regulaciones  para  la  practica  de  la  parteria  promulgado  por  el  cuerpo 
de  estado  de  salubridad  publica,  1937;  ley  autorizante  seccion  4, 
capitulo  39,  Leyes  de  1937;  multa  para  infraccion  sec.  14  cap.  39, 
Leyes  de  1937.  4p. 

Regulations  governing  preservation  disposition,  transportation,  inter- 
ment and  disinterment  of  dead  human  bodies;  promulgated  by  the 
State  board  of  public  health,  March  6,  1948;  Authorizing  act  sec. 
3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937  .  .  .  (4)  p. 


326  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Regulations  governing  railway  sanitation;  adopted  by  the  State  board 
of  public  health,  June  28,  1937;  Authorizing  act  sec.  3,  chap.  39, 
Laws  of  1937.  (12) p. 

Regulations  governing  the  care  of  certain  biological  preparations; 
adopted  by  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937;  Authoriz- 
ing act  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937;  penalty  for  violation  sec. 
14,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  1  leaf. 

Regulations  governing  the  control  of  communicable  diseases;  promul- 
gated by  the  State  board  of  public  welfare;  July  7,  1931  .  .  . 
Santa  Fe,  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican  pub.  Corp.,  (1931)  19p. 

Regulations  governing  the  control  of  communicable  diseases;  adopted 
by  the  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937;  Authorizing 
act  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937;  penalty  for  violation  sec.  14, 
chap.  39,  laws  of  1937.  19p. 

Regulations  governing  the  construction  and  operation  of  swimming 
pools;  adopted  by  the  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937; 
Authorizing  act  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937;  penalty  for  viola- 
tion sec.  14,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  (4)  p. 

Regulations  governing  the  disposal,  interment,  disinterment  and  trans- 
portation of  the  dead;  adopted  by  the  State  board  of  public  health, 
June  28,  1937;  Authorizing  act  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  4p. 

Regulations  governing  the  employment  and  remuneration  of  public 
health  nurses;  adopted  by  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28, 
1937;  amended  by  the  State  board  of  public  health,  Sept.  29,  1942. 
Authorizing  act  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937;  penalty  for  viola- 
tion sec.  14,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  1  leaf. 

Regulations  governing  the  employment  of  sanitarians   (Sanitary  in- 
spectors);  promulgated  by  the   State  board  of  public  welfare, 
March  4,  1935;  Authorizing  acts,  sec.  3,  chap.  117,  Laws  of  1921; 
sec.  3,  chap.  145,  Laws  of  1921.  1  leaf. 
Penalty  for  violation  sec.  10,  chap.  145,  Laws  of  1921.  1  leaf. 

Regulations  governing  the  employment  of  sanitarians  (Sanitary 
inspectors);  adopted  by  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28, 
1937;  Authorizing  act  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  1  leaf. 

Regulations  governing  the  filing  of  a  new  birth  certificate  for  adoption 
cases,  legitimation  of  births  by  subsequent  marriage,  registration 
of  foundlings  and  corrections  of  original  certificates  on  file;  pro- 
mulgated by  the  State  board  of  public  health,  July  6,  1943; 
Authorizing  act  chap.  132,  Laws  of  1943;  penalty  for  violation 
sec.  14,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937  (2) p. 

Regulations  governing  the  grading  and  grade  labeling  of  milk  and 
milk  products;  adopted  by  State  board  of  public  health,  Aug.  18, 
1939;  Authorizing  acts,  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  12p. 

Regulations  governing  the  handling  and  sale  of  shellfish;  adopted  by 
the  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937;  Authorizing  act, 
sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937. 1  leaf. 


CHECKLIST  327 

Regulations  governing  the  heating  and  ventilation  of  tourist  courts, 
tourist  camps,  hotels  and  lodging  houses;  promulgated  by  the 
State  board  of  public  health,  Jan.  22,  1941;  Authorizing  act,  chap. 
167,  Laws  of  1939.  Penalty  for  violation,  chap.  167,  Laws  of  1939. 
Santa  Fe  (3) p. 

Regulations  governing  the  operation  of  sewage  treatment  plants; 
promulgated  by  the  State  board  of  public  welfare,  November  20, 
1922;  Authorizing  acts,  sec.  3,  chap.  117,  Laws  of  1921;  sec.  3, 
chap.  145,  Laws  of  1921.  Penalty  for  violation,  sec.  10,  chap.  145, 
Laws  of  1921.  3p. 

Regulations  governing  the  operation  of  sewage  treatment  plants; 
adopted  by  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937 ;  authorizing 
act,  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  (4)  p. 

Regulations  governing  the  practice  of  midwifery;  promulgated  by  the 
State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937;  Authorizing  act, 
sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937 ;  Penalty  for  violation  sec.  14,  chap. 
39,  Laws  of  1937)  3p. 

Regulations  governing  the  prevention  of  infant  blindness;  adopted  by 
the  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937;  Authorizing  act, 
sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937;  penalty  for  violation  sec.  14,  chap. 
39,  Laws  of  1937.  1  leaf. 

Regulations  governing  the  protection  of  records  of  births  and  deaths; 
promulgated  by  the  State  board  of  public  welfare,  November  20, 
1922;  Authorizing  acts,  sec.  3,  chap.  117,  Laws  of  1921;  sec.  3, 
chap.  145,  Laws  of  1921.  Penalty  for  violation,  sec.  10,  chap.  145, 
Laws  of  1921.  1  leaf. 

Regulations  governing  the  protection  of  births  and  deaths;  adopted 
by  the  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937 ;  Authorizing  act, 
sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937;  penalty  for  violation  sec.  14,  chap. 
39,  Laws  of  1937.  7p. 

Regulations  governing  the  reporting  of  deaths  and  births;  promulgated 
by  the  State  board  of  public  welfare,  November  29,  1922  .  .  . 
Santa  Fe,  State  Record  print,  (1922)  (5) p. 

Regulations  governing  the  reporting  of  deaths  and  births;  adopted  by 
the  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937;  authorizing  act, 
sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  7p. 

Regulations  governing  the  reporting  of  notifiable  diseases  and  acci- 
dents; promulgated  by  the  State  board  of  public  welfare,  Nov.  20, 
1922.  Amended,  March  4,  1935  .  .  .  (4)p. 

Regulations  governing  the  reporting  of  notifiable  diseases  and  acci- 
dents; adopted  by  the  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937; 
Authorizing  act,  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937;  penalty  for  viola- 
tion sec.  14,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  (3) p. 

Regulations  governing  the  sanitation  of  bottle  closures;  adopted  by 
the  State  board  of  public  health,  Feb.  17,  1943;  authorizing  acts, 


328  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937 ;  penalty  for  violation  sec.  14,  chap. 
39,  Laws  of  1937.  1  leaf. 

Regulations  governing  the  sanitation  of  construction  and  other  camps; 
adopted  by  the  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937;  author- 
izing act,  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937  .  .  .  Penalty  for  viola- 
tion, sec.  14,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  (3)  p. 

Regulations  governing  the  sanitation  of  foods  and  food  handling 
establishments  adopted  by  the  State  board  of  public  health,  June 
28,  1937;  authorizing  act,  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  Penalty 
for  violation,  sec.  14,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  (3)  p. 

Regulations  governing  the  sanitation  of  foods  and  food  handling  estab- 
lishments adopted  by  the  State  board  of  public  health,  June  25, 
1942;  authorizing  act,  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  Penalty  for 
violation,  sec.  14,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  (5) p. 

Regulations  governing  the  sanitation  of  public  camp  grounds;  adopted 
by  the  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937;  authorizing  act, 
sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  Penalty  for  violation,  sec.  14, 
chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  (3) p. 

Regulations  governing  the  sanitation  of  public  school  buildings;  pro- 
mulgated by  the  State  board  of  public  health,  April  30,  1920; 
authorizing  act,  sec.  10,  chap.  85,  Laws  of  1919.  Penalty  for  viola- 
tion, sec.  10,  chap.  145,  Laws  of  1921.  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican  pub. 
corp.  (1921)  (3) p. 

Regulations  governing  the  sanitation  of  public  school  buildings, 
adopted  by  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28, 1937;  authorizing 
act,  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  (4)  p. 

Regulations  governing  water  supplies  and  sewage  disposal;  promul- 
gated by  the  state  board  of  health,  Jan.  28,  1920;  authorizing  act, 
sec.  4,  chap.  85,  Laws  of  1919;  sec.  10,  chap.  95,  Laws  of  1919. 
Penalty  for  violation,  sec.  18,  chap.  85,  Laws  of  1919.  3p. 

Regulations  governing  water  supplies  and  sewage  disposal;  adopted  by 
the  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937;  authorizing  act, 
sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  3p. 

Regulations  prohibiting  common  drinking  cups  and  common  towels 
in  public  places;  adopted  by  the  State  board  of  public  health,  June 
28,  1937;  authorizing  act,  sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  Penalty 
for  violation,  sec.  14,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937. 

Regulations  prohibiting  insanitary  toilets  in  certain  places;  promul- 
gated by  the  State  board  of  public  welfare,  Nov.  12,  1923;  author- 
izing acts,  sec.  3,  chap.  117,  Laws  of  1921 ;  sec.  3,  chap.  145,  Laws 
of  1921.  Penalty  for  violation,  sec.  10,  chap.  145,  Laws  of  1921. 
(3)p. 

Regulations  prohibiting  insanitary  toilets  in  certain  places;  adopted  by 
the  State  board  of  public  health,  June  28,  1937;  authorizing  act, 
sec.  3,  chap.  39,  Laws  of  1937.  2p. 


CHECKLIST  329 

Relief  statistics;  Activities  of  the  department.  .  .  .  v.  1-3;  Jan.  1937- 

April,  1939. 
The  vaccination  law,  provision  for  vaccination,  sec.  14,  chap.  39,  S.  L. 

1937.   Subsec.  7  1  leaf. 
Venereal  disease  control  law.  chap.  83,  Session  Laws  1943,  effective 

April  14,  1943.  3p. 
Vital  Statistics  Law.  chap.  132,  Session  Laws  1943,  effective  July  15, 

1943.  1  leaf. 
Weekly  bulletin.  Santa  Fe,  1928-29.   mimeo. 


Department  of  public  health.  Division  of  maternal  and  child 
health. 

Diarrhea  .  .  .   (Santa  Fe)  1948.  (4) p. 

Manual  of  instructions  for  subregistrars;  comp.  under  the  supervision 

of  Billy  Tober,  State  registrar;  rev.  Dec.  1,  1948.  (Santa  Fe,  1948) 

23p.  mimeo. 
Our  baby;  adopted  from  material  developed  by  the  MCH  Division  of 

the  South  Carolina  State  board  of  health.  (Santa  Fe)  n.  d. 
Planning  for  the  baby;  adopted  from  material  developed  by  the  MCH 

Division  of  the  South  Carolina  State  board  of  health.  (Santa  Fe) 

n.  d.  49p. 


Department  of  public  health.  Division  of  vital  statistics. 
Recorded  births  and  deaths.  August,  1947-  (Santa  Fe,  1947- ). 

Department  of  public  welfare. 

Created  in  1937 ;  its  function  is  to  offer  certain  kinds  of 
assistance  and  service  to  people  in  need. 

Biennial  report 

July  1,  1938 — June  30,  1940.  42p.  (Jennie  Kirby)  mimeo. 
Annual  report 

July  1, 1940-June  30, 1941  39p.  (Jennie  Kirby) 

July  1,  1941-June  30,  1942  47p.  (Jennie  Kirby) 

July  1, 1942- June  30, 1943  12p.  (G.  Herkenhoff)  mimeo.          , 

July  1,  1943- June  30,  1944  45p.  (G.  Herkenhoff) 

July  1,  1944- June  30,  1945  63p.  (M.  A.  Hintz) 

July  1, 1945- June  30, 1946  24p.  (M.  A.  Hintz) 

July  1, 1946- June  30, 1947  88p.  (M.  A.  Hintz) 
Activities  of  the  department  of  Public  welfare;  relief  statistics,  see 

Relief  statistics. 


330 


NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


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CHECKLIST  331 

Defense  handbook.  July,  1942.  16p.  mimeo. 

Join  the  CCC  n.  p.  n.  d.  13p. 

Manual  of  statistical  procedures;  rev.  Nov.  1,  1938;  released  Nov.  1, 
1938.  152p.  mimeo. 

Medical  care  policies  and  fee  schedule,  n.  p.  n.  d.  37p. 

New  Mexico  relief  and  security  authority;  Jan.-Nov.  1936.  mimeo. 

New  Mexico  statutes  pertaining  to  children;  1941  compilation,  n.  p.  n.  d. 
184p.  mimeo. 

Public  welfare  act  of  1937;  chap.  18,  Laws  of  1937  as  amended  by  chap. 
133  and  64,  Session  laws  of  1943.  n.  p.  n.  d.  lOp.  mimeo. 

Questions  and  answers  (Santa  Fe,  1942)  7p.  (Jennie  Kirby)  mimeo. 

Questions  and  answers  (Santa  Fe,  1943)  7p.  (G.  Herkenhoff) 

Relief  statistics;  activities  of  the  department  .  .  .  v.  1-  Jan.  1937- 
Santa  Fe,  1937- 

Report  of  food  survey  with  Dept.  of  public  welfare  families.  Albuquer- 
que, n.  d.  28p. 

Rule  for  a  merit  system  of  personnel  administration  in  the  N.  M.  De- 
partment of  public  welfare.  Jan.  15,  1940.  unp.,  with  supp.  data 
July  1,  1942-Mr.  15,  1943. 


Department  of  public  welfare.  Division  of  research  and 
statistics. 

Child  welfare  services  in  New  Mexico;  1944  survey.  Santa  Fe,  1945. 
80p.  mimeo. 

Report  on  general  assistance;  March,  1944.  16p.  mimeo. 

San  Geronimo.  n.  p.  n.  d.  59p.  mimeo. 

Summary  of  state  and  federal  administrative  reviews  of  county  offices. 
Santa  Fe,  1944.  21p.  mimeo. 

Survey  of  medical  care  and  health  status  of  recipients  of  public  assist- 
ance. (Santa  Fe)  1944.  47p.  mimeo. 


Notes  and  Documents 

In  1830  the  Mexican  government  set  forth  as  one  of  its 
objectives  a  program  of  industrialization  and  moderniza- 
tion of  the  vast  terrains  that  comprised  its  territory.  To  di- 
rect this  program  a  governmental  agency  known  as  the 
Banco  de  Avio  Para  Fomento  de  Industria  National  was  es- 
tablished. As  its  name  suggests,  this  was  a  bank  which  pro- 
posed to  utilize  public  funds  as  a  means  of  encouraging  pri- 
vate initiative  to  develop  national  industries.  One  of  the 
first  acts  of  this  bank  was  to  undertake  a  survey  of  existing 
economic  conditions  on  the  agricultural  as  well  as  manu- 
facturing level. 

The  Direction,  or  managing  board,  of  the  bank  was 
anxious  to  have  information  available  on  which  to  base  its 
loans,  and  it  accordingly  drew  up  a  questionnaire  designed 
to  elicit  information  especially  about  cotton,  wool  and  silk, 
but  also  about  bees  and  pottery  clay.  The  taking  of  a  real 
census,  given  the  existing  conditions  of  communications  and 
public  insecurity,  was  out  of  the  question.  However,  the 
bank,  taking  advantage  of  its  official  position,  utilized  the 
administrative  apparatus  of  the  government  and  of  the 
Church  to  distribute  its  questionnaire.  Hundreds  of  copies 
were  sent  to  the  governors  of  the  Mexican  states  and  ter- 
ritories and  to  the  cathedral  chapters  to  be  distributed  to 
subordinate  officers  and  to  prominent  individuals.  Further- 
more, in  order  not  to  overlook  anyone  who  might  have  use- 
ful information,  the  questionnaire  was  published  in  the 
official  newspaper  and  a  general  invitation  was  made  to 
the  enlightened  public  to  submit  replies. 

In  the  course  of  events,  the  questionnaire  came  into  the 
hands  of  residents  of  what  are  now  the  states  of  Texas, 
New  Mexico  and  Arizona.  A  recent  search  of  the  Banco  de 
Avio  papers  in  Mexico  City  has  revealed  the  existence  of  re- 
plies from  Tucson  and  Santa  Fe.  The  Tucson  reply  embraces 
the  peaceful  Indian  settlements  of  the  Gila  River  area  as 
well  as  the  garrison  town  of  Tucson  itself.  The  Santa  Fe 

332 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  333 

answer  provides  information  not  only  on  the  Territory  of 
New  Mexico,  but  also  on  the  town  of  El  Paso,  which  was 
the  birthplace  of  the  eighteen-year-old  Melquiades  Antonio 
Ortega,  who  submitted  the  reply.  A  reply  covering  central 
Texas,  although  promised,  was  apparently  never  submitted. 
The  postmaster  of  Austin,  Samuel  M.  Williams,  in  a  letter 
to  the  Banco  de  Avio,  offered  to  answer  the  questionnaire 
when  time  permitted  but  limited  himself  to  submitting 
samples  of  the  finest  cotton  seed  grown  in  the  Texan  colony.1 
The  directors  of  the  Banco  de  Avio  expressed  appreciation 
for  these  samples  since  they  were  interested  in  selecting  the 
best  cotton  seed  suitable  to  Mexican  growing  conditions.2 

The  two  replies  to  the  questionnaire  from  Tucson  and 
Santa  Fe,  which  are  presented  below  in  translation,  are  of 
interest  if  only  because  of  the  light  they  shed  on  economic 
conditions  of  the  Southwest,  and  because  they  have  remained 
unknown  to  the  students  of  this  area.  The  Tucson  answer, 
which  was  rather  sketchily  and  ungrammatically  written 
by  one  Teodoro  Ramirez,  exists  in  manuscript  as  one  of 
scores  of  replies  from  other  parts  of  Mexico  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Sociedad  Mexicana  de  Geografia  e  Estadistica. 
The  Santa  Fe  reply,  however,  was  printed  in  the  Registro 
Oficial,  the  official  daily  of  the  Mexican  government,  on  May 
9,  1831.  Its  reproduction  here  is  warranted  because  of  the 
general  inaccessibility  of  the  original  and  because  of  its 
considerable  significance  as  a  commentary  on  social  as  well 
as  economic  affairs. 

The  Banco  de  Avio  questionnaire  which  produced  these 
answers  consisted  of  thirty-one  questions  covering  both 
the  agricultural  as  well  as  the  manufacturing  aspects  of 
the  production  of  cotton,  wool,  silk,  wax  and  earthenware.3 
An  opportunity  to  discuss  other  productive  activities  was 


1.  Samuel  M.  Williams  to  Direction  del  Banco  de  Avio,  Villa  de  Austin,  Febru- 
ary 12,  1831.  This  letter  is  in  the  Biblioteca  de  Historia  de  la  Secretaria  de  Hacienda 
and  was  made  available  through  the  kind  assistance  of  its  director,  Sr.  Roman  Beltran. 

2.  Direction  del  Banco  de  Avio  to  Postmaster  of  Austin,  March  23,   1831,  in  the 
manuscript  collection  of  the  Sociedad  Mexicana  de  Geografia  6  Estadistica. 

3.  The  first  six  questions   related  to  cotton   agriculture  and  manufacture ;  ques- 
tions   7-10,    to   wool ;    11-15,    mulberries ;    16-22,    silkworms ;    23-28,    bees ;    29    as    men- 
tioned above  in  the  text;  and  30-31,  to  pottery  clay.  Some  replies,  like  the  Tucson  one 
presented  here,  did  not  adhere  to  this  numeration. 


334  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

given  in  question  twenty-nine.  Samples  of  raw  cotton  and 
wool  were  requested.    R.  A.  P.* 


DOCUMENT  I 

Reply  which  Citizen  Teodoro  Ramirez  gives  to  His  Excellency  the 
Governor  of  the  State,4  in  conformity  to  his  circular  of  January  24 
and  the  invitation  of  the  Direction  of  the  Banco  de  Avio  for  the  pro- 
motion of  national  industry,  and  is  as  follows: 

On  Cotton 

1st.     The  climate  of  this  place  is  suitable  for  its  cultivation. 

2nd.  Its  cultivation  is  established  in  this  presidio  and  in  the  Pima 
pueblos  of  S.  Javier  and  Tucson  in  small  quantity. 

3rd.  The  seed  that  is  sown  is  the  same  as  found  in  the  whole  state 
of  Sonora. 

4.  It  produces  annually  about  10  arrobas.  [One  arroba  equals  25 
Ibs.] 

5.  The  use  which  the  natives  make  of  it  is  in  coarse  mantas  for 
their  clothing  [woven]  on  stakes  instead  of  looms. 

6.  At  the  Gila  river  where  live  the  tribes  of  Pimas,  Papagos  and 
Yumas  who  acknowledge  this  jurisdiction  as  their  head,  the  climate 
is  suitable  for  its  cultivation. 

Its  cultivation  is  established  among  this  people. 

It  produces  annually  according  to  reports  and  calculations  over 
two  thousand  arrobas. 

The  use  this  people  makes  of  it  is  for  coarse  cotton  cloth  of  three 
varas  [one  vara  equals  about  2.8  feet]  in  length  and  two  in  width 
which  they  use  as  covers;  and  their  families  make  some  fine  textiles 
similar  to  the  manta  of  Puebla  for  their  use  as  cotones  and  capositas, 
not  on  looms  but  on  stakes. 

They  export  their  textiles  to  these  nearby  points  in  the  interior, 
and  they  supply  those  of  their  class  who  live  thus  to  the  West  and 
who  do  not  enjoy  the  benefit  of  this  crop  because  their  land  is  not 
suitable  and  because  of  lack  of  knowledge. 

On  Wool 

7.  The  land  is  suitable  for  the  raising  of  sheep. 

8.  Sheep  raising  is  not  established  because  of  the  danger  of  the 
Apache  enemy. 


*  These  documents  were  submitted  for  publication  by  Robert  A.  Potash  who  is 
engaged  in  a  study  of  early  nineteenth  century  Mexican  industrial  history. 

4.  Ramirez  had  been  selected  by  the  Governor  of  Sonora  to  draw  up  the  reply 
to  the  questionnaire  for  his  area,  presumably  because  he  was  qualified  to  do  so.  His 
qualifications,  however,  failed  to  include  a  mastery  of  an  easy  Spanish  prose  style. 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  335 

On  Mulberries 

9.  The  mulberry  tree  is  not  known  in  this  spot. 

On  Silk  Worms 

10.  There  is  no  silk  worm  seed. 

11.  In  summer  time  in  the  alamo  and  willow  trees,  there  have 
been  noticed  certain  pockets  full  of  medium-sized  worms  which  make 
a  texture  of  white  silk  which  when  carefully  gleaned  cleans  very  well 
and  when  spun  on  a  spindle  becomes  a  rich  hard  fiber. 

12.  They  do  not  devote  themselves  to  gleaning  it  in  order  to  de- 
velop it.  In  a  necessity  there  would  be  a  good  supply. 

On  Bees 

13.  In  this  place  no  bees  are  kept. 

14.  There  is  clay  suitable  for  pottery. 

15.  The  use  made  of  it  by  the  natives  is  in  the  ordinary  ware 
which  they  use  for  household  services. 

For  the  advancement  of  the  Peaceful  Tribes  of  the  Gila  River  and 
of  the  Yumas  in  their  labors,  I  am  of  the  following  opinion: 

That  they  be  provided  by  the  Direccion  with  artesans  in  order  to 
manufacture  the  fine  textiles  which  are  consumed  in  the  Republic. 

When  these  Indians,  who  are  in  ignorance,  become  devoted  to  the 
value  and  appreciation  of  their  textiles,  they  will  take  interest  in 
civilization  and  in  short  order  will  become  obedient  to  our  laws. 

This  nation  although  large  in  number — more  than  eighteen  thou- 
sand souls  are  devoted  to  the  trade  of  agriculture,  textiles  and  things 
the  whole  year — is  an  enemy  of  idleness  and  needs  the  knowledge  of 
the  arts  in  order  to  flourish. 

The  land  is  fertile  by  nature  for  every  kind  of  agriculture  because 
of  the  fullness  of  its  river;  its  resources  provide  all  the  conveniences 
for  a  new  reduction  settlement,  and  for  the  advancement  of  the 
Republic. 

According  to  the  attached  certificate,  and  to  the  general  belief  of 
these  inhabitants,  there  are  deposits  of  virgin  gold  in  the  vicinity  of 
these  tribes  next  to  the  Rio  Salado.  If  the  government  or  the  Direccion 
undertook  to  find  them  (which  the  enemy  impedes)  they  could  very 
well  be  uncovered  and  through  their  treasure,  they  could  promote  new 
settlements,  and  in  addition  the  civilization  of  the  tribes,  the  increase 
of  agriculture  and  of  the  weaving  trade;  and  with  the  catechism,  the 
result  would  be  virile  men  or  a  virile  nation  for  the  Mexican  Republic. 
They  are  not  so  because  of  the  obscurity  in  which  they  live. 

This  all  that  I  have  considered  suitable  in  answering  the  questions 
given  by  the  circular  of  December  15  of  last  year  from  the  Direccion 
of  the  Banco  de  Avio  of  arts. 

Tucson,  July  19,  1831. 
(signed)  Teodoro  Ramirez 


336  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

DOCUMENT  II 

Editors  of  the  Registro  Oficial 

Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico 
January  31,  1831 

Worthy  fellow  citizens: 

....  I  want  to  answer  some  of  the  questions  which  the  Direction 
of  the  Banco  de  Avio  Para  Fomento  de  Industria  National  printed 
in  the  Registro  Oficial,  number  96,  on  December  19  of  last  year.  I  am 
a  native  of  the  town  of  El  Paso  del  Norte  in  the  state  of  Chihuahua, 
and  at  present  a  resident  of  New  Mexico  and  therefore  my  replies 
will  embrace  both  my  beloved  birthplace  and  my  adopted  land.  If  you 
judge  it  deserving  of  publication,  please,  gentlemen,  give  this  letter  a 
little  place  in  your  worthy  paper.  I  do  not  wish  to  give  it  the  character 
of  a  communication  to  the  Direction  of  the  bank  both  because  I  am 
without  any  merit  and  also  because  I  wish  to  insert  in  it  some  ideas  in 
passing. 

If  the  laws  which  determine  and  regulate  the  economic  and  judi- 
cial power  of  cities  are  those  which  cause  citizens  to  be  at  ease  in 
their  homes,  to  work  without  anxiety  in  their  shops  and  to  devote 
themselves  with  reasonable  hope  to  agricultural  endeavors,  no  part 
of  our  republic,  I  believe,  demands  the  benign  attention  of  the  supreme 
legislators  more  than  the  territory  of  New  Mexico.  There  the  old 
Spanish  laws  are  seen  [still]  in  force,  many  of  them  incompatible 
with  our  present  federal  system.  The  ayuntamientos  lack  municipal 
funds ;  the  settlements  lack  police ;  the  citizens  lack  individual  security, 
for  in  addition  to  the  invasions  of  the  barbarians,  which  are  not 
imagined,  the  jails  are  insecure  and  so  badly  constructed  that  they 
prevent  the  flight  of  few  delinquents.  Thus  crimes  remain  unpunished 
and  public  vengeance  remains  unsatisfied.  The  lack  of  halfway  trained 
teachers  results  in  the  worthy  youth  reaching  adolescense  lacking  in 
civil  and  religious  knowledge  and  being,  therefore,  incapable  of  resist- 
ing vigorously  the  perversity  of  wicked  men.  This  picture  is  not  exag- 
gerated and  therefore  humanity  demands  active  measures  in  New 
Mexico,  individual  laws  which  would  leave  men  ready  to  devote  them- 
selves to  industry.  I  shall  now  answer  the  questions  of  the  wise  di- 
rectors of  the  bank  with  respect  to  this  territory  and  the  town  of  El 
Paso. 

1st.  This  territory  because  of  its  location  has  a  frigid  climate; 
nevertheless,  in  the  towns  of  Bernalillo  and  Tome,  which  are  located 
to  the  south,  I  have  heard  that  some  individuals  have  succeeded  in 
harvesting  cotton,  but  in  very  limited  quantity.  The  town  of  El  Paso 
has  a  more  temperate  climate  and  consequently  is  suitable  for  the 
cultivation. 

2nd.     In  New  Mexico,  the  cultivation  of  cotton  is  still  not  estab- 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  337 

lished.  In  the  town  of  El  Paso,  most  of  the  poor  [people]  plant  and 
harvest  cotton. 

3rd.     The  class  [of  seed]  is  certainly  not  the  worst. 

4th.  The  quantity  harvested  in  El  Paso  amounted  to  a  little  more 
or  less  than  600  arrobas  annually,  for  although  many  used  to  plant 
and  do  plant  it,  it  is  with  such  a  small  portion  of  seed  that  it  cannot 
be  said  that  many  such  make  a  considerable  amount. 

5th.  The  inhabitants  of  El  Paso  utilize  cotton  by  processing  it 
and  exporting  it  to  this  territory  where  they  sell  it  at  two  reales  the 
Castillian  pound. 

6th.  In  this  territory,  they  use  it  in  yarn,  twist  for  sewing  and 
in  knitting  some  stockings  for  individuals  on  needles.  In  El  Paso,  in 
addition  to  using  it  as  mentioned,  they  weave  very  ordinary  mantas 
with  which  the  poor  people  are  clothed,  and  which  sell  at  three  reales 
the  vara.  They  used  to  weave  annually  before  the  free  import  of  for- 
eign textiles  approximately  1000  pieces  of  thirty  varas  in  length  and 
two  fourths  in  breadth;  now  [the  output]  may  be  half.5 

7th.  The  town  of  El  Paso  is  not  suitable  for  sheep  raising,  both 
because  it  lacks  adequate  pastures  and  because  the  Apaches,  savage 
Indians  who  live  in  the  vicinity,  are  thieves,  every  last  one,  and  they 
don't  permit  it  to  prosper. 

8th.  The  majority  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  territory  [New  Mex- 
ico] are  breeders  and  the  stock  is  the  common  sheep. 

9th.  It  can  be  said  that  in  New  Mexico,  sheep  make  it  possible 
for  the  inhabitants  to  live,  and  without  them  it  would  certainly  be 
uninhabited.  The  principal  commerce  consists  of  the  trading  of  goods 
for  sheep  which  they  drive  in  herds  of  ten  and  twenty  thousand  head 
to  Durango,  Zacatecas  etc.  to  sell  for  cash  and  trading  goods. 

10.  In  this  entire  territory,  the  main  occupation  of  the  poor  in- 
habitants is  the  weaving  of  wool,  for  if  it  were  not  for  this,  everyone 
would  be  ruined  because  of  the  little  [wool]  exported  to  neighboring 
states  and  the  great  amount  that  is  clipped  each  year.  The  textiles 
consist  in  blankets,  zarapes  which  they  call  atilmados,  ordinary  baizes, 
sackcloth,  stockings  and  coverlets  which  the  women  make  and  which 
they  export  to  the  states  of  Sonora,  Durango  etc.  to  trade  them  for 
commercial  goods  and  money. 

11.  I  judge  that  neither  in  New  Mexico  nor  in  the  town  of  El 
Paso  is  the  climate  suitable  for  raising  mulberry  trees,  for  in  the  lat- 
ter place  they  are  not  even  known,  and  in  the  former  [they  know  of] 
only  the  wild  ones  which  they  call  cimarronas  and  which  are  found 
in  the  ravines  of  the  sierras. 

15.  In  neither  of  the  two  places  have  I  noticed  any  inclination 
on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants  to  develop  mulberry  trees,  and  only 


5.  Thh  "free  import  of  foreign  textiles"  refers  to  the  influx  of  English  and 
American  cotton  goods  which  were  able  to  undersell  the  hand-made  Mexican  product 
despite  artificially  high  valuations  and  duties  that  exceeded  40%. 


338  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

in  the  capital  of  the  state  of  Chihuahua  do  I  remember  having  seen 
a  tree  with  black  mulberries  tended;  they  utilized  it  by  selling  the 
fruit. 

16.  I  have  never  seen  silk  worms;  I  believe  that  they  are  not 
known  in  these  regions  and  therefore  I  will  refrain  from  discussing 
the  matter  analytically. 

23.  I  judge  that  the  climate  of  the  town  of  El  Paso  is  suitable  for 
the  growth  of  bees  because  I  have  seen  many  in  this  place,  even  among 
the  large  and  small  houses.  But  I  have  never  observed  them  pursued 
by  other  insects. 

24.  There  is  a  mass  of  vegetation  in  this  town  with  flowers  suit- 
able for  the  maintenance  of  bees;  among  them   [is]   the  one  called 
hediondilla,  which  in  other  places  I  have  heard  called  emperadora,  and 
which  is  very  waxy. 

26.  There  are  no  beehives  in  El  Paso;  however,  regularly  in  the 
old  houses  between  rotted  beams,  the  bees  honey  is  found.  This  is 
called  nest  honey  (de  panal)  and  is  very  tasty.  I  have  heard  that  from 
a  nest  brought  from  Pojoaque,  an  Indian  pueblo  north  of  this  capital, 
Santa  Fe,  an  inquisitive  lady  extracted  a  bottle  of  honey  and  a  half 
pound  of  wax. 

28.  In  view  of  the  above,  I  leave  to  the  consideration  of  the  Direc- 
tion and  of  the  editors  whether  it  is  desirable  or  not  to  give  encourage- 
ment to  this  activity  and  how  it  should  be  done. 

29.  In  addition  to  the  products  mentioned,  there  are  in  this  terri- 
tory various  kinds  of  fine  and  ordinary  woods  which  the  industrious 
spirit  could  utilize  in  different  ways;  but  the  carpenters  of  this  [area] 
only  use  them  to  make  chairs,  cabinets,  beds,  tables  etc.,  all  crude. 
There  is  also  a  variety  of  resins  which  would  be  useful,  and  indeed 
very  useful  to  the  dyers  of  whom  there  are  some  bad  ones  in  this 
territory. 

In  my  opinion  the  bison,  which  is  very  abundant  in  this  region, 
would  yield  it  added  benefits  if  they  tried  to  domesticate  some  pairs, 
for  the  bison  is  the  size  of  an  ox,  but  more  fleshy,  with  a  long  wooly 
hair  covering  its  entire  skin.  Domesticated,  it  could  be  clipped  each 
year  and  the  wool  could  be  used  with  ingenuity  in  the  manufacture 
of  hats,  woolen  stuffs  etc.  because  it  is  finer  than  sheep's  wool. 

There  are  also  in  New  Mexico  a  multitude  of  mineral  veins  and 
in  many  of  them  there  are  open  excavations.  A  company  of  which 
I  am  a  member  had  ardently  undertaken  since  last  July  the  clearing 
and  working  of  three  old  mines  located  in  Los  Cerillos,  a  place  seven 
or  nine  leagues  distant  from  this  capital.  The  funds  amounted  to 
twelve  hundred  pesos  because  twelve  shareholders  joined  at  one  hun- 
dred pesos  each.  In  the  month  of  October,  the  Tiro  mine  was  already 
cleared.  This  is  the  one  which  promises  the  most  reasonable  hopes; 
it  is  about  eighty  varas  deep,  and  it  will  have  about  ten  varas  of 
slope;  also  a  shaft  perfectly  sunk  since  it  is  a  little  less  than  two 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  339 

varas  distant  from  the  last  workings  of  the  floors,  which  are  the  ones 
that  are  beginning  to  show  water.  The  works  were  suspended  because 
of  the  great  cold  spell  which  set  in  at  the  beginning  of  November. 
Some  attempts  made  before  then  began  to  cool  off  the  spirits  because 
of  their  bad  success  which  was  due  to  the  lack  of  men  who  knew  the 
business.  I  fear  that  if  they  repeat  them,  and  have  the  same  result, 
the  mine  will  remain  abandoned  in  the  best  state  because  the  limited 
capital  has  already  been  exhausted.  All  the  works  are  clean;  the  mine 
has  been  showing  a  heavy  amount  of  plumbeous  metal,  and  in  the  last 
operations,  a  gravelly  black  with  very  little  lead,  and  it  is  known  that 
it  is  yielding  in  proportion  as  it  is  deepening.  It  is  my  opinion  that  at 
a  ten  or  fifteen  vara  cut  on  the  levels  many  veins  could  be  opened  and 
metal  of  the  first  class  taken  out.  There  are  in  Los  Cerillos  around 
fifty  veins,  all  of  lead.  There  is  permanent  water  a  half  league  away 
and  much  firewood.  The  metal  could  be  carried  on  wagons  from  the 
mines  to  the  banks  of  the  stream  where  there  are  many  good  level 
spots  for  villages.  In  the  environs  there  are  placers  with  a  few  grains 
of  the  finest  gold  on  the  surface  of  the  earth.  Everything  is  as  could 
be  desired,  and  the  only  one  thing  that  you  want  and  cannot  get  are 
skilled  operators.  There  are  none  to  be  had  in  this  entire  territory. 
Also,  there  is  some  need  for  cash,  for  although  there  are  some  people 
who  have  it,  they  are  the  ones  who  lack  the  entrepreneurial  spirit. 

In  Abiquiu,  a  place  around  eighteen  or  twenty  leagues  north-west 
of  this  capital,  there  is  copper  and  that  which  some  poor  people  have 
extracted  proves  it  to  be  unalloyed  since  they  have  fashioned  certain 
kitchen  utensils  by  hammer  [from  it]. 

In  New  Mexico  there  are  no  people  devoted  to  making  experiments 
in  industry  and  this  is  left  to  the  poor,  who  are  compelled  by  necessity 
to  till  the  soil  badly,  and  to  make  the  manufactures  mentioned. 

30.  In  various  parts  of  New  Mexico,  and  in  El  Paso,  there  are 
clays  suitable  for  pottery. 

31.  The   Indians  use  the  clay  to  make  ordinary  pottery  which 
they  paint  black,  white  and  mixed.  They  sell  it  and  it  is  in  general  use 
in  this  territory.  In  El  Paso  they  make  red  ware  because  the  clay  is 
that  color.  In  addition  to  the  common  clays,  I  have  read  that  there  are 
others  worthy  of  attention  because  of  their  quality  and  fineness. 

In  the  pueblo  of  Acoma  in  this  territory  there  is  a  clay  called  barro 
piedra,  black  in  color,  and  with  it  can  be  made  on  a  wheel  every  kind 
of  vessel  for  ordinary  use.  There  are  earths  of  various  colors,  blue, 
green,  yellow,  white,  crimson;  and  in  the  pueblo  of  Zufii,  there  is 
enamel  or  Prussian  blue.  There  are  also  talc,  gypsum,  jasper  in  abun- 
dance, jet,  sulfer,  saltpeter  etc.  The  territory  of  New  Mexico  is  surely 
worthy  of  a  better  fate. 

Please,  gentlemen,  have  the  kindness  to  overlook  my  diffuseness  in 
addressing  you  for  although  it  is  certainly  great,  it  could  not  be  less 
for  the  purpose  I  set  for  myself.  I  already  acknowledged  to  you  the 


340  NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

reason  I  was  moved  to  give  you  this  annoyance.  I  want  my  work  to 
serve  as  a  stimulus  to  other  enlightened  young  men,  principally  those 
of  the  state  where  I  was  born,  so  that  with  their  knowledge  they  may 
contribute  to  fulfilling  the  intentions  of  the  wise  directors  of  the 

bank 

Melquiades  Antonio  Ortega 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  341 

Under  the  editorship  of  Joaquin  Ortega,  the  New  Mexico 
Quarterly  Review  promises  to  add  further  distinction  to  its 
record.  The  two  issues  which  have  already  appeared  are 
marked  by  a  new  vividness  and  verve,  both  in  content  and 
physical  appearance. 

Each  issue  features  in  half-tone  illustration  the  work  of 
a  New  Mexico  artist,  accompanied  by  comment  on  his  work 
by  an  art  critic  or  fellow  artist,  together  with  a  similar  treat- 
ment of  an  outstanding  poet,  under  the  general  editorship 
of  Edwin  Honig.  Articles  of  general  criticism,  literary, 
economic,  and  political,  balance  the  regional  material.  Hence- 
forth the  book  section  will  drop  the  shorter  reviews  in  favor 
of  essay  reviews  of  items  principally  regional  and  a  series  of 
articles  on  New  Mexico  writers  with  occasional  check  lists  of 
their  work.  Lyle  Saunders'  guide  to  the  literature  of  the 
Southwest  continues. 

Helen  Gentry  is  responsible  for  the  new  beauty  in  format 
of  the  magazine.  She  has  slightly  reduced  the  page  size, 
re-designed  both  cover  and  title-page,  improved  the  binding, 
and  used  the  Baskerville  type  of  the  old  New  Mexico  Quar- 
terly Review  to  much  better  advantage.  Printed  as  of  old 
at  the  printing  plant  of  the  University  of  New  Mexico,  this 
quarterly  brings  to  its  readers  all  the  satisfaction  of  a  fine 
piece  of  book-making. — K.  S. 

A  short  biographical  sketch  of  Tom  Baker,  prominent 
citizen  of  Luna  County,  who  died  in  March,  1949,  is  printed 
in  The  Deming  Headlight,  March  18,  1949. 

The  Clovis  News-Journal,  April  24,  1949,  carries  an  his- 
torical item  relating  to  Pancho  Villa,  the  Mexican  leader 
who  led  his  forces  in  a  raid  on  Columbus,  New  Mexico,  in 
1916.  Colonel  Tracy  Richardson  made  Villa  apologize  in 
public  at  the  point  of  a  pistol. 

The  reminiscences  of  Robert  W.  Lewis,  pioneer  New 
Mexican,  have  been  printed  in  the  Albuquerque  Tribune, 
beginning  May  23. 


INDEX 


Academy,  Las  Vegas,  165 

Adjutant   general,   official   publications,    137 

Agriculture,  Apache,   104 ;  in  New  Mexico, 

203ff 

Agua  Colandra  creek,  110 
Aguilar,  Alonso  Rael  de   (1697),  85 
Albuquerque    (1880),   66 
Alchorn,  Tom,  Comstocker,  58 
Allen,  O.,  120 

Alvarez,  Fray  Juan,  custos   (1697),  86 
Alvarez,  Manuel,  276 

Apache  Indians,   95-120 ;  agriculture,    104 
Apron  Full  of  Gold,  rev'd.,  256 
Architects,  publications  of  Board,  145 
Architecture,   283 

Archives,  destruction  of    (Santa  Fe),  264 
Arizona   history,    95-129;    economy    (1831), 

334;  Indians   (1831),  334f 
Art,   religious,   209f 
Arze,    Mauricio,    trader,    175 
Ashley,  Alfred,  66 
Ashley,   Edwin,   75 
Ashley,  Mrs.  George,  67 
Ashley,  Herbert,  75 
Ashley,    Rev.    Jacob    Mills,    letters,    65-76 ; 

156-165;  his  family,   75f 
Ashley,  Walter,  67 ;  163,  165 
Attorney  General,   official  publications,   139 
Auditor,  official  publications,  141 
Ayers,    John,    "A    Soldier's    Experience    in 

New  Mexico,"  259-266 

Baca,  Bartolome,  trader,  212 

Baker,  Tom,  341 

Barbancito,  Navaho  chief,   126 

Barreiro,   Antonio,   quoted,   216 

Beauchamp,  J.  W.,  death,  115  note 

Beavers  in  New  Mexico,  216 

Bennett,  F.  T.,  124 

Bennett,  James  A.,  quoted,  189 

Bishop,  Dr.  Wm.,  64 

Blakeney,  Major  Thomas  J.,  112 

Bleak,    James    G.,    quoted,    180 

Board  of  Equalization,  publications,  144 

Boards,  state,  see  Shelton,  Checklist 

Boggstown,  a  part  of  Raton,  5 

Bonneau,  Lieut.  Richard  Vanderhorst,  26 

Bower's  ranch,  Arizona,  95  note 

Buckland,  Sam,   Nevada  rancher,   59 

Bureau,  state,  see  Shelton,  Checklist 

California  Column    (1862),  259 
California — New  Mexico  trade,  21 7f 
Calhoun,  James  S.  and  education,  274 
Camacho,  Father  Andre's  de  Jesus,  271 


"Camels  in  the  Mines,"  by  Dan  DeQuille, 
54-61 

Canis,  George  F.,  editor,  6 

Cardenas,  Father  Benigno,  his  apostasy,  295 

Carson,   Kit,  262 

Carter,   Sybil,   70 

Carthage,  156  •passim 

Cathedral  at  Santa  Fe,  see  Fray  Angelico 
Chavez 

Catholic  Church  in  New  Mexico,  199ff 

Chapels  in  Santa  Fe,  90 

Chavez,  Fray  Angelico,  "Santa  Fe  Church 
and  Convent  Sites  in  the  Seventeenth 
and  Eighteenth  Centuries,"  85-93 

Checklist,    see   Shelton 

Child  Welfare,  publications  of  Bureau,  148 

Chinese  in  Arizona,  162 

Christmas  in  New  Mexico,   158 

Church  in  New  Mexico,  156,  262;  (1821- 
1860),  284;  and  education,  269;  paint- 
ings, 283;  decline  (1820's),  287;  and 
American  occupation,  289ff;  Weekly 
Gazette  (Santa  Fe)  quoted  re,  293;  and 
Pueblo  Indians,  297 ;  and  state  conflict 
(1850's),  298;  see  Fray  Angelico  Cha- 
vez ;  Congregational,  68 ;  see  Concha,  236 

Civil  War  in  New  Mexico,  259 

Clark,  Orange,  chronicle  by,  178 

Cleland,  Rupert  Glass,  ed.,  Apron  Full  of 
Gold,  rev'd.,  256 

Colorado  river  ferry,  122 

Commission,  state,  see  Shelton,  Checklist 

Communications,  19th  cent.,  New  Mexico, 
218 

Concha,  Colonel  Don  Fernando  de  la,  "Ad- 
vice on  Governing  New  Mexico,"  tr.  by 
Worcester,  236-254 

Congregational  church  (1880),  68 

Connelly,   Governor  Henry,   quoted.   208 

Conrad,  Charles  M.,  Sec.  of  War,  184 

Conservation  resources,   301 

Constitution,  New  Mexico,  134 

Contractor's  licensing  board,  301 

Convent,  see  Fray  Angelico  Chavez 

Convent,  definition  of,  88f 

Cook,  F.  A.,  his  diary,  95-120 

Copper  canyon,  96 

Coronado  Commission,  302 

Cosmetology,  publications  of  Board,  142 

Cox,  J.,  Arizona  pioneer,  100 

Coyner,  David,  The  Lost  Trappers,  174 

Creer,  Leland  Hargrave,  "Spanish-Ameri- 
can Slave  Trade  in  the  Great  Basin, 
1800-1853,"  171-188 

Cubarba  mountain,  109 


343 


344 


NEW    MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


Cubero,  Miguel  de  Sola    (1697),  87 
Cubero,  Gov.  Pedro  Rodriguez,  85 
Cuchilla  Negra,  Apache  chief,  46 
Cupola  peak,   102 
Customs  and  manners,  268 

Davidson,  Levette  J.,  rev.,  Fergusson,  Mur- 
der and  Mystery  ....  77 
Davis,  W.  W.  H.,  quoted,  195  passim 
Dental    examiners,    publications    of    Board, 

142 
Department:  education,  303,  317-320;  game 

and   fish,   320 ;   public  health,    322,   329 ; 

public  welfare,   331 ;  state ;  see  Shelton, 

Checklist 

DeQuille,  Dan,  "Camels  in  the  Mines,"  54-61 
Documents,    New    Mexico,    62-76,    156-165, 

236-254,  334-340 ;  state,  134-155,  223-235, 

300-331;  130 
Drama,  282 

Economy:  Arizona   (1831),  334;  New  Mex- 
ico   (1860's),   260,    334ff 
Education,    156;    (1830-1860),    267   passim; 

dept.  of,  303,  317-320 
El  Paso,  description  (1831),  336ff 
Embalmers,  publications  of  Board,  143 
Emory,  William  H.,  quoted,   197  passim 
Ewell,  Captain  Richard  Stoddert,  47 
Exchange,  see  Meek 
Expositions,   documents,    145f 

Farnum,   Thomas  J.,  quoted,   179 
Fergusson,    Erna,   Murder  and   Mystery   in 

New  Mexico,  rev'd.,  77 
Fernandez,   Father  Agustin,  269 
Ferry,  Colorado  river,  122 
Fisher's   Cienega,   95 
Footprints  on  the  Frontier:  A   History  of 

the  Sisters  of  Saint  Joseph,  by  Thomas, 

rev'd.,   168 
Fort  Floyd,  26 
Fort  Goodwin,   112 
Foster,  Bennett,  rev.,  Haley,  Jeff  Milton.  .  ., 

79 

Game  and  fish   dept.,   documents,   820 

Garcia,  Lagos,  trader,  175 

Garcia,  Manuel,  Alcalde  (1813),  175 

Gazette   (Santa  Fe)   quoted,  281 

Gila  river,  description,  20 

Gird,   Captain,   105 

Godoy,  Juan  Lucero  (1697),  87 

Gorman,  Samuel,  272 

Gottfredson,  Peter,  quoted,  181 

Government    in    New    Mexico     (1789),    see 

Concha,  236 
Green,  Clay,  a  Rough  Rider,  65 


Green,  Richard,  62 

Gregg,   Josiah,   quoted,   214,   279 

Haley,   J.    Evetts,   Jeff   Milton  .  .  .,   rev'd., 

79 

Hamblin,  Jacob,  121  note 
Harkness,  D.  I)..  65 
Health,  dept.  of  public,  322,  329 
Heinrich,  Oswald  J.,  21  note 
Hill,     Joseph     J.,     quotations     from,     175 

passim 

Housing  in  New  Mexico   (1860's),  266 
Hubbard,  H.  A.,  rev.,  Cleland,  Apron  Full 

of  Gold,   256 
Hubbell,  J.  L.,  127 
Hughes,   John  T.,  quoted,   282 
Hurt,  Garland  H.,  Indian  Agent,   182 
Hutcheson,     Austin     E.,     rev.,     Rister,    No 

Man's  Land,  78 

Iguala,   Plan  de,   286 

Immigration,  publications  of  Bureau,  148 
Indian:  affairs,  263,  334ff  (1831)  ;  see  Con- 
cha. 236;  depredation,  193f 
Inspectors,  state,  see  Shelton,   Checklist 

Johnson,   Richard   B.,  rev.,  Meek,   The  Ex- 
change Media  of  Colonial  Mexico,  166 
Jones,  Daniel  W.,  quoted,   179 

Kearny,  S.  W.,  and  the  church,  289f 

Lamy,  Bishop  Jean  Baptiste,  262,  269,  292ff ; 

criticism  of,  296  ;  quoted,  293 ;  to  Father 

John   Roothaan    (1852),  294 
Land  grants,  265 
Lane,  Gov.  W.  C.,  quoted,  268 
Las   Vegas   Academy,    165 
Lazelle's  Creek,  40 
Leon,  Pedro,  trader,  182 
Lewis,      Mary      Caroline      (Mrs.      Richard 

Green),    62 

Lewis,    Robert   W.,    341 
Leyva,   Father  Jose  F.,   269 
Libraries,  in  New  Mexico   (1830-1860),  278 
Licensing  contractors,  301 
Literature  in  New  Mexico  (1830-1860),  276 
Little,  James  A.,  quoted,  193,  214 
Los  Cerrillos,  see  Richard  Green 

McCannon,   Captain,   104 

McCannon,  P.,   114  note 

"McMains,  O.  P.  .  .  ."  by  F.  Stanley,  1-11 

Machebeuf,   Father   Joseph,  and   education, 

269 

Magoffin,    Samuel,    15 
Mail  service    (1860's),  262 
Manufacturing  in   New  Mexico,   206ff 


INDEX 


345 


Marriott,   Alice,   The    Vattey   Below,   rev'd.. 

255 

Martial  law  at  Cimarron    (1884),   8 
Martin,   C.  F.,  editor,  7 
Maxwell  Land  Grant,   Iff 
Meek,  Wilbur  T.,   The  Exchange  Media  of 

Colonial  Mexico,  rev'd.,   166 
Meline,  James  F.,  quoted,  190  passim 
Mestas,    Manuel,    trader    to    Utah    Indians, 

174 

Methodist  Mission   for  Navaho,   165 
Mexican  money,  see  Wilbur  T.  Meek,  166 
Mexican   period,    334   passim 
Military:  cost,  184;  see  Concha,  236 
Mining    (1831),   334ff 

Miranda,   Guadalupe,  teacher    (1830's),  269 
Missionary,  Protestant,   157  passim 
Money,  see  Wilbur  T.  Meek,  166 
Mormons,  67,  69,  121 ;  and  slave  trade,  182 
Morral,   Gaston,   119 
Muralter,  Julius    (Los  Cerrillos),  63 
Murder    and    Mystery  ....    by    Fergusson, 

rev'd.,   77 
Music  in  New  Mexico    (1830-1860),  276 

Navaho,  campaign  vs.  Apaches,  24  ;  121 

New  Mexico:  map  (1867),  12;  official  pub- 
lications, 130 ;  observations  on,  156 ; 
military  cost  in,  184 ;  assessed  valuation 
(1852),  184f ;  customs  and  manners,  191 
passim;  Indians,  193ff;  (1831),  334  pas- 
sim; slavery  in,  194;  peonage,  196f ; 
Anglo-Spanish  relations,  198f ;  Catholic 
Church,  199ff;  economy,  202,  (1831), 
334ff;  agriculture,  203ff;  manufacturing, 
206ff ;  beaver  trapping,  216  ;  Calif,  trade, 
217f ;  communications,  218 ;  19th  cent, 
wages,  219;  description  (1831),  336f ; 
state  publications,  see  Shelton,  Check- 
list; see  Concha,  236 

"New  Mexico  in  Transition"  by  Rodriguez, 
267-299 

Newspapers,  early,  278  passim;  See  "O.  P. 
McMains.  .  .  ." 

No  Man's  Land,  by  Rister,  rev'd.,  78 

Optometry,  publications  of  Board,   146 
Ortega,     Melquiades     Antonio,     report     on 

New  Mexico   (1881),  336 
Ortiz,    Father    Juan    Felipe,    vicar-general, 

288 
Osteopathy,  publications  of  Board,  146 

Paintings    in    church,    283 

Palace  Hotel,  at  Los   Cerrillos,   63 

Palace  of  the  Governors   (1860's),  260 

Palmer,  Dr.  F.,  63 

Patronage,  royal,   285 


Pattie,   James   Ohio,   quoted,   208 

Peck,  E.,  Arizona  pioneer,  101 

Penitentes,  74 

Peonage,    196f,   261 

People  of  New  Mexico    (1860's),  260 

Perez,  Gov.  Albino,  and  education,  272 

Pharmacy,  publications  of  Board,  147 

Pino,   Pedro,  quoted,  207£ 

Plan  de  Iguala,  286 

Politics   (1830-1860),  297  passim 

Potash,    Robert    A.,    contributes    document, 

334 

Potter,    Elija,    122 
Powell,  J.  W.,  121 
Prices   (1888),  162 
Priestley,   Herbert  I.,   quoted,   211 
Prospecting  in  Arizona,  95  passim 
Protestantism,  157 

Publications,    state,    see    Shelton,    Checklist 
Pueblo  Indian  and  church,  296f 
Pueblo  Viejo  ruins,  112 
"Puritan    and    Apache:    a    Diary,"    F.    D. 

Reeve,  ed.,   12-53 

Quintana,  Nicolas   (1850's),  281 

Quiros,  Captain  Diego  Arias  de   (1698),  88 

Quille,  see  DeQuille 

Ramirez,      Teodoro,      report     on      Arizona 

(1831),  334 

Rascon,  Juan  Rafael,  269 
Read,  Rev.  Henry  W.,  271 
Reeve,  Frank  D.,  ed.,  "Puritan  and  Apache 

.  .  .  .,"    12-53 ;    "War   and   Peace :    Two 

Arizona   Diaries,"   95-129 
Religion  in  New  Mexico,  199ff 
Religious   folk   art,   209f 
Resources,   conservation,   301 
Rigg,  Colonel  at  Fort  Goodwin,  112 
Riley,    Wilford,    106 
Rister,   Carl  Coke,  No  Man's  Land,  rev'd., 

78 
Rodriguez,    Arnold    L.,    "New    Mexico    in 

Transition,"   184-222,  267-299 
Rodriguez,  Francisco   (1697),  87 
Rodriguez,  Jose   (1698),  88 
Rogieri,  Fr.  Donate,  description  of,  277 
Romero,   Francisco    (1698),   88 
Ruxton,    George   F.,   quoted,    199 

St.   Johns,   Arizona,   73 
St.  Michael's  College,  271 
San  Fernando  river,  96  note 
San   Francisco  river,   96 
San  Miguel  church    (Santa  Fe),  90 
Santa   Fe  archives,   destruction,   264 
"Santa  Fe  Church  and  Convent  sites  .  .  .," 
by  Chavez,  85-93 


346 


NEW   MEXICO   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


Santa  Fe  in  1860's,  260,  297;    (1851),  189f 

Santa  Fe  Literary  Club,  281 

Santa  Fe  plaza,  ancient  boundary,  85ff 

Santa  Fe  trade,  212  passim;    (1860's),  266 

Santa  Lucia  springs,  17 

Santa  Rita  Copper  Mine,  33 

Santeros,   209ff 

School  building,  early,  274 

Schools,    156 

Shelton,    Wilma    Loy,    "Checklist    of    New 

Mexico    Publications,"    130-155,    223-235, 

300-331 

Sherwin,  Frank  R.,  9 
Sisters  of  Saint  Joseph,  a  history,   168 
Slave  trade,  see  Creer 
Slavery  in  New  Mexico,  123,  194,  261 
Smead,  Abner,  30 
Smead,  John  Radcliff,  30 
Solono,    156 
"Soldier's  Experience  in  New  Mexico,"  by 

John  Ayers,  259-266 
Solicitudo  ecclesiarum  bull,  287 
Spanish  trail,  174ff 
Spencer,  Samuel,  trapper,  174 
Springerville,    Arizona,    73 
Stanley,   F.,   "O.   P.  McMains  .  .  .,"  1-11 
Stout,  S.  D.,  quoted  re  Maxwell  Land  Grant, 

5 

Superstition  in  New  Mexico,  159,  262 
Sus,  Navaho  chief,  127 

Tedlock,  E.  W.,  Jr.,  rev.,  Marriott,  The 
Valley  Below,  255 

Tenney,  Ammon  M.,  diary,  121-129 

Terry,   Nathan,   122 

The  Comet,  established,  3 

The  Exchange  Media  of  Colonial  Mexico, 
by  Meek,  rev'd.,  168 

The  New  Mexico  Press  and  News,  6 

The  Raton  Comet,  established,  4 

The  Raton  Guard,  established,  3 

The  Raton  Range,  see  "McMains,  O.  P.   .   ." 

The  Socorro  Chieftain,  quoted  re  Maxwell 
Land  Grant,  10 

The  Springer  Stockman,  quoted  re  Max- 
well Land  Grant,  8 

The  Valley  Below,  by  Marriott,  rev'd.,  255 

Thomas,  M.  Evangeline,  Footprints  on  the 
Frontier:  A  History  of  the  Sisters  of 
Saint  Joseph,  rev'd.,  168 

Tolby,  Rev.  T.  J.,  murder  of,  3 


Tonto  Basin  ruins,  107 

Tonto  peak,  103 

Trade,  Santa  Fe,  212  passim;  see  Concha, 

236 

Trail,  Old  Spanish,  route  of,  177 
Travel,  early,   161 
Train   robbery,    157 
Twitchell,  R.  E.,  criticism  as  historian,  90 

Universalis  ecclesiae  bull,  285 

Utah    Indians,    Spanish    trade    with,    174ff 

Ute  Indian  treaty    (1865),  263 

Valdez,   Gabriel,  15 

Vasquez,  Father  Francisco  P.,  and  patron- 
age   (1825),   286 
Vega,  Cruz,  death   (1875),  3 
Vigilantes,  at  Raton   (1884),  8 
Villa,  Pancho,  341 

Wages  in  New  Mexico,  19th  cent.,  219 
Walker  War,  1853,  cause  of,  183 
Wa-poo-i-ta,  Tonto  Apache  Chief,  102 
"War   and    Peace:    Two   Arizona   Diaries," 

F.  D.  Reeve,  ed.,  95-129 
Water      commissioners,       publications       of 

Board,   147 

Weaving  in  New  Mexico,  206f 
Weekly    Gazette    (Santa    Fe),    quoted,    185 

passim;  re  church,  273 
Welfare,  dept.  of  public,  331 
Westermeier,    Clifford    P.,    rev.,    Footprints 

on  the  Frontier.  .  .,  168 
Wheat  creek,  107 
White  Oaks,    159 
Williams,  Ezekiel,  trapper,  174 
Wolfskill,  William,  trader.  177 
Woolsey,  King  S.,  Arizona  pioneer,  95 
Wootton,  Uncle  Dick,  quoted,  178 
Worcester,     Donald     E.,     tr.,     "Advice     on 

Governing    New    Mexico,"    by    Concha, 

236-254 
Workman,  James,  trapper,  174 

Y.  M.  C.  A.   (1888),  161 

Yount,  George  C.,  trapper,  177 

Ysasi,  Antonio  de  Aguilera   (1698),  88 

Zubiria,  Jose  Antonio,  Bishop  of  Durango, 
287 


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